Feature/OPED
2019 Senatorial Election: A Testament That Power is Transient
By Omoshola Deji
Nigeria’s huge population and profitable politics make the struggle to occupy public office intense. Many do wrongs to have their way and the incumbents hardly retire. After spending their constitutionally allowed two terms, some power obsessed governors simply retire into the Senate, where members are allowed to spend limitless term.
Governors use the Senate as a safe haven to sustain their political relevance. Not that alone, they handpick a successor and enthrone themselves as political godfathers. The just concluded national assembly elections kick-start the fading of some of these tin-gods into oblivion. The feared giants fell like Goliath. Colossus who were before this time seen as undefeatable were defeated. This piece examines the factors and circumstance that brought about their defeat.
Nigeria runs a bi-cameral legislative house comprising the Senate which has 109 members and a 360 member House of Representatives. The rigor of assessing the circumstances that led to the defeat of political heavyweights in both chambers confined the writer to focus on the Senate.
The Nigerian Senate is the meeting point of political bigwigs. The high number of prominent persons that contested the senatorial election further constricted the writer to focus on a particular class of contestant: the serving and former Governors who lose.
Bukola Saraki
One of the most shocking defeat in the last senatorial election is that of Bukola Saraki. The ex-Governor of Kwara State and Senate President lost in his bid to get reelected into the Senate. The Saraki Empire no one dare confront in the past is being demystified by hurricane ‘o to ge’. On the whole, ‘O to ge’ meaning ‘enough is enough’ is a movement against the reign of Saraki’s political dynasty in Kwara State.
The ‘o to ge’ mantra’s momentum is far-reaching and widely embraced. Kwara South’s longstanding hostility against Saraki made ‘o to ge’ swiftly gain ground in the region. Kwara North’s devastating infrastructure has made the population anti-Saraki, so they quickly embraced the ‘o to ge’ revolution. The hostility between Buhari and Saraki earned ‘o to ge’ patronage, particularly in the outskirt, close to Niger State, where the residents are sympathetic and loyal to the core north. ‘O to ge’ is also widely embraced in Saraki’s stronghold: the North-central, especially Ilorin. The movement keeps gaining momentum as the APC stalwarts have faced Saraki’s disciples’ violence for violence, blood for blood, and money for money.
After ruling Kwara State for eight years and successfully installing his stooge, Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed, Saraki became a godfather and his words became law. Ahmed’s government is widely seen as a continuity of Saraki’s rule. They thus share the accolades of success and the criticisms of either’s shortcomings. Some of the Saraki/Ahmed’s shortcomings that made the ‘o to ge’ revolution successful includes the backlog of unpaid salaries to civil servants and pensioners; Saraki’s alleged complicit in the Offa robbery fiasco; his corruption tainted reputation and trial; the lack of federal support owing to Saraki and Ahmed’s defection from APC to the PDP; and the elites, ex-loyalists and masses revolt against Saraki’s highhandedness, despotism and dynasty.
Many consider Saraki’s defeat as the manifestation of the law of karma, having betrayed his father to seize the political leadership of Kwara State. He leveraged on his father, Olusola Saraki’s extensive support base and political structure to emerge Governor, but later ousted him and enthrone himself as the godfather of Kwara politics. Against his father’s wish, Saraki installed Abdulfatah Ahmed as governor, instead of his sister Gbemisola Saraki. Rumors have it that Saraki’s father cursed him before passing away that he would be disgraced out of politics.
Oh power! Saraki is a big vessel, yet thou hast filled it and shown your transience! The mighty Bukola Saraki has fallen and may never rise again. APC’s Ibrahim Oloriegbe defeated him with 54,814 votes. With Buhari’s reelection, even if Saraki had won, he would have been an ordinary member as the APC would do all to ensure he doesn’t head the 9th Senate.
Hurricane ‘o to ge’ is speedily pulling down Saraki’s dynasty and changing the dynamics of politics in Kwara state. His fast-fall will almost certainly make his choice successor and PDP candidate, Rasak Atunwa, lose the forthcoming gubernatorial election. The encouraging aftereffect of Saraki’s lose is that Nigerians have gained more confidence that they can collapse the dynasty of political godfathers with their votes.
APC fanatics and Bola Tinubu’s apologists’ needs to format their reasoning. It is irrational to abuse the political godfather in Kwara and praise the one in Lagos. The fall of Saraki is a pointer that Tinubu’s fall is not impossible and near. A battle foretold does not kill a wise lame! It’s just a matter of time before Lagosians too shall declare that enough is enough. Saraki’s lose is a big lesson to Tinubu that power is transient and no one reigns forever.
Godswill Akpabio
Former Akwa-Ibom State Governor, Godswill Akpabio suffered an unexpected (but deserved) defeat in the 2019 senatorial election. Akpabio’s lose is not unconnected with his defection from the PDP, the party under which he served as Commissioner and two term Governor. He was later elected Senator in 2015 and became the party’s first Senate Minority Leader despite being a first term lawmaker. The PDP made Akpabio a name, but he defected from the party, accusing her of not rewarding loyalty, apparently because (instead of him) Senate President Bukola Saraki was made the PDP leader when he defected from the APC.
Akpabio ruled like Tsar when he was Governor. He determined who got what and when. He handpicked Udom Emmanuel has his successor and frustrated bigwigs such as Patrick Ekpotu and Nsima Nkere out of the PDP. Akpabio’s bossiness set off a frosty relationship between him and Emmanuel shortly after the latter became Governor. His excesses were unbearable, embarrassing and disrespectful to Emmanuel and his office. Akpabio would at the time make a bold entry into a state event, frolicking with his praise singers, disrupting the program, when the Emmanuel is already seated. The Governor could not tolerate this for long.
The fear of being prosecuted for corruption mainly made Akpabio join the APC. He left PDP for the APC he frustrated Nkere to join and now leading his governorship campaign. Upon defection, Akpabio secured the APC senatorial ticket, boasted he would win by a landslide, but the electorates stopped him. His lose is a testament that no one reigns forever and power is transient. PDP’s Chris Ekpenyong, the then deputy of ex-Governor Victor Attah, defeated Akpabio. The loss was a sweet revenge because Akpabio has not been in good terms with Attah and Ekpenyong, his former principals under whose administration he served as Commissioner.
The ruling APC fooled Akpabio and he fell for it. Confident of winning the North, the APC needed to ensure President Buhari gets a comfortable victory by earning substantial votes in the South-south and South-east, which are PDP strongholds. Upon realizing it would be difficult to win the two regions, APC opt to reduce PDP’s votes by winning over some of her bigwigs. They succeeded in getting Akpabio and Emmanuel Uduaghan, the former Governor of Delta State.
The APC celebrated Akpabio’s defection from the PDP. A special televised rally was organized to welcome him into the party. Akpabio felt happy, honored and was boasting he would bring water out of the rock for the APC. In no distant time, it’ll become clear to Akpabio that the APC only needed him and Uduaghan to destabilize PDP’s stronghold. Now that Buhari has won and they lost their senatorial elections, the APC bigwigs would in a little while frustrated them out of the party.
Akpabio’s name will fade into oblivion, if APC loses the upcoming governorship election in Akwa-Ibom. His unceasing boast of having the capacity to dethrone the incumbent governor has made APC rely strongly on him. The party would ostracize him if Nkere lose. He may be arraigned for corruption as the federal government may withdraw the prosecution amnesty granted to him when he joined the APC. Akpabio lost his senatorial election because the electorates largely sees him as a desperate politician, who because of hunger, sold his birthright for a plate of porridge.
George Akume
Former Governor of Benue State and Senator representing Benue Northwest constituency, George Akume, lost his reelection bid to return to the Senate for the fourth time. PDP’s Orker Jev defeated him with a margin of 42,304 votes.
Akume’s defeat is not unconnected with the lingering supremacy battle between him and Governor Samuel Ortom. The hostility between both heightened when Ortom defected to the PDP over accusations that the APC led federal government is uncommitted to ending the genocidal killings perpetrated by Fulani herdsmen in Benue State. While Ortom was tackling the federal government to live up to the responsibility of ensuring adequate security for his people, Akume was more concerned about remaining in the good books of the federal government. This made him act contrary to his people’s will on many occasions.
Having been in power for twenty uninterrupted years, Akume’s omnipotent boasts made ex-Senate President David Mark and ex-Governor Gabriel Suswam end their political scuffles with Ortom, especially when he joined them in the PDP. Akume vowed to unseat Ortom and reinstate an APC government in the State, but the electorates reward Ortom’s dedication to exterminating their plights and sacked Akume instead.
Akume’s lose is an attestation that, in a democratic system, the strength of the power of the people is more than that of the people in power. The electoral loss of the godfather of Benue politics, despite having federal government’s backing, is a pointer that like life, power is a temporary, transient phenomenon.
Olusegun Mimiko
The former Governor of Ondo State’s loss at the poll is another testament that power is transient. The Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) Ondo Central senatorial candidate – who dropped his presidential ambition to contest for senate – only managed to come third. He scored 56,624 votes, coming behind APC’s Ayo Alasoadura who garnered 57,828 votes and PDP’s Ayo Akinyelure who won with a total of 66,978 votes.
Mimiko’s awful defeat is a lesson to those in power. Just few years ago, Mimiko was so powerful that he won governorship election twice (in 2009 and 2013) under a relatively unknown and weak platform – the Labour Party (LP). Not many imagined that Mimiko’s electoral value would diminish so fast that he’ll lose an ‘ordinary’ senatorial election after letting go his presidential ambition.
Mimiko’s political worth diminished when he abandoned the LP for the PDP. He sacrificed the LP statewide political structure he built and controlled to join the then PDP led federal government, only to face stiff opposition from the Jimoh Ibrahim led faction in the state. His political structure collapsed after his preferred successor, Eyitato Jegede lost the governorship election to incumbent Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of the APC.
Mimiko had the chance to build the Labour Party into a formidable national one, but he bungled that opportunity because of his insatiable thirst for power. He was PDP at the center, but LP at home. The ex-Governor may never rise politically again. He is not in good form to win future elections, except he defects to the ruling APC or opposition PDP.
Abiola Ajimobi
The Governor of Oyo State, Abiola Ajimobi, has fallen on hard times. The two term incumbent – who broke the jinx of governor’s losing reelection after serving a term – couldn’t win a senatorial poll that only covers one-third of his state. His uncouth orations, anti-masses policies, and the arbitrary use of power largely made him lose the election. Oyo indigenes are cultural people who cherishes humbleness and respectful communications, but Ajimobi is ill-mannered. This shortcoming made the masses revolt against him. Oyo natives, like most Yoruba people, especially those in the hinterlands, cherishes respect than money and gifts, even if they are poor. They are experts at decoding the hidden message in communications and does not take insults lightly.
Ajimobi’s inability to gauge his utterances made him lose the admiration of many. He lost public support when he maliciously demolished Yinka Ayefele’s Fresh FM radio. Despite public outcry, an unremorseful Ajimobi arrogantly called Ayefele “a disabled being”. Ajimobi also said “Ayefele shouldn’t be pitied because he’s a cripple. He’s not the first to be”. The Ajimobi-Ayefele saga was interpreted by the masses as a contest between the powerful and the powerless. The masses rose in defense of their fellow defenseless brethren, Ayefele.
Persons who fail to learn from others mistakes end up facing their misfortunes. Uncouth statements made the late Bola Ige and ex-Governor Alao Akala lose elections in Oyo state in 1983 and 2011. Same has now made Ajimobi lose his senatorial race to PDP’s Kola Balogun. Lest one forgets, the insults Ajimobi rained on protesting LAUTECH students’ remained unforgivable in the minds of their parents and families who voted during his senatorial election.
Moreover, Ajimobi’s insistence on restructuring the Ibadan kingship and chieftaincy traditional laws earned him more foes than friends. Many took the utterance that he once used to send Olubadan’s wife on errands to his girlfriends as a deliberate move to publicly ridicule the revered monarch. This act made Ajimobi’s cup of sin overflow. The much craved opportunity to punish him surfaced when he decides to run for senate and the masses utilized it.
Ajimobi’s vow that he would not contest for public positions after his governorship tenure ends was also vehemently used against him. His refusal to take a bow when the ovation was at its loudest earned him a fall.
Ibrahim Dakwambo
The incumbent Governor of Gombe State and former presidential aspirant of the PDP, Ibrahim Dakwambo lost his Gombe-North senatorial constituency election to Sa’idu Alkali of the APC. Aside underperformance, Dakwambo was largely affected by Buhari’s unparalleled acceptability in the North. Conducting the presidential election simultaneously with that of the national assembly made it difficult for the populous, less educated voters to differentiate between Buhari’s presidential and Dakwambo’s senatorial ballot paper. Alkali defeated Dakwambo by a difference of 64,530 votes.
For an incumbent that won governorship election and reelection in 2011 and 2015 to lose a ‘mere’ senatorial election by such a wide margin is a pointer that Dakwambo has lost public confidence and admiration. He came fifth in the 2018 PDP presidential primaries that produced Atiku Abubakar as candidate. Dakwambo’s appointment as Atiku’s campaign coordinator for the Northeast region yielded no positive results. His appeal to the electorates to vote Atiku as President fell on deaf ears. He couldn’t even deliver his Hassan Manzo ward. Buhari scored 457 votes to defeat Atiku who garnered a meagre 80 votes in the ward.
Dakwambo’s serial defeat is an indication that the mighty has fallen and may just never rise again. Ikkyu’s thought is the best advice for Dakwambo: Like vanishing dew, a passing apparition or sudden flash of lightning – already gone – thus should Dakwambo regard himself.
End Notion and Lesson
The strength of power doesn’t depend on its in perpetuity, but on its transience. The hire and fire power of the voter card makes it a crucial weapon the electorates must use to reward or punish the elected, depending on their performance. Nigerian politicians have an insatiable thirst for power, but are un-thirsty for national development and progress. They do all possible to grab power and once it’s theirs, they do all to hold on to it till death do them part.
The loyalty and patronage power commands fade off like a wisp of smoke when it is lost. Power is not worth gaining or retaining by force as its value is sullied by its transiency. People switch allegiance once power is lost. The deposed godfathers would know they have fallen on hard times in the days ahead. Politicians must act right when in power and beyond because their actions or inactions today is tomorrow’s history. The unborn generations will read it and be told. The defeat of those once regarded as undefeatable at the polls is a testament that no king can reign forever; the mighty (like Saraki) has fallen for new ones to arise.
The Second Part
This piece is the concluding part of a twin piece on the transience of power in which the writer analyzed the issues and outcome of the presidential and senatorial elections. The first part appraised Atiku’s inability to regain control of the country he once managed as the second in command. It dissects why he has been unable to retain the loyalty of the bigwigs he once lord over when he was in power.
Although Atiku did not run as a one term ex-President or incumbent, analyzing the piece around the transiency of power was inexorable based on his former capacity as Vice President: a powerful one that allegedly made his boss, President Obasanjo, kowtow for him before winning reelection. To read the piece, please search this platform or Google “2019 Presidential Poll: Is Atiku’s Defeat a Testament that Power is Transient?”
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
Feature/OPED
When Stability Matters: Gauging Gusau’s Quiet Wins for Nigerian Football
By Barr. Adefila Kamal
Football in Nigeria has never been just a sport. It is emotion, argument, nationalism, and sometimes heartbreak wrapped into ninety minutes. That passion is a gift, but it often comes with a tendency to shout down progress before it has the chance to grow. In the middle of this noise sits the Nigeria Football Federation under the leadership of Ibrahim Musa Gusau, a man who has chosen steady hands over loud speeches, structure over drama, and long-term rebuilding over chasing instant applause.
When Gusau took office in 2022, he understood one thing clearly: the only way to fix Nigerian football is to repair its foundations. He said it openly during the 2025 NNL monthly awards ceremony — you cannot build an edifice from the rooftop. And true to that conviction, his tenure has taken shape quietly through structural investments that don’t trend on social media but matter where the future of the game is built. The construction of a players’ hostel and modern training pitches at the Moshood Abiola Stadium is one of the clearest signs of this shift. Nigeria has gone decades without basic infrastructure for its national teams, especially youth and age-grade squads. Gusau’s administration broke that pattern by delivering the first dedicated national-team hostel in our history, a project that signals an understanding that success is not luck — it is preparation.
The same thread runs through grassroots football. The maiden edition of the FCT FA Women’s Inter-Area Councils Football Tournament emerged under this administration, giving young female players a structured platform instead of the token attention they usually receive. These initiatives are not flashy. They do not dominate headlines. But they form the bedrock of any footballing nation that wants to be taken seriously.
Gusau’s leadership has also focused on lifting the domestic leagues out of years of decline. The NFF has revamped professional and semi-professional competitions, working to create consistent scheduling, fair officiating, and marketable competition structures. The growing number of global broadcasting partnerships — something unheard of in the old NPFL era — has brought more eyes, more credibility and more opportunities for clubs and players. Monthly awards for players, coaches and referees have introduced a culture of performance and merit, something our domestic game has needed for years. These are reforms that reshape the culture of football far beyond one season.
Internationally, Nigeria regained a powerful seat at the table when Gusau was elected President of the West African Football Union (WAFU B). This is not a ceremonial achievement. In football politics, influence determines opportunities, hosting rights, development grants, international appointments and the respect with which nations are treated. For too long, Nigeria’s voice in the region was inconsistent. Gusau’s emergence changes that, and it places Nigeria in a position where its administrative competence cannot be dismissed.
His administration has also made it clear that women’s football, youth development and academy systems are no longer side projects. There is a renewed intention to repair the broken pathways that once produced global stars with almost predictable frequency. If Nigeria is going to remain a powerhouse, development must become a machine, not an afterthought.
Still, for many observers, none of this seems to matter because the yardstick is always a single match, a single tournament or a single disappointing moment. Public criticism often grows louder than the facts. Fans want instant results, and when they don’t come, the instinct is to blame whoever is in office at the moment. But this approach has repeatedly sabotaged Nigerian football. Constant leadership changes wipe out institutional memory and scatter reform efforts before they mature. No nation becomes great by resetting its football house every time tempers flare.
Gusau’s leadership is unfolding at a time when FIFA and CAF are tightening their expectations for professionalism, financial transparency and infrastructure. Nigeria cannot afford scandals, disarray or combative politics. We need the kind of administrative consistency that global football bodies can trust — and this is exactly the lane Gusau has chosen. He has not been perfect; no administrator is. But he has been consistent, measured and focused. In an ecosystem that often rewards noise, this is rare.
For progress to hold, Nigeria must shift from the culture of outrage to a culture of constructive contribution. The media, civil society, ex-players, club owners, fan groups — everyone has a role. The truth is that Nigerian football’s biggest enemy has never been the NFF president, whoever he might be at the time. The real enemies are impatience, instability and emotional decision-making. They derail strategy. They kill reforms. They weaken institutions. And they turn football — our greatest cultural asset — into a battlefield of blame.
Gusau’s effort to reposition the NFF is a reminder that real development is rarely glamorous. It is slow, disciplined and often misunderstood. But it is the only route that leads to the future we claim to want: a football system built on structure, modern governance, infrastructure, youth development and global influence. Nigeria will flourish when we start protecting our institutions instead of tearing them down after every misstep.
If we truly want Nigerian football to rise, we must recognise genuine work when we see it. We must support continuity when it is clearly producing a roadmap. And we must resist the temptation to substitute outrage for analysis. Ibrahim Musa Gusau’s tenure is not defined by noise. It is defined by groundwork — the kind that elevates nations long after the shouting stops.
Barr. Adefila Kamal is a legal practitioner and development specialist. He serves as the National President of the Civil Society Network for Good Governance (CSNGG), with a long-standing commitment to transparency, institutional reform and sports governance in Nigeria
Feature/OPED
Unlocking Capital for Infrastructure: The Case for Project Bonds in Nigeria
By Taiwo Olatunji, CFA
Nigeria’s infrastructure ambition is not constrained by vision, but by the financing architecture. The public sector balance sheet, which has been the primary source of financing, has become very tight, while financing from the private sector is available and increasing, with a focus on long-term, naira-denominated assets. Hence, the challenge lies in effectively connecting this capital to bankable projects at scale and with discipline. Project bonds, created, structured and distributed by investment banks, are the instruments required to bridge the country’s infrastructure needs.
The scale of the need is clear. Nigeria’s Revised NIIMP (2020–2043) estimates ~US$2.3 trillion, about US$100bn, a year is required annually for the next 30 years to lift infrastructure to 70% of GDP. Africa’s pensions, insurers and sovereign funds already hold over US$1.1 trillion that can be mobilised for this purpose, but they require new and innovative approaches to enhance their participation in addressing this challenge.
What is broken with the status quo?
Nigeria continues to finance inherently long-dated assets through the issuance of local currency public bonds, Sukuk and Eurobonds. This approach creates a heavy burden on the government’s balance sheet while sometimes causing refinancing risk and FX exposures, where naira cash flows service dollar liabilities. It has also led to the slow conversion of the pipeline of identified projects because many infrastructure projects have not been prepared, appraised and structured to attract the private sector.
Why project bonds and where they sit in the stack
Project bonds are debt securities issued by project SPVs and serviced from project cash flows, typically secured by concessions, offtake agreements, or availability payments. Unlike typical bonds (corporate or government), which are backed by the sponsor’s balance sheets, project bonds are backed by the cash flow generated by the financed project. They often have longer duration, are tradeable, aligned with the long operating life of infrastructure projects and best suited for pension and insurance investors.
Globally, this type of instrument has been used to finance major projects such as toll roads, power plants, and social infrastructure. For example, in Latin America, transportation and energy projects have been financed through project bonds from local and international investors, through the 144A market, a U.S. framework that allows companies to access large institutional investors without going through a full public offering. Similarly, in India, rupee-denominated project bonds have benefited from partial credit guarantees provided by institutions like Crédit Agricole Corporate and Investment Bank, which help lower investment risk and attract more investors.
In practice, project bonds can be structured in two ways: (i) as a take-out instrument, refinancing bank or DFI construction loans once an asset has reached operational stability; or (ii) as a bond issued from day one for brownfield or late-stage greenfield projects where revenue visibility is high, often supported by credit enhancements such as guarantees.
In both cases, the instrument achieves the same outcome: aligning long-term, project cash flows with the long-term liabilities of domestic institutional investors.
The enabling ecosystem is already emerging
1. Nigeria is not starting from zero. Regulatory infrastructure is already in place. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has issued detailed rules governing Project Bonds and Infrastructure Funds, creating standardized issuance structures aligned with global best practice and familiar to institutional investors. The SEC is also mulling the inclusion of the proposed rules on Credit Enhancement Service Providers in the existing rules of the Commission.
2. Market benchmarks are already available. The sovereign yield curve, published by the Debt Management Office (DMO) through its regular monthly auctions, provides a transparent reference point for pricing. This curve serves as the base risk-free rate, against which project bond spreads can be calibrated to reflect construction, operating, and sector-specific risks.
3. The National Pension Commission (PenCom) has revised its Regulation on the investment of Pension Fund Assets, increasing the amount of the country’s N25.9 trillion pension assets to be allocated to infrastructure.
4. InfraCredit has established a robust local-currency guarantee framework, supporting an aggregate guaranteed portfolio of approximately ₦270 billion. The portfolio carries a weighted average tenor of ~8 years, with demonstrated capacity to extend maturities up to 20 years. (InfraCredit 2025)
Why merchant banks should lead
Merchant banks sit at the nexus of origination, structuring, underwriting, and distribution, and they need to work with projects sponsors, financiers and government to develop a pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects. A pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects is important to attract investors as they prefer to invest in an economy with a recognizable pipeline. A pipeline also suggests that a structured and well-thought-out approach was adopted, and the projects would have identified all the major risks and the proposed mitigants to address the identified risks.
This “banks-as-catalysts” model, an economic framework that states banks can play an active and creative role in promoting industrialization and economic development, particularly in emerging markets, can be adopted to structure and mobilise domestic private finance into Infrastructure projects.
Coronation Merchant Bank’s role and vision
At Coronation, we believe the identification, structuring and testing of bankable infrastructure projects are the constraints to mobilization of private capital into the infrastructure space. We bring an integrated platform across Financial Advisory, Capital Mobilization, Commercial Debt, Private Debt and Alternative Financing to identify, structure, underwrite and distribute infrastructure debt into domestic institutions. The Bank works with DFIs, guarantee providers and other banks to scale issuance. Our franchise has supported infrastructure debt issuances via the capital markets, likewise Nigerian corporates and the Government.
From Insight to Execution
If you are considering the issuance of a project bond or you want to discuss pipeline readiness, kindly contact [email protected] or call 020-01279760.
Taiwo Olatunji, CFA is the Group Head of Investment Banking at Coronation Merchant Bank
Feature/OPED
Nigeria’s “Era of Renewed Stability” and the Truths the CBN Chooses to Overlook
By Blaise Udunze
At the Annual Bankers’ Dinner, when the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Yemi Cardoso, recently stated that Nigeria had “turned a decisive corner,” his remark aimed to convey assurance that inflation was decelerating with headline inflation eased to 16.05percent and food inflation retreating to 13.12 percent, the exchange rate was stabilizing, and foreign reserves ($46.7 billion) had climbed to a seven-year peak. However, beneath this announcement, a grimmer and conflicting economic situation challenges households, businesses, and investors daily.
Stability is not announced; it is felt. For millions of Nigerians, however, what they are facing instead are increasing difficulties, declining abilities, diminished buying power, and susceptibilities that dispute any assertion of a steady macroeconomic path.
The 303rd MPC gathering was the most significant in recent times, revealing policies and statements that prompt more questions than clarifications. It highlighted an economy striving to appear stable, in theory, while the actual sector struggles to breathe.
This narrative explores why Cardoso’s assertion of “restored stability” is based on a delicate and partial foundation, and why Nigeria continues to be distant from attaining economic robustness.
Manufacturing: The Core of Genuine Stability Remains Struggling to Survive
A strong economy is characterized by growth in production, increased investment, and competitive industries. Nigeria lacks all of these elements.
The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) expressed this clearly in its response to the MPC’s choice to keep the Monetary Policy Rate at 27 percent. MAN stated that elevated interest rates are now” hindering production, deterring investment, and weakening competitiveness.
Producers are presently taking loans at rates between 30-37 percent, an environment that renders growth unfeasible and survival challenging. MAN’s Director-General, Segun Ajayi-Kadir, emphasized that although stable exchange rates matter, no genuine industry can endure borrowing expenses to those charged by loan sharks.
The CBN’s choice to maintain elevated interest rates is based on drawing foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) to support the naira’s stability. However, FPIs are well-known for being short-term, speculative, and reactive to disturbances. They do not signify long-term stability. Do they represent genuine economic development?
Genuine stability demands assurance, in manufacturing beyond financial tightening. Manufacturers are expressing, clearly and persistently, that no progress has been made.
Oil Output and Revenue: The Engine Behind Nigeria’s Stability Is Misfiring
Nigeria’s oil sector, which is the backbone of its fiscal stability, is underperforming. The 2025 budget presumed:
- $75 per barrel oil price
- 2.06 million barrels per day production
Both objectives have fallen apart. Brent crude lingers near $62.56 under the benchmark. Contrary to the usual explanations, experts attribute the decline not mainly to external shocks but to poor reservoir management, outdated models, weak oversight, and delayed technical decisions.
Engineer Charles Deigh, a regarded expert in reservoir engineering, clearly expressed that Nigeria is experiencing production losses due to inadequate well monitoring, obsolete reservoir models, and technical choices lacking fundamental engineering precision. These shortcomings result directly in decreased revenue. By September 2025:
– Nigeria had accumulated N62.15 trillion from oil revenue
– instead of the N84.67 trillion budgeted.
– In September, the Federal Inland Revenue Service reported a startling 49.60 percent deficit in revenue from oil taxes.
A nation falling short of its main revenue goals by 50 percent cannot assert stability. Instead, it will take loans. Nigeria has taken loans.
A Stability Built on Debt, Not Productivity
Nigeria is now Africa’s largest borrower, and the world’s third-biggest borrower from the World Bank’s IDA, with $18.5 billion in commitments. By mid-2025, the total public debt amounts to N152.4 trillion, marking a 348.6 percent rise since 2023.
From July to October 2025, the government secured contracts for: $24.79 billion, €4 billion, ¥15 billion, N757 billion, and $500 million Sukuk loans. Nevertheless, in spite of these acquisitions, infrastructure continues to be manufacturing remains limited, and social welfare is still insufficient.
Uche Uwaleke, a finance and capital markets professor, cautions that Nigeria’s debt service ratio is “detrimental to growth.” Currently, the government spends one out of every four naira it earns on servicing debts. Taking on debt is not harmful in itself, provided it finances projects that pay for themselves. In Nigeria, it supports subsistence. A country funding today, through the labour of the future, cannot assert restored stability.
The Naira: A Currency Supported by Fragile Pillars
The CBN contends that elevated interest rates and enhanced market confidence have contributed to the naira’s stabilisation. However, this steadiness is based on grounds that cannot endure even the slightest global disturbance. The pillars of a stable currency are:
– Rising domestic production
– Expanding exports
– Reliable energy supply
– Strong security
– A thriving manufacturing base
None of these is Nigeria’s current reality. What Nigeria actually receives is capital from portfolio investors, and past events (2014, 2018, 2020, 2022) have demonstrated how rapidly these funds disappear.
Unemployment: “Stable” Figures Mask a Rising Youth Crisis
The CBN touts a reported unemployment rate of 4.3 percent. However, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), along with economists, cautions that the approach conceals more serious issues in the labour market.
Youth joblessness has increased to 6.5 percent, and the Nigerian Economic Summit Group cautions that Nigeria needs to generate 27 million formal employment opportunities by 2030 or else confront a disastrous labour crisis. The employment crisis is a ticking time bomb. A country cannot maintain stability when its youth are inactive, disheartened, and financially marginalized.
FDI Continues to Lag Despite CBN’s Positive Outlook
During the 2025 Nigerian Economic Summit, NESG Chairman, Niyi Yusuf stated that Nigeria’s efforts to attract direct investment (FDI) continue to be sluggish despite the implementation of reforms. FDI genuinely reflects investor trust, not portfolio inflows. FDI signifies enduring dedication, manufacturing plants, employment, and generating value. Nigeria does not have any of this as of now. An economy unable to draw long-term investments lacks stability.
139 Million Nigerians in Poverty: What Stability?
The recent development report from the World Bank estimates that 139 million Nigerians are living in poverty, and more than half of the population faces daily struggles. This is not stability. It is a humanitarian and economic crisis.
Food inflation continues to stay structurally high. The cost of a food basket has risen five times since 2019. Low-income families currently allocate much, as 70 percent of their earnings to food. A government cannot claim stability when its citizens go hungry.
A Fragile, Failing Power Sector
The power sector, another cornerstone of economic stability, is failing. Over 90 million Nigerians are without access to electricity, which is one of the highest figures globally. Even homes linked to the grid get 6.6 hours of electricity daily. Companies allocate funds to generators rather than to technology, innovation, or growth. Nigeria has now emerged as the biggest importer of solar panels in Africa, not due to environmental goals but because the national power grid is unreliable.
A country cannot achieve stability if it is unable to supply electricity to its residences, industrial plants, or medical centers.
Insecurity: The Silent Pillar Undermining All Economic Policy
Banditry, terrorism, abduction, and militant attacks persist in agriculture, manufacturing, logistics, and investment. Nigeria forfeits $15 billion each year due to insecurity and resources that might have fueled industrial development.
Food price increases are mainly caused by instability, and farmers are unable to cultivate, gather, or deliver their products. Nevertheless, the MPC approaches inflation predominantly as an issue of policy. In a country where insecurity fundamentally hinders the economy tightening policy cannot ensure stability.
Inflation Figures Under Suspicion
Questions have also emerged regarding the reliability of inflation data. Dr. Tilewa Adebajo, an economist, affirmed that the CBN might not entirely rely on the NBS inflation figures, highlighting increasing apprehension. A sharp decrease to 16 percent inflation clashes with market conditions.
Families are facing the food costs in two decades. Costs, for transport, housing rent, education fees, and necessary items keep increasing. Food prices cannot decline when farmers are abandoning their farmlands and fleeing for safety. If inflation figures are manipulated or partial, the stability story based on them becomes deceptive. There is, quite frankly, a significant disconnect between governance and the lived experience of ordinary Nigerians.
Foreign Reserves: A Story of Headlines vs Reality
Even Nigeria’s celebrated foreign reserves require scrutiny. The CBN reported $46.7 billion in reserves. However, a closer examination shows:
– Net usable reserves are only $23.11 billion
– The remainder is connected to commitments, swaps, and debts
Gross reserves make the news. Net reserves protect the currency. The difference is too large to assert that the naira is stable.
Nigeria’s Economic Contradiction: Stability at the Top, Volatility at the Bottom
In reality, Nigeria is caught between official proclamations of stability and lived experiences of volatility. The disparity between the CBN’s account and the actual experiences of Nigerians highlights a reality:
– Macroeconomic changes have failed to convert into improvements in human well-being.
– Nigeria might appear stable officially. Its citizens are experiencing instability in truth.
– Taking on debt is increasing
– Poverty is worsening
– Manufacturing is contracting
– Jobs are scarce
– Authority is breaking down
– Feelings of insecurity are growing stronger
– Inflation is undermining dignity
– Companies are struggling to breathe
– Capital is escaping
– Misery, among humans, is expanding
A strong economy is one where advancement is experienced, not announced.
What Genuine Stability Demands
To move from paper stability to real stability, Nigeria must:
- Support domestic production. Cut interest rates for manufacturers, reduce borrowing costs, and provide targeted credit.
- Fix oil production technically. Revamp reservoir engineering, implement surveillance. Allocate resources to adequate technical oversight.
- Prioritize security. Secure farmlands, highways, and industrial corridors.
- Reform the power sector. Invest in grid reliability, renewable integration, and private-sector-led transmission.
- Attract real FDI. Streamline rules, enhance the framework, and maintain consistent policy guidance.
- Anchor debt on productive projects. Take loans exclusively for infrastructure projects that produce income.
- Prioritize reforms in welfare. Adopt crisis-responsive, domestically funded safety nets.
- Improve transparency. Ensure inflation, employment, and reserve data reflect reality.
Stability Is Not Given; It Has to Be Achieved
The CBN Governor’s statement of “renewed stability” is hopeful. It remains unproven. The inconsistencies are glaring, the statistics too. The real-world experiences are too harsh. Nigerians require outcomes, not slogans. Stability is gauged not through statements on policy but by whether:
– Manufacturing plants are creating (factories operate at full capacity),
– Food is affordable,
– Young people have jobs
– The naira is strong without artificial props,
– Electricity is reliable,
– Security is assured,
– Poverty rates are decreasing.
Unless these conditions are met, Nigeria is not experiencing a period of restored stability. Instead, it is going through a phase of recovery, one that will collapse if the actual economy keeps worsening while decision-makers prematurely applaud their successes. The CBN must rethink its approach. Nigeria needs productive stability, not statistical stability.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]
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