World
Africa At Valdai and First Ministerial Conference: Assessing What Next for Russian-African Partnership?
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
At the Valdai Discussion Club’s meeting held on 7th November 2024, President Vladimir Putin at the plenary session continued to build indepth discussions on Russian and African bilateral relations, Russia’s passion to support Africa’s attainment of economic sovereignty. It was explicitly noted, and this noticeably reflected in the declarations adopted after the first and second Russia-Africa summits, that Africa needs to liberate itself from the trapings of neo-colonialism of the United States and Europe.
That was not the first time. Valdai’s experts have been interested in Russia’s policy in Africa, particularly in this contemporary era of evolving multipolar architecture and new world political order. Africa is an integral part of the focus in the Global South. Russia has already held two symbolic summits and outlined certain economic directions for Africa. In practical terms, Russia with its previous experience with Africa during the Soviet times, now has the potential to assert as an investment leader in Africa. African leaders have unreservedly expressed their preparedness for mutual economic cooperation and in other fields, voiced their support for building a new world order through the association BRICS+ (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).
Given the proven fact that Russia certainly has both the financial and technological capability for investing in public infrastructure, in addition to providing necessary security in conflicting regions in Africa. Conflicts in Africa are partially as a result of under-development, and persistent weak economic development and rising levels of unemployment in the society. It is abundantly clear that with its multivectoral foreign policy, Russia has presented itself as a reliable partner, and currently is leading African countries to confront western hegemony, political exceptionalism and dominating power. It has offered guarantees of being in position to support Africa to attain its economic sovereignty but, for now, largely remained as a virtual investor. Russia’s economic presence in Africa is still comparatively weak, even after the symbolic summits held in Sochi and St. Petersburg.
Notwithstanding, African leaders consider efforts at reforming international institutions and Africa’s incorporation into their structures would facilitate the process of attaining a better economic status, enable the expected transitions from the current trends of neo-colonialism and further move away from blames of state management inefficiency, development unsustainability and frustration of democracy. Across the continent, leaders and the elites have shown their inability to mitigate crises and to mobilise sufficient resources, including financing and human for promoting their sustainable development goals.
Undeniably, the Valdai Club represents a critical area of research for humanity, experts dive into useful details or debate the causes of ongoing developments now around the world. In his contribution at Valdai, an Indian expert Rasigan Maharajh, rightly explained that “common security can only be enhanced by actively reducing these inequalities in world systems, actively promoting knowledge sharing, and ensuring equitable opportunities for the development of all and sundry.” And the global majority seems to obviously prefer multipolarity.
As relations are developing, moving ahead with concrete policy decisions should be an ideal direction. Quite often, there has been a lot of positive momentum in developing remarkable cooperation, several bilateral agreements have been signed and yet little noticeable results. Russians get irritated by the statement indicating little impact after series of business meetings, conferences and summits.
At the Valdai meeting, Professor Irina Abramova, Director of the Africa Studies Institute had the opportunity to ask Vladimir Putin a few questions relating to Africa. Specifically she wanted to know Putin’s views over the impact of Russia’s relations with Africa based on the fact that Putin has repeated his popular phrases, at the Kazan’s BRICS press conference that Africa, together with Southeast Asia, are new centers of global growth. Today, at Valdai meeting, Putin repeated this same idea.
Professor Abramova, in addition, stressed the fact that in the conditions of fierce competition – China, India, and old global players, and even Turkey, the (Persian) Gulf countries, and Iran are working seriously in the continent, – Russia needs to find its niche, where it would be the best for Africans. But, dozens of negotiations with African leaders have been held these several years, with some more than once. Was there any one promising direction in these negotiations that all African leaders would talk about?
As expected, Putin reiterated all those popular Soviet-style rhetoric, ultimately reflecting the historical support for Africa to attain political independence from colonial rule, western exploitation and for sovereignty, for the creation of some basic conditions for economic development. Officials have indicated that colonial trends in the African political system and economic spheres constitute impediments for Russia to effectively invest in Africa.
Without mincing words, Putin stressed further at the Valdai meeting: “these neo-colonial instruments have been preserved in the economy by Western countries, but also in the field of security. In general, we will work intensely, responsibly, systematically in all directions.”
The first Russia-Africa ministerial conference was also held, on 9–10 November 2024, in southern coastal city of Sochi as per the decisions reached at the Second Russia–Africa Summit. The business programme included around 20 panel sessions and thematic events focusing on perspectives for Russia–Africa cooperation in the areas of security, economics, and humanitarian engagement. It aimed at building on the outcomes of the Second Russia–Africa Summit, bringing together more than 40 foreign ministers from Russia and Africa, the African Union Commission, and executive bodies of regional integration organizations. In attendance were approximately 1,500 representatives from financial institutions, Russian and African businesses, civil society, academia, and the media.
There was, as always, those similar themes for dialogue between Russia and Africa. “Cooperation with the countries of the African continent is now one of the common priorities, noting that there are existing wide prospects for cooperation as demonstrated by the large numbers of African partners to the conference,” stated Anton Kobyakov, Adviser to the President of the Russian Federation, Executive Secretary of the Organizing Committee for Russia–Africa at Roscongress Foundation.
Available on the Kremlin website, Vladimir Putin greetings to the first ministerial conference participants read: “African countries enjoy a growing prestige on the international stage. By pursuing a constructive and peace-loving foreign policy, they are playing an increasingly important role in addressing major international matters. For its part, Russia attaches particular importance to strengthening relations with its African partners. We are united by our aspiration to building a just multipolar world order based on genuine equality and the rule of law and any form of discrimination.”
In absolute terms, Russia showed preparedness to facilitate the implementation of large infrastructure projects, without publicly mentioning financial allocation. It further pointed to issues of promoting the development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Africa, while emphasizing on the possibility of creating favourable environment and conditions.
There is absolutely no need to repeat multi-dimensional contents from speeches of President Vladimir Putin and that of Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov here. But an insight into all the previous official statements, there have already been layout steps for concrete areas of cooperation. What remains are valuable and thorough examination of Russia’s potential focused directions in Africa policy. Many have indicated that Russian and African leaders really have to take off existing barriers for promoting economic development, and this could have positive implications for African countries, and particularly for Russia as one of the leaders of the emerging multipolar world.
Aside setting priorities, Russian and African leaders working-style of state-to-state and government-to-government format, both have to broaden joint parameters to include the private sector operatives, the civil society, entrepreneurial diaspora, youth and women, to pave pathways for broader relationship between Russia and African countries. The questions arising from the historic first ministerial conference provided an additional strong basis, and one more step forward, especially coordinating the implementation of joint projects involving potential Russian operators in the spheres of trade, economic and investment partnership, and embrace new mechanisms and on suitable ways to bolster multifaceted relations between Russia and Africa.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Social media platform, TikTok’s Chinese owner ByteDance has signed binding agreements with United States and global investors to operate its business in America.
Half of the joint venture will be owned by a group of investors, including Oracle, Silver Lake and the Emirati investment firm MGX, according to a memo sent by chief executive, Mr Shou Zi Chew.
The deal, which is set to close on January 22, 2026 would end years of efforts by the US government to force ByteDance to sell its US operations over national security concerns.
It is in line with a deal unveiled in September, when US President Donald Trump delayed the enforcement of a law that would ban the app unless it was sold.
In the memo, TikTok said the deal will enable “over 170 million Americans to continue discovering a world of endless possibilities as part of a vital global community”.
Under the agreement, ByteDance will retain 19.9 per cent of the business, while Oracle, Silver Lake and Abu Dhabi-based MGX will hold 15 per cent each.
Another 30.1 per cent will be held by affiliates of existing ByteDance investors, according to the memo.
The White House previously said that Oracle, which was co-founded by President Trump’s supporter Larry Ellison, will license TikTok’s recommendation algorithm as part of the deal.
The deal comes after a series of delays.
Business Post reported in April 2024 that the administration of President Joe Biden passed a law to ban the app over national security concerns, unless it was sold.
The law was set to go into effect on January 20, 2025 but was pushed back multiple times by President Trump, while his administration worked out a deal to transfer ownership.
President Trump said in September that he had spoken on the phone to China’s President Xi Jinping, who he said had given the deal the go ahead.
The platform’s future remained unclear after the leaders met face to face in October.
The app’s fate was clouded by ongoing tensions between the two nations on trade and other matters.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Despite the complexities posed by Russia-Ukraine crisis, United States has been taking conscious steps to improve commercial relations with Russia. Unsurprisingly, Russia, on the other hand, is also moving to restore and normalise its diplomacy, negotiating for direct connections of air-routes and passionate permission to return its diplomats back to Washington and New York.
In the latest developments, Kirill Dmitriev, Chief Executive Officer of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF), has been appointed as Russian President’s Special Envoy to United States. This marked an important milestone towards raising bilateral investment and economic cooperation. Russian President Vladimir Putin tasked him to exclusively promote business dialogue between the two countries, and further to negotiate for the return of U.S. business enterprises. According to authentic reports, United States businesses lost $300+ bn during this Russia-Ukraine crisis, while Russia’s estimated 1,500 diplomats were asked to return to Moscow.
Strategically in late November 2025, the American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) has awarded Kirill Dmitriev, praised him for calculated efforts in promoting positive dialogue between the United States and Russia within the framework decreed by President Vladimir Putin. Chief Executive Officer of Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) Kirill Dmitriev is the Special Representative of the Russian President for Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries. Since his appointment, his primary focus has been on United States.
“Received an American Chamber of Commerce award ‘For leadership in fostering the US-Russia dialogue,’” Dmitriev wrote on his X page, in late November, 2025. According to Dmitriev, more than 150 US companies are currently operating in Russia, with more than 70% of them being present on the Russian market for over 25 years.
In addition, Chamber President Sergey Katyrin and American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) President Robert Agee have also been discussing alternatives pathways to raise bilateral business cooperation. Both have held series of meetings throughout this year, indicating the the importance of sustaining relations as previously. Expectedly, the Roscongress Foundation has been offered its platforms during St. Petersburg International Economic (SPIEF) for the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham).
On December 9, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted that, despite existing problems and non-economic obstacles, the business communities of Russia and the United States proceed from the necessity of maintaining professional dialogue. Despite the worsening geopolitical conditions, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted the importance of preserving stable channels of trade and pragmatic prospects for economic cooperation. These will further serve as a stabilizing factor and an instrument for building mutual trust at the level of business circles, industry associations, and the expert community.
The American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) will be working in the system of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CCI) in the Russian Federation, which currently comprises 57,000 legal entities, 130 regional chambers and a combined network of representative offices covering more than 350 points of presence.
According to reports obtained by this article author from the AmCham, promising sectors for Russian-American economic cooperation include healthcare and the medical industry, civil aviation, communications/telecom, natural resource extraction, and energy/energy equipment. The United States and Russia have, more or less, agreed to continue coordinating their work to facilitate the formation of a more favorable environment for Russian and American businesses, reduce risks, and strengthen business ties. Following the American-Russian Dialogue, a joint statement and working documents were adopted.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
-
Feature/OPED6 years agoDavos was Different this year
-
Travel/Tourism9 years ago
Lagos Seals Western Lodge Hotel In Ikorodu
-
Showbiz3 years agoEstranged Lover Releases Videos of Empress Njamah Bathing
-
Banking7 years agoSort Codes of GTBank Branches in Nigeria
-
Economy3 years agoSubsidy Removal: CNG at N130 Per Litre Cheaper Than Petrol—IPMAN
-
Banking3 years agoFirst Bank Announces Planned Downtime
-
Banking3 years agoSort Codes of UBA Branches in Nigeria
-
Sports3 years agoHighest Paid Nigerian Footballer – How Much Do Nigerian Footballers Earn