Feature/OPED
Aremu’s Letter and Matters Arising
By Oladimeji Odeyemi
Those who are students of history particularly that of Yoruba history will remember the very Didactic story of a certain kingmaker in the Old Oyo Empire in Circa 1750 that was responsible for the installation of four Alaafins; Labisi, Awonbioju, Agboluaje and Majeogbe and also killed them all.
To the discerning and prescient mind, a certain parallel is to be found in the story of Bashorun Gaa and Chief Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo (former President of Nigeria), both kingmakers at different times and eras, yet possessing the same mindset and idiosyncrasies — a certain human function no doubt, which pretends to be something that is not.
In the old Oyo Empire, the Bashorun or Iba Osorun is the head of the cabinet cum legislators, upon whom the burden of administering the realm and also selecting the kings are rested.
There arose a powerful head of the kingmakers, through deft hands and carefully attained integrity status, Gaa, who became powerful enough to be deemed dependable to make choices on behalf of the rest.
So Gaa chose Labisi to be Alaafin. Labisi, a man of immense insight and managerial dexterity, extended the frontiers of the Yoruba empire from the banks of the Niger River to the shores of the Volta River in Ghana, where today a Yoruba king, The Oninana of the Gas people near Accra, reigns on the authority of the Alaafin made possible by Labisi, yet Bashorun Gaa got rid of him.
The other three Alaafins were in no fashion less in greatness than Labisi but Gaa Osorun got rid of them all.
How was he able to do these things? you might ask. Just as you might ask by what means has Chief Obasanjo become a factor in who becomes who and who is politically removed from office in Nigeria. The answers are very much about the same tact, methodology.
Gaa achieved this feat by pretence, pretending to be a defender of the common man, defending the commonwealth, fighting for the liberty of all and protecting the rights of every individual were the premises upon which Gaa acted.
Just like Obasanjo acts and speaks as the ombudsman, the defender of the masses and the protector of our collective liberal, but are they what they claim to be?
Bashorun Gaa was a rich man per excellence, far richer that he pretended to be, far more egoistic but never altruistic. What drove Bashorun Gaa was the control syndrome and quest for authority that flows from his wiles. He was the master of Service-To-Self, it was the binding rule that what Gaa wants, Gaa gets.
In the period that Chief Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo emerged unto the Nigerian national scene from the time of civil war, a clear pattern has also emerged. A clear pathological egoism, laced with psychological hedonism much like the life and style of Bashorun Gaa.
In all of Obasanjo’s books, it is easy to see a man of immense ego.
Right from his book, ‘My Command’, a memoir about his exploits in the civil war, Obasanjo blamed every commander and active officer he could remember and praised himself alone — From Shuwa, to Alabi-Isama, Benjamin Adekunle and to even Murtala Mohammed, Obasanjo lambasted all, saving all the glory to himself alone.
In his last book, ‘My Watch’, Obasanjo shifted the blame of his failed 3rd term presidential bid on the governors who he said were the ones who wanted him to continue to be president for the unprecedented and unconstitutional 3rd term and not himself.
When Obasanjo, as a military Head of State, relinquished power to Alhaji Shehu Shagari in 1979, one would have thought the accident of his own emergence as a Head of State would have been quite compelling and humbling to ease his ego tripping, but he did not wait before writing in his book quite unnecessarily that as Chief Awolowo strived ever so hard to be president, providence made him, Obasanjo Head of State without asking for it. How much higher in ego massaging can anyone else get to in comparison with a master in hedonism?
It gives Obasanjo such pleasure to be seen in competition in which he can also safely declares himself the winner.
Many of his colleagues in the military and also others who have observed Obasanjo’s massive ego tripping have written about this, which I call the Obasanjo complex.
In the game of squash-racket in which two players knock a ball against the wall, a game Obasanjo loves, his opponents know the rules — you dare not play to win against Obasanjo, it is a taboo!
Historians have documented the hedonistic saga of Bashorun Gaa and a very important part of the books written on this kingmaker is his usual treaties after getting rid of yet another king, “Ija ilu ni Gaa n’gbe, Gaa o pa yin l’oba he Ooo.! “It is but the cause of the citizenry that drives Gaa to act in the manner that leads the king to be removed, it is not about Gaa wanting the king dead”.
Such was how Gaa Osorun was wont to say; such as the same way Chief Obasanjo has been saying it ever since he wrote his first letter to Alhaji Shehu Shagari, barely 3 years into his four year 1st term in office; always claiming it is for the common good and for the sake of nationhood has Obasanjo basing his letters to every President or Head of State to have emerged, ever since.
Obasanjo, Egoism and Hedonism
Psychological egoism is the view that humans are always motivated by self-interest, even in what seem to be acts of altruism. It claims that, when people choose to help others, they do so ultimately because of the personal benefits that they themselves expect to obtain, directly or indirectly, from doing so.
In the same manner is pathological hedonism, the view that the ultimate motive for all voluntary human action is the desire to experience pleasure or to avoid pain.
In both lies the Obasanjo complex; a mix of Service-To-Self and the gratification of pleasure in been seen as high and above everybody else.
In the Bashorun Gaa parallel, this same mix played out as the only Alaafin to survive Gaa antics, Alaafin Abiodun subjected himself seemingly to be under Gaa’s influence but prostrating to the Osorun, which is unheard of for an Oba to prostrate let alone the head of the empire to do so to anyone.
Though the Bashorun did not live in the era of letter writing, he employed much the same vending of publicly berating the king, rather than a more dignified purposeful altruistic private admonition.
Chief Obasanjo who has had a hand in the making of all the three presidents who have succeeded him, and with his position as a former president, has an unrestrained, unfettered, unrestricted access to whoever is President. But not unlike the hedonistic Gaa, Obasanjo has chosen and repeatedly so, to rush to press anytime he personally feels there should be a change of government.
Unto all Presidents A letter
That Chief Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo has written to all Presidents since President Shagari in 1982 is not the question, that he has yet written such a letter at these times and yet again is our focus. And why this letter should be seen as suspect is the reason for this article.
Comrade Oladimeji Odeyemi is the President of National Committee of Yoruba Youth (NCYY) and the Convener of the Coalition of Civil Society Groups against Terrorism in Nigeria sent this article from Ibadan.
By Jerome-Mario Utomi
The April 12, 2025, defection of members of the Delta Unity Group (DUG) to the All Progressive Congress (APC) signposts a major political shift in Delta’s politics.
Pundits believe that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which presently controls the state needs a miracle to win Delta’s 2027 governorship election given the massive haemorrhage that has hit it. Essentially, the over 10,000 members of the DUG and their supporters who defected to the APC were made up of seasoned grassroots PDP chieftains.
The defectors were received by the National Chairman of the All-Progressive Congress (APC), Mr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, and the Chairman of the Governing Board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Mr Chiedu Ebie, alongside other notable political figures in Delta State.
So far, Deltans are enamoured by the significant political shift with many describing the development as a political earthquake which was long overdue. Because of its grassroots orientation, political analysts have likened the DUG to the Mandate Group, an independent political pressure group that midwifed the election of Mr Bola Tinubu, now President, as Lagos State Governor in the late 1990s.
In the run up to the 2023 presidential election, among so many objectives, the group was primed and positioned to defend President Tinubu’s mandate and promote democracy, unity, justice, and liberty in Nigeria, mobilize support for him and Vice President Kashim Shettima’s administration, Promote Unity and Justice: Foster national unity, justice, and liberty for all Nigerians among others.
The Mandate Group which has established structures in all 36 states, with plans to launch state chapters and currently have 580,000 members in Lagos and aim to reach 40 million members nationwide within the next 12 months, targets various segments of society, including: Students, Workers, Artisans, Teachers, Fishermen, Farmers and Women.
In like manner, the DUG has emerged as a third force in Delta State politics. Although it is not a new body, it has, over the years, been quietly bestriding Delta’s political landscape for the good of the state. Call it a third force in the politics of Delta State, and you won’t be wrong because, from all ramifications, that is what DUG represents.
DUG is by no means a political party, but, as the name implies, it is a Delta State based political pressure group convened a few years ago by the selfless, foresighted and influential trio of Mr Olu-Tokunbo (Lulu) Enaboifo, Mr Chiedu Ebie and Sir Itiako (Malik) Ikpokpo.
Their aim and dream were to establish a political pressure group with an agenda to modernize Delta State and also serve as the brain box of the campaign platform of Olorogun David Edevbie, who was vying for the governorship candidate of PDP towards the 2023 gubernatorial election.
Even though the aspiration ended with the Supreme Court ruling in favour of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, the DUG remained a strong force that started building gradually on the dream of a modernized Delta State. DUG has an organizational structure of 17 National Executive Council members, a Board of Trustees, and Local Government Executives in all the 25 local governments in Delta State, with Ward Executives in all the wards across Delta State, DUG is deeply rooted in the grassroots of Delta State with its cell-like structures.
Prior to the 2023 election, a wing of DUG, at the Obinoba Declaration, crossed over to APC, where the APC governorship candidate, Mr Ovie Omo-Agege, described them as the intelligent wing of PDP.
The group significantly made a huge difference in the 2023 general elections in Delta State. The DUG members in the Delta North Senatorial District, at that point in time, remained with PDP and after full deliberation and strategizing, opted to support the candidature of the APC governorship candidate and all other candidates of APC, even though they had not formally left the PDP. Consequently, most of them were either suspended or cast away by PDP after the elections.
It was easy to blend and work harmoniously with the progressives due to the progressive mindset of DUG members. After the 2023 general elections in Delta State, DUG members of Ika Federal Constituency continued to align and work closely with the APC to strengthen the party and ensure that it is properly positioned to convert the Ika Federal Constituency to an APC constituency come 2027.
To the glory of God, President Tinubu found DUG’s co-founder/convener, Mr Ebie, fit to chair the Governing Board of the NDDC in 2023. This further gave the DUG more vigor to project the Renewed Hope Agenda of the progressive governance of Mr President. Following this appointment, Ika Federal Constituency became the heartbeat of DUG in Delta State, which has now radiated positively to Ndokwa/Ukwuani and Aniocha/Oshimili Federal Constituencies in Delta North.
This wave, which has led to the massive decamping of members of PDP and the Labour Party into DUG in preparation for absorption into the APC, has also witnessed the reactivation of some dormant APC ambers and the massive welcoming of previously non-partisan and newly retired civil servants into the APC, having witnessed the positive impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President.
Because the group was fully poised for the reconfiguration of Delta State in the progressive fold of the APC, it is therefore, not surprising to witness the humongous crowd that emptied into APC on 12th day of April, 2025 in Agbor, Ika Federal Constituency, Delta State.
Going by the above development, it is obvious that come 2027, Ika nation in particular and Deltans in general shall witness the dethronement of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, in the state and enthronement of a people focused leadership to be formed by the All Progressive Congress, APC, in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
Utomi, a media specialist, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. He can be reached via [email protected]/
Africa’s creative industries, from music and film to fashion, writing, and branding, are experiencing remarkable growth. However, as the sector flourishes, so do the threats posed by piracy and copyright infringement. Without proper protection, creators risk losing the value and recognition they deserve for their original work.
Copyright remains the first and most important line of defence. In many African countries, copyright protection begins automatically once a creative work, such as a song, logo, film, or design, is fixed in a tangible form. This protection can last for the creator’s lifetime, and in most cases, up to 70 years after. Yet, while automatic copyright provides a foundation, official registration strengthens legal standing and can be critical in resolving disputes.
When a creator’s work is used without permission, the violation must be addressed swiftly. Experts advise that the first step is to gather evidence—screenshots, URLS, timestamps, user details, and even data showing engagement or financial gain from the misused content. Proof of ownership, such as original files with timestamps, draft versions, or social media records of earlier uploads, is equally vital.
“Creators should always have proof of ownership ready,” says Frikkie Jonker, Director of Anti-Piracy at MultiChoice. “That could be anything from original project files to old emails or posts. It’s one of the most effective tools in enforcing your rights.”
Once evidence is collected, creators can issue takedown requests through social platforms or send formal cease-and-desist letters to website owners or hosts. Although enforcement processes differ by country, most African nations have copyright laws aligned with global standards like the U.S. DMCA. In many cases, showing credible ownership is enough to have infringing content removed.
If infringement continues or is being done at scale, such as by piracy rings or repeat offenders, creators may need to escalate the issue by reporting it to national copyright commissions or law enforcement. Efforts are also being bolstered across the continent through cooperation under agreements like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), with international bodies like Interpol, Afripol, and WIPO supporting cross-border enforcement.
Preventative measures are just as important. Creators are encouraged to use tools like digital watermarking and content fingerprinting to protect their work from unauthorised use online. Furthermore, smart monetisation strategies, such as YouTube’s Content ID syste,m can allow creators to earn revenue even when their content is reused without prior permission.
By understanding their rights, taking proactive steps to protect their creations, and using available technologies, African creatives can safeguard their work while continuing to build sustainable, long-term careers.
By Saifullahi Attahir
If there was ever anything that gave me goosebumps and immense pleasure, it was being surrounded by intellectuals and mature minds absorbing facts and figures about governance, economics, public health, policymaking, national security, and international relations. In such situations I easily lose myself, forgetting almost all other things.
Even at medical school, my best lectures were those with frequent digressions, whereby the lecturer would discuss the pathogenesis of diseases for 30 minutes and later sidetrack into discussing politics, governance, or other life issues. I always enjoyed classes led by Prof. Sagir Gumel, Dr. Murtala Abubakar, Dr. Rasheed Wemimo, Dr. Aliyu Mai Goro, and co.
During such lectures, I often observed some of my colleagues disappointment for such deviation. I rather casually show indifference, for I was eternally grateful for such discussions due to the stimulatory effect they had on my mind.
After such classes, I sometimes followed up with the lecturer, not to ask about a medical concept I did not grasp, but to ask for further explanation on policy making, project execution, budgetary expenditures, why African countries are left behind, and similar pressing issues.
In situations where I can’t catch up with the lecturer, I jotted down the questions for further deliberation.
One of the manifest feature I know about my greediness was at reading books. I can open five different books in a day. I lack such discipline to finish up one before another. I can start reading ‘Mein Kampf’ by Adolf Hitler, and halfway through 300 pages, I would pick up ‘My Life’ by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and would have to concurrently read both until the end.
I often scolded myself for such an attitude, but I can’t help myself. The only way to practice such discipline was to at least read two different books in a day. Such was a triumph in my practice of self-discipline. This was apart from my conventional medical textbooks.
To some of my friends, I was called an accidental medical doctor, but actually it was a perfect fate guided by the merciful Lord that I’m studying medicine.
For it was only medicine that makes reading books easier for you. Although time is precious in this profession, but one finds it easier to do anything you are passionate about. The daily interaction we have with people at their most vulnerable state was another psychostimulant. Seeing humans suffering from disease conditions is heartache. Some of the causes are mere ignorance, poverty, superstitions, and limited resources.
The contribution one can give couldn’t be limited to just prescribing drugs or surgical procedures that end up affecting one person. It’s much better to involve one self in to position that may bring possible change to the whole society even in form of orientation.
What also motivated me more was how I wasn’t the first to traverse this similar path. Bibliophiles were common among medical students and medical professionals.
At international level, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, was a physician.
Most of the current economic development of Malaysia was attributed to him. The South American revolutionary figure Che Guevara was a physician. Atul Gawande was an endocrinologist, health policy analyst, adviser to former President Obama, campaign volunteer to former President Bill Clinton, and adviser to USAID/WHO on health policies.
Frantz Fanon was another physician, psychiatrist, racial discrimination activist, and political writer. Dr. Zakir Naik was a renowned Islamic scholar, comparative religion expert, and physician.
At the national level, Prof. Usman Yusuf is a haematologist, former NHIS DG, and currently a political activist. Dr. Aminu Abdullahi Taura was a psychiatrist and former SSG to the Jigawa state government. Dr. Nuraddeen Muhammad was a psychiatrist and former cabinet minister to President Goodluck Jonathan.
During ward rounds and clinics, my mind often wanders to enquire not just about the diagnosis but the actual cause of the disease condition; why would a 17-year-old multiparous young lady develop peripartum cardiomyopathy (PPCM)? Why would a 5-year-old child develop severe anaemia from a mosquito bite? Why would a 25-year-old friend of mine develop chronic kidney disease, and his family would have to sell all their belongings for his treatment? Why are our Accident and Emergency units filled with road traffic accident cases? Was it bad road conditions or lack of adherence to traffic laws and orders?
Why are African countries still battling with 19th century diseases like Tuberculosis, filariasis, and malarial infections? Why issues of fighting cervical cancer and vaccination campaigns are treated with contempt in our societies? Why access to basic primary healthcare in Nigeria was still a luxury 50 years after Alma Ata declaration?
The questions are never-ending…
Answers to these questions could be found not in the conventional medical textbooks like Robbins/Cotrand, Davidson, or Sabiston. Answers to these questions are there on our faces. Answers to these questions are tied to the very fabric of our social life, our public institutions, our culture, and our life perspectives.
In order to make any significant contribution towards the betterment of this kind of society, it would be quite easier as an insider rather than an outsider. You can’t bring any positive outcome by just talking or commenting. It was rightly stated that a cat in gloves catches no mice.
The real players in a game are always better than the spectators. A player deserves accolades despite his shortcomings, frequent falls, and inability to deliver as planned theoretically. For the player has seen it all, because so many things in public life are not as they appear. It’s only when you are there that the reality becomes visible. This is the reason why many leaders who have goodwill and enjoy public support appear to have lost track or contributed insignificantly when elected or appointed into office.
But despite all these challenges, one can’t decline to do something good just because something bad might happen. The risk is worth it….
Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse
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