World
Africa At Valdai and First Ministerial Conference: Assessing What Next for Russian-African Partnership?
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
At the Valdai Discussion Club’s meeting held on 7th November 2024, President Vladimir Putin at the plenary session continued to build indepth discussions on Russian and African bilateral relations, Russia’s passion to support Africa’s attainment of economic sovereignty. It was explicitly noted, and this noticeably reflected in the declarations adopted after the first and second Russia-Africa summits, that Africa needs to liberate itself from the trapings of neo-colonialism of the United States and Europe.
That was not the first time. Valdai’s experts have been interested in Russia’s policy in Africa, particularly in this contemporary era of evolving multipolar architecture and new world political order. Africa is an integral part of the focus in the Global South. Russia has already held two symbolic summits and outlined certain economic directions for Africa. In practical terms, Russia with its previous experience with Africa during the Soviet times, now has the potential to assert as an investment leader in Africa. African leaders have unreservedly expressed their preparedness for mutual economic cooperation and in other fields, voiced their support for building a new world order through the association BRICS+ (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).
Given the proven fact that Russia certainly has both the financial and technological capability for investing in public infrastructure, in addition to providing necessary security in conflicting regions in Africa. Conflicts in Africa are partially as a result of under-development, and persistent weak economic development and rising levels of unemployment in the society. It is abundantly clear that with its multivectoral foreign policy, Russia has presented itself as a reliable partner, and currently is leading African countries to confront western hegemony, political exceptionalism and dominating power. It has offered guarantees of being in position to support Africa to attain its economic sovereignty but, for now, largely remained as a virtual investor. Russia’s economic presence in Africa is still comparatively weak, even after the symbolic summits held in Sochi and St. Petersburg.
Notwithstanding, African leaders consider efforts at reforming international institutions and Africa’s incorporation into their structures would facilitate the process of attaining a better economic status, enable the expected transitions from the current trends of neo-colonialism and further move away from blames of state management inefficiency, development unsustainability and frustration of democracy. Across the continent, leaders and the elites have shown their inability to mitigate crises and to mobilise sufficient resources, including financing and human for promoting their sustainable development goals.
Undeniably, the Valdai Club represents a critical area of research for humanity, experts dive into useful details or debate the causes of ongoing developments now around the world. In his contribution at Valdai, an Indian expert Rasigan Maharajh, rightly explained that “common security can only be enhanced by actively reducing these inequalities in world systems, actively promoting knowledge sharing, and ensuring equitable opportunities for the development of all and sundry.” And the global majority seems to obviously prefer multipolarity.
As relations are developing, moving ahead with concrete policy decisions should be an ideal direction. Quite often, there has been a lot of positive momentum in developing remarkable cooperation, several bilateral agreements have been signed and yet little noticeable results. Russians get irritated by the statement indicating little impact after series of business meetings, conferences and summits.
At the Valdai meeting, Professor Irina Abramova, Director of the Africa Studies Institute had the opportunity to ask Vladimir Putin a few questions relating to Africa. Specifically she wanted to know Putin’s views over the impact of Russia’s relations with Africa based on the fact that Putin has repeated his popular phrases, at the Kazan’s BRICS press conference that Africa, together with Southeast Asia, are new centers of global growth. Today, at Valdai meeting, Putin repeated this same idea.
Professor Abramova, in addition, stressed the fact that in the conditions of fierce competition – China, India, and old global players, and even Turkey, the (Persian) Gulf countries, and Iran are working seriously in the continent, – Russia needs to find its niche, where it would be the best for Africans. But, dozens of negotiations with African leaders have been held these several years, with some more than once. Was there any one promising direction in these negotiations that all African leaders would talk about?
As expected, Putin reiterated all those popular Soviet-style rhetoric, ultimately reflecting the historical support for Africa to attain political independence from colonial rule, western exploitation and for sovereignty, for the creation of some basic conditions for economic development. Officials have indicated that colonial trends in the African political system and economic spheres constitute impediments for Russia to effectively invest in Africa.
Without mincing words, Putin stressed further at the Valdai meeting: “these neo-colonial instruments have been preserved in the economy by Western countries, but also in the field of security. In general, we will work intensely, responsibly, systematically in all directions.”
The first Russia-Africa ministerial conference was also held, on 9–10 November 2024, in southern coastal city of Sochi as per the decisions reached at the Second Russia–Africa Summit. The business programme included around 20 panel sessions and thematic events focusing on perspectives for Russia–Africa cooperation in the areas of security, economics, and humanitarian engagement. It aimed at building on the outcomes of the Second Russia–Africa Summit, bringing together more than 40 foreign ministers from Russia and Africa, the African Union Commission, and executive bodies of regional integration organizations. In attendance were approximately 1,500 representatives from financial institutions, Russian and African businesses, civil society, academia, and the media.
There was, as always, those similar themes for dialogue between Russia and Africa. “Cooperation with the countries of the African continent is now one of the common priorities, noting that there are existing wide prospects for cooperation as demonstrated by the large numbers of African partners to the conference,” stated Anton Kobyakov, Adviser to the President of the Russian Federation, Executive Secretary of the Organizing Committee for Russia–Africa at Roscongress Foundation.
Available on the Kremlin website, Vladimir Putin greetings to the first ministerial conference participants read: “African countries enjoy a growing prestige on the international stage. By pursuing a constructive and peace-loving foreign policy, they are playing an increasingly important role in addressing major international matters. For its part, Russia attaches particular importance to strengthening relations with its African partners. We are united by our aspiration to building a just multipolar world order based on genuine equality and the rule of law and any form of discrimination.”
In absolute terms, Russia showed preparedness to facilitate the implementation of large infrastructure projects, without publicly mentioning financial allocation. It further pointed to issues of promoting the development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Africa, while emphasizing on the possibility of creating favourable environment and conditions.
There is absolutely no need to repeat multi-dimensional contents from speeches of President Vladimir Putin and that of Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov here. But an insight into all the previous official statements, there have already been layout steps for concrete areas of cooperation. What remains are valuable and thorough examination of Russia’s potential focused directions in Africa policy. Many have indicated that Russian and African leaders really have to take off existing barriers for promoting economic development, and this could have positive implications for African countries, and particularly for Russia as one of the leaders of the emerging multipolar world.
Aside setting priorities, Russian and African leaders working-style of state-to-state and government-to-government format, both have to broaden joint parameters to include the private sector operatives, the civil society, entrepreneurial diaspora, youth and women, to pave pathways for broader relationship between Russia and African countries. The questions arising from the historic first ministerial conference provided an additional strong basis, and one more step forward, especially coordinating the implementation of joint projects involving potential Russian operators in the spheres of trade, economic and investment partnership, and embrace new mechanisms and on suitable ways to bolster multifaceted relations between Russia and Africa.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
After the expiration of bilateral agreement on trade, the US Congress as well as African leaders, highly recognizing its significance, has been pursuing the extension of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The agreement, which allows duty-free access to American markets for African exporters, expired on September 30, 2025.
The US Congress is advancing a bill to revive and extend AGOA, but South Africa’s continued inclusion remains uncertain. The trade pact still has strong bipartisan support, with the House Ways and Means Committee approving it 37-3. However, US Trade Representative, Jamieson Greer, raised concerns about South Africa, citing tariffs and non-tariff barriers, and said the administration could consider excluding the country.
This threat puts at risk the duty-free access that has significantly benefited South African automotive, agricultural, and wine exports. The debate highlights how trade policy is becoming entangled with broader diplomatic tensions, casting uncertainty over a key pillar of US-Africa economic relations.
Nevertheless, South Africa continues to lobby for inclusion. South Africa trade summary records show that the US goods and services trade with South Africa estimated at $26.2 billion in 2024. The US and South Africa signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) as far back as in 2012.
The duty-free access for nearly 40 African countries has boosted development and fostered more equitable and sustainable growth in Africa. By design AGOA is a useful mechanism for improving accessibility to trade competitiveness, connectivity, and productivity. During these past 25 years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.
Key features and benefits of AGOA:
It’s worth reiterating here that during these past several years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In this case, as AGOA is closely working with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat and with the African Union (AU), trade professionals could primarily leverage various economic sectors and unwaveringly act as bridges between the United States and Africa.
* Duty-free Access: AGOA allows eligible products from sub-Saharan African countries to enter the US market without paying tariffs.
* Promotion of Economic Growth: The program encourages economic growth by providing incentives for African countries to open their economies and build free markets.
* Encouraging Economic Reforms: AGOA encourages economic and political reforms in eligible countries, including the rule of law and market-oriented policies.
* Increased Trade and Investment: The program aims to strengthen trade and investment ties between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.
With the changing times, Africa is also building its muscles towards a new direction since the introduction of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which was officially launched in July 2019.
In practical terms, trading under the AfCFTA commenced in January 2021. And the United States has prioritized the AfCFTA as one mechanism through which to strengthen its long-term relations with the continent. In the context of the crucial geopolitical changes, African leaders, corporate executives, and the entire business community are optimistic over the extension of AGOA, for mutually beneficial trade partnerships with the United States.
Worthy to say that AGOA, to a considerable degree, as a significant trade policy has played a crucial role in promoting economic growth and development in sub-Saharan Africa.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Africa stands at the cusp of a transformative digital revolution. With the expansion of mobile connectivity, internet penetration, digital platforms, and financial technology, the continent’s digital economy is poised to become a significant driver of sustainable development, intra-Africa trade, job creation, and economic inclusion.
The African Union’s Agenda 2063, particularly Aspiration 1 (a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development), highlights the importance of leveraging technology and innovation. The implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has opened a new chapter in market integration, creating opportunities to unlock the full potential of the digital economy across all sectors.
Despite remarkable progress, challenges persist. These include limited digital infrastructure, disparities in digital literacy, fragmented regulatory frameworks, inadequate access to financing for tech-based enterprises, and gender gaps in digital participation. Moreover, Africa must assert its digital sovereignty, build local data ecosystems, and secure cyber-infrastructure to thrive in a rapidly changing global digital landscape.
Against this backdrop, the 16th African Union Private Sector Forum provides a timely platform to explore and shape actionable strategies for harnessing Africa’s digital economy to accelerate intra-Africa trade and sustainable development.
The 16th High-Level AU Private Sector forum is set to take place in Djibouti, from the 14 to 16 December 2025, under the theme “Harnessing Africa’s Digital Economy and Innovation for Accelerating Intra-Africa Trade and Sustainable Development”
The three-day Forum will feature high-level plenaries, expert panels, breakout sessions, and networking opportunities. Each day will spotlight a core pillar of Africa’s digital transformation journey.
Day 1: Digital Economy and Trade Integration in Africa
Focus: Leveraging digital platforms and technologies to enhance trade integration and competitiveness under AfCFTA.
Day 2: Innovation, Fintech, and the Future of African Economies
Focus: Driving economic inclusion through fintech, innovation ecosystems, and youth entrepreneurship.
Day 3: Building Policy, Regulatory Frameworks, and Partnerships for Digital Growth
Focus: Creating an enabling environment for digital innovation and infrastructure through effective policy, governance, and partnerships.
To foster strategic dialogue and action-oriented collaboration among key stakeholders in Africa’s digital ecosystem, with the goal of leveraging digital economy and innovation to boost intra-Africa trade, accelerate economic transformation, and support inclusive, sustainable development.
* Promote Digital Trade: Identify mechanisms and policy actions to enable seamless cross-border digital commerce and integration under AfCFTA.
* Foster Innovation and Fintech: Advance inclusive fintech ecosystems and support innovation-driven entrepreneurship, especially among youth and women.
* Policy and Regulatory Harmonization: Build consensus on regional and continental digital regulatory frameworks to foster trust, security, and interoperability.
* Encourage Investment and Public-Private Partnerships: Strengthen collaboration between governments, private sector, and development partners to invest in digital infrastructure, R&D, and skills development.
* Advance Digital Inclusion and Sustainability: Ensure that digital transformation contributes to environmental sustainability and the empowerment of marginalized communities.
The AU Private Sector Forum has held several forums, with key recommendations. These recommendations provide valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities facing the African private sector and offer guidance for policymakers on how to support its growth and development.
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