Feature/OPED
HURIWA’S Call for Sack of INEC Chairman over Ekiti Guber: The Voice of Jacob, the Hand of Esau

By Dr Chima Amadi
The statement by self-styled ‘Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria’ (HURIWA) published on Tuesday July 17, 2018 calling for the sack of the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Mahmood over the July 14, 2018 governorship election in Ekiti State is curious. But this is not surprising to discerning watchers of the Ekiti election, especially as it struck a familiar cord and coming from a group with a dubious track record. HURIWA has been linked in the past with hatchet jobs and mercenary undertakings.
HURIWA is reported to have predicated its call on what it termed ‘overwhelming evidence of monetary inducements and the failure of officials to stop same.’
It is not clear if HURIWA had a team on the ground to independently observe the Ekiti election. For a group to make such a categorical statement about the Ekiti election means that it was on the ground and observed the actual conduct of the polls. It will be interesting if HURIWA can show evidence of accreditation by INEC. Otherwise, its assessment fall far short of the standard they expect from the INEC. But it is on record that all accredited credible independent election observer groups- local and international- were unanimous in their verdict that INEC performed satisfactorily in its preparations, conduct and overall management of the Ekiti election.
It was widely acknowledged that there was visible, tremendous improvement in INEC’s performance this time in comparison with its performance in previous recent elections, especially in Edo and Anambra.
The only strange exception to this consensus was the dubious report by a certain unknown group which raised false alarm and went the extra mile of ‘rejecting’ the outcome of the election on behalf of the PDP and urged the party to challenge the election at the tribunal. While it is within the prerogative of PDP to reject and challenge the outcome of the election in court, it is strange for a self-acclaimed civil society group to say it rejected the outcome of an election on behalf of a political party. So much for an independent election observer group! It is not a coincidence that HURIWA’s position is in tandem with the posture of this clearly mercenary group of strange and lucre-driven elements.
Unless HURIWA can confirm that it was accredited to observe the Ekiti election by INEC, its views can at best be regarded as hearsay because it was not there, or perhaps, a deliberate misinformation to justify its illegal presence in Ekiti on behalf of vested interests. Whichever it is, the onus is on HURIWA to show proof that its assertions are derived from observations and data genuinely gathered from the field.
In HURIWA’s reported statement, jointly signed by its National Coordinator, ‘Comrade’ Emmanuel Onwubiko and the National Media Affairs Director, Miss Zainab Yusuf, the organization insisted that the alleged failure of INEC in the conduct of the Ekiti election was an indication that the electoral body lacks the capacity to conduct 2019 polls. Yet, every other observer of the electoral process in Nigeria is seeing incremental improvement in the management of elections.
HURIWA further warned that if the current alleged ‘incompetent and compromised hierarchy’ of INEC under Professor Yakubu Mohmood and the ‘heavily compromised security chiefs are left intact to oversee the 2019 general election then the national security of the nation maybe imperilled even as vote-buying may spark off widespread riots.’
It will be interesting to understand the basis for HURIWA’s conclusion and its prediction of ‘widespread riots’. But it is notable that this claim is similar to what we have repeatedly heard from some desperate and disgruntled politicians before, during and after the Ekiti election.
Clearly, there was a major problem with the Ekiti election and every rational organisation- local and international- that monitored the election identified the problem and correctly placed the blame on the appropriate quarters, not INEC.
It is rather strange that an organisation that lays claim to objectivity could lampoon INEC Chairman over the desperate actions of politicians when every other group involved in the monitoring of the electoral process has commended INEC- especially its Chairman, for his demonstrable commitment to free, fair, credible and peaceful election. Well-meaning groups have made recommendations to INEC on how it can and should further address the emergent sore point in the electoral process- vote buying.
It has been acknowledged that as a result of INEC’s innovative measures, ballot box snatching has almost become a thing of the past. And having seen the futility of ballot box snatching, politicians have perfected and resorted to the next stratagem of voter inducement through vote buying. This, by no rational means, can be blamed on INEC. And well-meaning and rational Nigerians who understand this new phenomenon have begun to engage with INEC and patriotically seeking ways to assist INEC to take the next step to address the new trend which undermines electoral integrity. Virtually all the election observers identified election buying as the new sore point in our electoral process intensified by politicians after INEC successfully made ballot box snatching counterproductive to politicians who continue to embark on it. Every other observer has also identified the fact that desperation by politicians to win at all cost is a major concern, just as is the seeming helplessness of security agents to rein in politicians engaging in vote buying.
How can the misconduct of political parties justify the call for the sack of INEC Chairman, a man who has demonstrated genuine commitment to restoring electoral integrity and has demonstrated a determination to remain impartial in the management of elections in the country?
Since it is clear that both APC and the PDP were involved in vote buying, on what grounds then would HURIWA blame INEC or ask PDP- which is has become its mouthpiece- to reject the outcome of the election?
The motive for HURIWA’s position is suspicious. It sounds mischievous and self-serving. The closest that INEC could have done would have been to cancel the entire election, since, as even HURIWA admitted in its statement, ‘…the legitimacy of the Ekiti governorship election is vitiated by widespread irregularities characterized by open vote buying by political parties with the highest bidder getting the highest number of choreographed votes’.
Again, how can anyone reasonably blame INEC for this?
Dr Chima Amadi is the Executive Director of Centre for Transparency Advocacy, a duly accredited INEC Observer to the Ekiti election.
Feature/OPED
Of Mandate Group, Delta Unity Group and Delta 2027

By Jerome-Mario Utomi
The April 12, 2025, defection of members of the Delta Unity Group (DUG) to the All Progressive Congress (APC) signposts a major political shift in Delta’s politics.
Pundits believe that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which presently controls the state needs a miracle to win Delta’s 2027 governorship election given the massive haemorrhage that has hit it. Essentially, the over 10,000 members of the DUG and their supporters who defected to the APC were made up of seasoned grassroots PDP chieftains.
The defectors were received by the National Chairman of the All-Progressive Congress (APC), Mr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, and the Chairman of the Governing Board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Mr Chiedu Ebie, alongside other notable political figures in Delta State.
So far, Deltans are enamoured by the significant political shift with many describing the development as a political earthquake which was long overdue. Because of its grassroots orientation, political analysts have likened the DUG to the Mandate Group, an independent political pressure group that midwifed the election of Mr Bola Tinubu, now President, as Lagos State Governor in the late 1990s.
In the run up to the 2023 presidential election, among so many objectives, the group was primed and positioned to defend President Tinubu’s mandate and promote democracy, unity, justice, and liberty in Nigeria, mobilize support for him and Vice President Kashim Shettima’s administration, Promote Unity and Justice: Foster national unity, justice, and liberty for all Nigerians among others.
The Mandate Group which has established structures in all 36 states, with plans to launch state chapters and currently have 580,000 members in Lagos and aim to reach 40 million members nationwide within the next 12 months, targets various segments of society, including: Students, Workers, Artisans, Teachers, Fishermen, Farmers and Women.
In like manner, the DUG has emerged as a third force in Delta State politics. Although it is not a new body, it has, over the years, been quietly bestriding Delta’s political landscape for the good of the state. Call it a third force in the politics of Delta State, and you won’t be wrong because, from all ramifications, that is what DUG represents.
DUG is by no means a political party, but, as the name implies, it is a Delta State based political pressure group convened a few years ago by the selfless, foresighted and influential trio of Mr Olu-Tokunbo (Lulu) Enaboifo, Mr Chiedu Ebie and Sir Itiako (Malik) Ikpokpo.
Their aim and dream were to establish a political pressure group with an agenda to modernize Delta State and also serve as the brain box of the campaign platform of Olorogun David Edevbie, who was vying for the governorship candidate of PDP towards the 2023 gubernatorial election.
Even though the aspiration ended with the Supreme Court ruling in favour of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, the DUG remained a strong force that started building gradually on the dream of a modernized Delta State. DUG has an organizational structure of 17 National Executive Council members, a Board of Trustees, and Local Government Executives in all the 25 local governments in Delta State, with Ward Executives in all the wards across Delta State, DUG is deeply rooted in the grassroots of Delta State with its cell-like structures.
Prior to the 2023 election, a wing of DUG, at the Obinoba Declaration, crossed over to APC, where the APC governorship candidate, Mr Ovie Omo-Agege, described them as the intelligent wing of PDP.
The group significantly made a huge difference in the 2023 general elections in Delta State. The DUG members in the Delta North Senatorial District, at that point in time, remained with PDP and after full deliberation and strategizing, opted to support the candidature of the APC governorship candidate and all other candidates of APC, even though they had not formally left the PDP. Consequently, most of them were either suspended or cast away by PDP after the elections.
It was easy to blend and work harmoniously with the progressives due to the progressive mindset of DUG members. After the 2023 general elections in Delta State, DUG members of Ika Federal Constituency continued to align and work closely with the APC to strengthen the party and ensure that it is properly positioned to convert the Ika Federal Constituency to an APC constituency come 2027.
To the glory of God, President Tinubu found DUG’s co-founder/convener, Mr Ebie, fit to chair the Governing Board of the NDDC in 2023. This further gave the DUG more vigor to project the Renewed Hope Agenda of the progressive governance of Mr President. Following this appointment, Ika Federal Constituency became the heartbeat of DUG in Delta State, which has now radiated positively to Ndokwa/Ukwuani and Aniocha/Oshimili Federal Constituencies in Delta North.
This wave, which has led to the massive decamping of members of PDP and the Labour Party into DUG in preparation for absorption into the APC, has also witnessed the reactivation of some dormant APC ambers and the massive welcoming of previously non-partisan and newly retired civil servants into the APC, having witnessed the positive impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President.
Because the group was fully poised for the reconfiguration of Delta State in the progressive fold of the APC, it is therefore, not surprising to witness the humongous crowd that emptied into APC on 12th day of April, 2025 in Agbor, Ika Federal Constituency, Delta State.
Going by the above development, it is obvious that come 2027, Ika nation in particular and Deltans in general shall witness the dethronement of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, in the state and enthronement of a people focused leadership to be formed by the All Progressive Congress, APC, in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
Utomi, a media specialist, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. He can be reached via Jeromeutomi@yahoo.com/
Feature/OPED
Piracy in Africa’s Creative Sector: How Creators Can Protect Their Content

Africa’s creative industries, from music and film to fashion, writing, and branding, are experiencing remarkable growth. However, as the sector flourishes, so do the threats posed by piracy and copyright infringement. Without proper protection, creators risk losing the value and recognition they deserve for their original work.
Copyright remains the first and most important line of defence. In many African countries, copyright protection begins automatically once a creative work, such as a song, logo, film, or design, is fixed in a tangible form. This protection can last for the creator’s lifetime, and in most cases, up to 70 years after. Yet, while automatic copyright provides a foundation, official registration strengthens legal standing and can be critical in resolving disputes.
When a creator’s work is used without permission, the violation must be addressed swiftly. Experts advise that the first step is to gather evidence—screenshots, URLS, timestamps, user details, and even data showing engagement or financial gain from the misused content. Proof of ownership, such as original files with timestamps, draft versions, or social media records of earlier uploads, is equally vital.
“Creators should always have proof of ownership ready,” says Frikkie Jonker, Director of Anti-Piracy at MultiChoice. “That could be anything from original project files to old emails or posts. It’s one of the most effective tools in enforcing your rights.”
Once evidence is collected, creators can issue takedown requests through social platforms or send formal cease-and-desist letters to website owners or hosts. Although enforcement processes differ by country, most African nations have copyright laws aligned with global standards like the U.S. DMCA. In many cases, showing credible ownership is enough to have infringing content removed.
If infringement continues or is being done at scale, such as by piracy rings or repeat offenders, creators may need to escalate the issue by reporting it to national copyright commissions or law enforcement. Efforts are also being bolstered across the continent through cooperation under agreements like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), with international bodies like Interpol, Afripol, and WIPO supporting cross-border enforcement.
Preventative measures are just as important. Creators are encouraged to use tools like digital watermarking and content fingerprinting to protect their work from unauthorised use online. Furthermore, smart monetisation strategies, such as YouTube’s Content ID syste,m can allow creators to earn revenue even when their content is reused without prior permission.
By understanding their rights, taking proactive steps to protect their creations, and using available technologies, African creatives can safeguard their work while continuing to build sustainable, long-term careers.
Feature/OPED
A Journey Through Policy: My Personal Experience

By Saifullahi Attahir
If there was ever anything that gave me goosebumps and immense pleasure, it was being surrounded by intellectuals and mature minds absorbing facts and figures about governance, economics, public health, policymaking, national security, and international relations. In such situations I easily lose myself, forgetting almost all other things.
Even at medical school, my best lectures were those with frequent digressions, whereby the lecturer would discuss the pathogenesis of diseases for 30 minutes and later sidetrack into discussing politics, governance, or other life issues. I always enjoyed classes led by Prof. Sagir Gumel, Dr. Murtala Abubakar, Dr. Rasheed Wemimo, Dr. Aliyu Mai Goro, and co.
During such lectures, I often observed some of my colleagues disappointment for such deviation. I rather casually show indifference, for I was eternally grateful for such discussions due to the stimulatory effect they had on my mind.
After such classes, I sometimes followed up with the lecturer, not to ask about a medical concept I did not grasp, but to ask for further explanation on policy making, project execution, budgetary expenditures, why African countries are left behind, and similar pressing issues.
In situations where I can’t catch up with the lecturer, I jotted down the questions for further deliberation.
One of the manifest feature I know about my greediness was at reading books. I can open five different books in a day. I lack such discipline to finish up one before another. I can start reading ‘Mein Kampf’ by Adolf Hitler, and halfway through 300 pages, I would pick up ‘My Life’ by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and would have to concurrently read both until the end.
I often scolded myself for such an attitude, but I can’t help myself. The only way to practice such discipline was to at least read two different books in a day. Such was a triumph in my practice of self-discipline. This was apart from my conventional medical textbooks.
To some of my friends, I was called an accidental medical doctor, but actually it was a perfect fate guided by the merciful Lord that I’m studying medicine.
For it was only medicine that makes reading books easier for you. Although time is precious in this profession, but one finds it easier to do anything you are passionate about. The daily interaction we have with people at their most vulnerable state was another psychostimulant. Seeing humans suffering from disease conditions is heartache. Some of the causes are mere ignorance, poverty, superstitions, and limited resources.
The contribution one can give couldn’t be limited to just prescribing drugs or surgical procedures that end up affecting one person. It’s much better to involve one self in to position that may bring possible change to the whole society even in form of orientation.
What also motivated me more was how I wasn’t the first to traverse this similar path. Bibliophiles were common among medical students and medical professionals.
At international level, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, was a physician.
Most of the current economic development of Malaysia was attributed to him. The South American revolutionary figure Che Guevara was a physician. Atul Gawande was an endocrinologist, health policy analyst, adviser to former President Obama, campaign volunteer to former President Bill Clinton, and adviser to USAID/WHO on health policies.
Frantz Fanon was another physician, psychiatrist, racial discrimination activist, and political writer. Dr. Zakir Naik was a renowned Islamic scholar, comparative religion expert, and physician.
At the national level, Prof. Usman Yusuf is a haematologist, former NHIS DG, and currently a political activist. Dr. Aminu Abdullahi Taura was a psychiatrist and former SSG to the Jigawa state government. Dr. Nuraddeen Muhammad was a psychiatrist and former cabinet minister to President Goodluck Jonathan.
During ward rounds and clinics, my mind often wanders to enquire not just about the diagnosis but the actual cause of the disease condition; why would a 17-year-old multiparous young lady develop peripartum cardiomyopathy (PPCM)? Why would a 5-year-old child develop severe anaemia from a mosquito bite? Why would a 25-year-old friend of mine develop chronic kidney disease, and his family would have to sell all their belongings for his treatment? Why are our Accident and Emergency units filled with road traffic accident cases? Was it bad road conditions or lack of adherence to traffic laws and orders?
Why are African countries still battling with 19th century diseases like Tuberculosis, filariasis, and malarial infections? Why issues of fighting cervical cancer and vaccination campaigns are treated with contempt in our societies? Why access to basic primary healthcare in Nigeria was still a luxury 50 years after Alma Ata declaration?
The questions are never-ending…
Answers to these questions could be found not in the conventional medical textbooks like Robbins/Cotrand, Davidson, or Sabiston. Answers to these questions are there on our faces. Answers to these questions are tied to the very fabric of our social life, our public institutions, our culture, and our life perspectives.
In order to make any significant contribution towards the betterment of this kind of society, it would be quite easier as an insider rather than an outsider. You can’t bring any positive outcome by just talking or commenting. It was rightly stated that a cat in gloves catches no mice.
The real players in a game are always better than the spectators. A player deserves accolades despite his shortcomings, frequent falls, and inability to deliver as planned theoretically. For the player has seen it all, because so many things in public life are not as they appear. It’s only when you are there that the reality becomes visible. This is the reason why many leaders who have goodwill and enjoy public support appear to have lost track or contributed insignificantly when elected or appointed into office.
But despite all these challenges, one can’t decline to do something good just because something bad might happen. The risk is worth it….
Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse
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