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The Buhari Administration: Is Patronage Undermining Change?

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By Omoshola Deji

As the four year mandate Nigerians offered President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) approaches half time, mix reactions are trailing the performance of his administration and the efficiency of his appointees.

The robust pre-election crusade that the change agenda would transform Nigeria from wilderness to paradise leaves many wondering why Nigerians should still be drowning in poverty, unemployment and underdevelopment.

The Buhari apologists opine that the stern hardship is the aftereffect of the treasury looting and mismanagement by the Goodluck Jonathan administration.

Oppositely, the Jonathan fanatics and opposition parties orates that PMB is incompetent and his cabinet lacks the proficiency needed to revamp the economy, education, health and infrastructure. They further question whether the change PMB promised Nigerians is positive or negative.

Ignite your interest in this piece as it covers the interest of everyone, irrespective of your political opinion, social association, ethnic affiliation, economic estimation and religious devotion. Before proceeding, let’s curtail ambiguity by approving that political patronage (in-two-words-meaning) denotes – conditional support, post-election reward, unconstitutional immunity, countenancing impunity, unjust persecution, selective prosecution, vote buying, cross carpeting, partisan actions and ethno-religious favouritism.

The word ‘change’ in the theme ‘political patronage undermining change’ serves two purposes. Change connotes the PMB ‘change-agenda’ and a ‘change-in-cabinet’.

In broader terms, we are therefore exploring the extent at which political patronage is undermining the implementation of the PMB change-agenda and secondly, if political patronage is undermining a change in cabinet.

Without a doubt, if the All Progressives Congress (APC) change mantra is a saleable product, the producer’s stupendous wealth would be terribly envied by Dangote.

However, because the mantra emerged as a strategic political strategy, millions of Nigerians subscribed to it and installed Buhari; after he had failed on three attempts. These failed attempts, past leadership experience, Spartan discipline and his stance against corruption foster the selection of Buhari by the political gladiators that teamed up to establish the APC. Buhari emerged president and it soon became glaring that the political gladiators are indeed strange bedfellows.

The struggle for party control, conflicting interests and the allotment of political portfolios override the speedy kick-off of the implementation of the change agenda. The president was confused on who to work with. Cries for recognition, whispers of suggestions and songs of recommendations almost deafened his ears.

Six months after inauguration, PMB released the list of ministerial nominees and the political gladiators began to count their losses. Surprisingly, PMB jettisoned party stalwarts and appointed political inactive persons as the Chief-of-Staff and Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF).

One of the most acknowledged election victory determinant, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, was least patronized by PMB. It then dawn on the widely acclaimed political genius (Tinubu) that his input to the emergence of PMB might be a destiny-shattering political error.

Rather than select Tinubu’s nominations, PMB awarded juicy ministerial portfolios to his estranging political godsons – Babatunde Fashola and Kayode Fayemi. Many wondered why? From observers lens, PMB’s nearest and dearest feels Tinubu is best tamed at the start. They cannot risk him dictating the tunes by planting his mafias in strategic government positions like he did during Fashola’s reign as Lagos governor.

Moreover, PMB’s men most likely feel that his accomplishment, authority and reputation as the former Military Governor of Northeastern State (1975) and Borno (1976), former Federal Commissioner of Petroleum (1976-78) and former Military Head of State (1983-85) would be derided should people conceive his administration is indirectly being piloted by Tinubu, a ‘mere’ elected Senator (1993) and former Lagos State Governor (1999-2007).

Many political pundits are of the opinion that PMB exploited Tinubu and other political gladiators to emerge President. Subsequently, he (PMB) acts his mind that even though Tinubu and most of the political gladiators have never been declared guilty, they are not anti-corrupt. For this reason, PMB resolved that his anti-corruption war and change agenda would be best effected if he does not patronize Tinubu and other political gladiators like Atiku Abubakar, Abubakar Baraje and Bukola Saraki. PMB was determined not to allow patronage undermine change!

Most of the political gladiators either continue lobbying or decide to start strategizing for 2019, but Saraki was distinct. He hauled the party arrangement to emerge as Senate President. One must think twice before blaming Saraki for scoring a political own-goal. Being the son of a prominent businessman and politician, Saraki is among the few who aged seeing governing Nigeria as their birth right, hence, he can only be comfortable when he is leading and not being led.

Just when Saraki thought he has successfully allotted himself Nigeria’s third most powerful position, nemesis came knocking. If political hierarchy be considered, attempts to genuinely prosecute or intentionally sledgehammer Saraki cannot proceed without the nod of PMB. Indeed, change is here! Nigeria’s incumbent Senate President is facing false asset declaration charges in court. Most Nigerians never anticipated such! Saraki is on trial and should he be found guilty, unlike Obasanjo, his own episode would be from power to prison. This clearly points out that PMB is not willing to allow patronage undermines the implementation of his change agenda that focus strongly on fighting corruption.

Let’s now shift focus from PMB’s party men to his cabinet. Just when the war against corruption was earning national applauds and international accolades, the Shehu Sani led Senate Ad-hoc Committee on Mounting Humanitarian Crisis in the North-East indicted the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal, for corruption.

Babachir was accused of awarding inflated contracts to firms he has strong stakes in. He was tackled with damning evidence of – awarding N223 million contract for the removal of invasive plant species; receiving deposits totalling N200 million into the account of Rhola Vision Engineering Limited (his firm) from the company that was awarded the contract; his non-resignation from Rhola Vision (RV) upon the assumption of public office and; him still being a signatory to RV’s account after he later resigned.

Lest I forget, whoever coined the term ‘invasive plant species’ as an alternative term for ‘grass’ is indeed a genius whose intellectualism is been devoured by political brigands to rob the displaced and vulnerable. A serious deliverance session is needed to navigate his intellectualism back to the path of compassionate public service.

After failing to honour the Senate’s invitation and the public awareness of the damning evidence, many thought the fear of being crushed by PMB’s anti-corruption sledgehammer would make Babachir recoil and tactfully articulate his defence. Rather, Babachir arrogantly dismissed the accusative report and declared that the Senate is “talking balderdash”. Nigerians were shocked at such display of confidence and were anxiously expecting PMB to fumigate his inner circle by suspending the SGF in order to pave way for a transparent probe and prosecution. Disappointingly, PMB failed the litmus test by skilfully absolving the SGF of any wrong doing.

If truth be told, the last time Nigerians were that disappointed was when Yakubu Aiyegbeni failed to score into an empty net at the 2010 World-Cup and when ex-president Jonathan increased the price of fuel (from N65-87) on 1 January, 2012.

PMB derided the anti-corruption war by writing a flimsy excuse to the Senate that the SGF was not granted fair hearing. Please be mindful that a Senate investigative hearing invitation was sent to Babachir and his name was listed among those invited by the Senate in the 2 December, 2016 publication of Daily Trust. Till date, Babachir is still occupying the SGF position in a government that her main qualification is anticorruption. Logically, the long-term patronage between Buhari and Babachir appears to be restricting the President from being decisive. Is patronage undermining change?

PMB has hesitate to change his corruption-tainted appointee(s) while opposing figures (like Reuben Abati, Olisah Metuh and Musiliu Obanikoro) with similar accusation and evidence are being subject to investigation, media trial, incarceration and prosecution. Before sentiment shroud your judgment, please imagine how Babachir’s case would have been handled if he served as SGF under ex-president Jonathan and such weighty evidence of corruption surfaced against him. Besides, If Femi Fani Kayode did not cross-carpet into the PDP and he successfully pilot PMB’s campaign to victory like he hoped to do for Jonathan, can you in good conscience vow that he would be answering corruption cases by now?

Let’s reason straight and retest this oppositely! Please take a moment to imagine the extent at which Rotimi Ameachi would have languished in anguish if GEJ had won the presidential election. Having imagined how miserable Amaechi’s life would have been, may I advise that you never brand a political cabal as a saint and taint the other? It is unfortunate that patronage-deciding-prosecution cut across boards, irrespective of political party.

The recent purported release of former Adamawa Governor, James Ngilari, after being found guilty of corruption and sentenced to five years imprisonment shows the extent at which patronage is fertilizing anarchy and deriding the war against corruption.

On the claim that Ngilari was terribly sick, his comrades cajoled the prison officials to illegally issue a letter recommending that he be released to seek medical attention abroad. In what appears conspiratorial, Justice Nathan Musa ordered Ngilari’s release without confirming the authenticity of the documents presented before him. Within an eye twinkle, Ngilari regained freedom without prison break, state pardon or a favorable appeal judgment. Sadly, other individuals convicted for lesser offences and awaiting trial inmates are dying of minor ailments daily, while Ngilari is been flown abroad for treatment with the public funds he stole. Is prisoner-Ngilari a special being?

Not many individuals are considering the irreparable damage Ngilari’s sleaze is inflicting on the Adamawa masses. A lot of women would have lost their lives to maternal mortality; lack of healthcare facilities would have made many families lose their loved ones to minor diseases; the non-motor-able roads would have consumed the lives of many and; unemployment would have frustrated many youths into crime. Most of this unemployed youths are not even employable because the educational system is rotten from nursery to tertiary. Imagine this horrible happenings befalling the Adamawa natives, and by extension Nigerians, because people like Ngilari have pocketed the commonwealth.

It is indisputable that Ngilari’s comrade won’t have the effrontery to commit such villainy if they don’t have the backing of prominent Nigerians and individuals within the corridors of power. Is patronage undermining change?

For how long will patronage continue to undermine change? Arise Buhari!

Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via mo******@***oo.com

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

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Building 234 Solutions: A Response to Everyday Workforce Challenges

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Owoloye Emmanuel 234 Solutions

By Owoloye Emmanuel

Every business starts with a problem. For us, that problem was hiding in plain sight.

Across organisations, we kept seeing HR professionals, payroll teams, and business leaders spend significant time navigating processes that should be simpler. Employee records sat across multiple systems, payroll processes required manual intervention, and routine workforce tasks often became more complicated than they needed to be.

As businesses grow, workforce operations naturally become more complex. Yet many organisations still rely on disconnected tools and workflows that create unnecessary friction for both employers and employees.

The consequence is more than operational inefficiency. HR teams spend valuable time managing systems instead of supporting people. Business leaders struggle to access timely workforce insights, while employees experience delays in processes that should be seamless.

These weren’t isolated challenges. They were recurring realities across workplaces, regardless of industry or size.

That observation led us to a simple question: what if workforce management could be easier?

What if HR, payroll, and workforce operations could work together within a single, connected experience?

That question became the foundation for 234 Solutions.

We are building 234 Solutions with a clear belief that workplace technology should reduce complexity, not add to it. Our goal is to help organisations spend less time navigating processes and more time focusing on productivity, growth, and people.

As we prepare for launch, our focus remains simple: building practical solutions for real workplace challenges and helping organisations create better experiences for the people who power them every day.

Owoloye Emmanuel is the founder of 234 Solutions

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The Role of TV in Preserving African Stories and Identity

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Preserving African Stories

Scroll through social media today, and you will notice something interesting: everyone is either reacting to a series, quoting a movie line, or debating a character as though they personally know them. Beneath the memes and binge-watch culture, however, lies something deeper. Television remains one of the most powerful tools shaping how Africans see themselves, remember their history, and tell their own stories. In a continent as diverse and expressive as Africa, that matters more than ever.

TV as a Cultural Archive, Not Just Entertainment

Long before streaming algorithms began shaping our viewing habits, television was already preserving African identity. From Nollywood dramas that capture the rhythm of everyday Lagos life to documentaries exploring Maasai traditions and Ghanaian folklore, TV has served as a living archive of the continent’s stories.

It preserves more than entertainment; it preserves language, culture, humour, values, and shared experiences. Unlike fleeting social media content, television allows stories to unfold with depth, exploring the realities of family, tradition, ambition, and modern African life without reducing them to stereotypes. That is the power of TV: preserving not just stories, but perspective.

Why Representation on TV Still Matters

There is a subtle but important truth: if people do not see themselves on screen, they may begin to believe their stories are not worth telling. This is why African TV content is more than entertainment; it is affirmation.

Seeing a character who speaks like you, struggles like you, or celebrates like your community does something powerful. It validates identity and challenges outdated narratives that have historically defined Africa through external lenses.

This is where MultiChoice Group, through platforms such as DStv and GOtv, plays an important role. They do not simply broadcast content; they help distribute cultural memory at scale.

GOtv, DStv, and the Everyday African Viewer

Think about a typical evening in many African homes: the TV is on in the background, someone is laughing at a comedy show, another person is watching a local series, and someone else is catching up on the news. That shared viewing experience remains very real.

Through platforms such as DStv and GOtv, African households are exposed to a blend of local storytelling and global content. More importantly, they have helped amplify African-produced content by bringing Nollywood films, African reality shows, talk shows, and documentaries into mainstream rotation.

It is not just about access. It is about visibility.

A young filmmaker in Lagos today is more likely to believe their story matters because they have seen similar stories broadcast widely. A child in Accra grows up hearing familiar accents and seeing environments that look like their own on screen, not as exceptions, but as the norm.

TV Is Also Shaping Modern African Identity

African identity is not static; it is evolving. Television reflects that evolution in real time.

Today, audiences see:

  • Young Africans balancing tradition and modern dating culture

  • Stories tackling mental health in African households

  • Fashion and music influences spreading through TV series

  • Political satire shaping public conversation

Conversations that were once confined to homes are now being explored on screen, giving audiences the language to discuss issues that were previously unspoken.

In many ways, television is doing what oral tradition has always done: passing stories, values, humour, warnings, and history from one generation to the next. The difference is that today’s griots are writers, directors, and broadcasters.

The Future: From Watching to Owning Our Narratives

The next stage of African storytelling is not just about being seen; it is about ownership.

As more African creators produce content and platforms continue to invest in regional storytelling, television becomes more than a mirror. It becomes a tool for shaping how Africa is represented to itself and to the world.

While streaming continues to grow, television, particularly accessible platforms such as GOtv, remains one of the most effective ways to reach everyday audiences across different income levels and regions. After all, storytelling only matters if people can access it.

African stories are not new. They have always existed in families, on streets, in markets, in history books, and through oral traditions. What television has done, and continues to do, is give those stories a stage wide enough for millions to experience them at once.

The next time you watch a local series or documentary on DStv or GOtv, remember that you are not just being entertained. You are participating in the preservation of African identity itself.

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The Future of AI in Nigerian SMEs: Overcoming Barriers to Implementation

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Kehinde Ogundare 2025

By Kehinde Ogundare

Ask a tech entrepreneur in San Francisco what AI means for their business, and they are likely to talk about competitive advantage, product differentiation, and scale. Ask a small business owner in Kano or Onitsha the same question, and the conversation shifts entirely.

For many Nigerian SMEs, the priority is keeping the lights on, managing costs, and finding sustainable ways to grow in a challenging economic environment. This difference in perspective explains why the global AI conversation, often shaped by assumptions about stable infrastructure, deep capital, and abundant technical talent, frequently fails to address the realities facing Nigerian SMEs.

This matters because Nigerian SMEs are not a peripheral concern. In 2024 alone, MSMEs contributed 46.32% to Nigeria’s GDP, accounting for 96.9% of businesses and 87.9% of employment. These businesses are the backbone of the Nigerian economy, and if AI is going to mean anything for Nigeria’s development, it has to work for them in the daily conditions they actually operate in.

However, research drawing on empirical data from 144 Nigerian SMEs found that inadequate infrastructure, low digital literacy, skills shortages, and regulatory gaps are collectively preventing them from meaningfully engaging with AI. Awareness of AI is high and growing. What is missing is a clear and honest conversation about what adoption actually requires in this specific context. The barriers are real, but none of them are insurmountable. The question is whether the tools, pricing models, and support structures being offered to Nigerian SMEs are designed with those barriers in mind, or whether they have been built for another market entirely.

Subscription models making AI affordable for small businesses

When most small business owners hear “AI,” they imagine expensive software, specialist consultants, and a hefty upfront bill.

That assumption is not entirely wrong, but it describes a particular way of buying technology, not AI itself. The shift that makes AI genuinely accessible at the SME level is the move away from large, one-time capital purchases towards tools that charge a predictable monthly subscription. Businesses can pay for what they use, scale back when necessary, and avoid the debt that a major technology investment can create.

The deeper opportunity here is consolidation. Many SMEs are already spending money across multiple disconnected tools—one for invoicing, another for customer records, another for stock tracking—none of which talk to each other. An integrated platform that handles several of these functions together, with AI built in, can actually cost less than the sum of those separate subscriptions while giving business owners a clearer picture of their operations.

With margins already under pressure, any technology a business adopts needs to visibly show an increase in productivity or bottom line. Subscription-based, integrated platforms, priced transparently and honestly, are the model that best fits this reality.

Infrastructure challenges demand a mobile-first approach

No conversation about technology in Nigeria is complete without confronting the infrastructure problem, and AI is no exception. Nigeria continues to face major infrastructure barriers, including limited broadband access, unreliable power supply, and high data costs, all of which constrain deeper AI adoption. These are structural features of the operating environment that any sensible technology strategy must account for today.

The electricity situation alone is significant. The World Bank estimates that the lack of stable electricity costs Nigeria’s economy approximately $26.2 billion annually, equivalent to about 2% of GDP, forcing many businesses to run on expensive diesel generators. That cost ripples outward.

In practical terms, AI tools built for Nigeria cannot assume a stable broadband connection or a computer that is always powered on. The tools that will actually get used are the ones that work on a smartphone, consume minimal data, and can function offline when connectivity drops, syncing back up when it returns. The mobile phone is already how many Nigerian SME owners run their businesses. AI that meets them there, rather than demanding infrastructure they do not have, is AI that has a genuine future in this market.

The direction is clear: build capability from within, using tools that make that possible. Recent AI performance research reveals that 64% of African workers are already actively using AI at work, signalling massive grassroots readiness and driving forward-thinking organisations across Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa to aggressively prioritise internal upskilling frameworks to bridge the talent gap.

As the policy groundwork is being laid, the commercial ecosystem is beginning to respond. What remains is a clear-eyed acceptance that AI tools built for this market need to look different from those built for markets with different realities. Low cost, low bandwidth, and usability for non-technical people are not modest ambitions; they are the actual requirements. Build for those realities, and AI has a real future in Nigeria’s SME economy.

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