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Corruption as an Enterprise in Nigeria

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Corruption as an Enterprise

By Pedro Azuogu

Both the American Heritage Dictionary (1981) and Webster’s Comprehensive Dictionary (2010) described corruption as an act of being corrupt.

Corruption derives its meaning from the Latin word corruptus which in itself means tainted, decomposed, putrid, perverted, depraved, deteriorated, debased, dishonest, contaminated, corroded, impure, degenerated, polluted or such like synonyms which portend defilement of fidelity or morality.

As ugly as this word is in describing what is demeaning, it has been elevated to a state enterprise in Nigeria, such that any public official who is not part of the transaction is seen as a non-starter. No wonder then that a former British Prime Minister, David Cameron, opined that “Nigerians are fantastically corrupt”.

A plethora of laws enacted by the Nigerian parliament, including Criminal Code, Penal Code, Police Act, Procurement Act, Independent Corrupt Practices Commission ( ICPC) Act, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act, Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act and Terrorism (Prevention) Act among others, are some of the potent efforts made by the Nigerian state to checkmate the activities of unscrupulous elements whose stocks in trade are to subvert the regulatory processes of attaining good governance in the country.

All the agencies of government were established by-laws for their purpose of providing admissible means of interfacing with the citizens, foreign nationals and other sister agencies for the well-being of the people and for developmental strides as they concern the entire country.

It can be eloquently testified and declared here that these laws were all made with good intentions and in the spirit of consummate administrative convenience.

However, suffice it to say without mincing words that adherence to these litanies of laws have always been observed in fragrant breaches with impunity by those who are saddled with the onerous burden of executing them on one hand and by those upon whom they are to be executed, on the other hand, thus rendering the laws inoperative.

In another breadth, the said laws are selectively applied against perceived enemies of the state or such other persons who are vulnerably incapacitated to secure persons that could strongly lend voices on their behalf.

In some cases, most of the human rights lawyers or lawyers from the state-owned Legal Aid Council who, by their callings or demands of the office, are expected to render pro bono legal services to the financial weaklings in order to unravel the logical truth encased in corrupt matters, end up bungling such cases because of probably none or little service charges. But they will prefer to stoutly defend those embezzlers of public funds whose hands in the till cannot be compared because they have millions to pay as legal fees.

Corruption thrives where people have the penchant for subversion and cutting corners in order to beat laid down rules and procedures for processing documents or obtaining such items required of them while transacting with the state officials through administrative machinery.

In a bid to fasten or circumvent the process, the officials are compromised due partly because of poor remuneration of the said officials and mainly because of the absence of patriotic orientation, occasioned by tribal and religious considerations.

It is important to note that in corruption, it takes two to tango and as such a government official who allows himself to be inducted into issuing a fake document, allows a substandard product to enter the market, inflates contract, stamps unauthorized document for filing, pilfers the till, allows smuggled goods to cross the border, extorts motorists to overlook expired papers, hides or destroys files for criminals to escape justice, removes documents from confidential files or engages in any ignoble act of sabotage against the government in order to have his palm greased, is not only digging his own grave but also that of his children.

This accounts for why the majority of people who found themselves in such unofficial deals are bedevilled with stroke or bankruptcy immediately after retirement and in some cases, their children end up being vagabonds. There is always a time to reap for everyone after sowing. The law of karma or retributive justice is real.

Since 1966, every successive government has always lampooned the preceding one of cuddling corruption and has, therefore, come to curb the menace, but in the end, itself will be swallowed up by the same monster.

The reason is that Nigeria cannot escape the accusation of having been founded on fraud. The continued glorification of tribalism and religious bigotry by every successive administration has made it practically impossible for the tree of corruption to be cut down, such that what each administration does is just to cut off the branch that ‘bore corruption fruits’ for people or religion of the past administration and then allow another branch to ‘bear corruption fruits’ for people or religion of its own administration.

Until there is a holistic TOP-BOTTOM orientation on patriotism which will make every citizen think, talk and act Nigerian and mass mobilization of the entire citizenry to appreciate the need to see everything from Nigerian prism, believing that all that is Nigerian is his/her own, the wishy-washy attitude and mentality will continue, where the people see the tenure of their tribesman or religion as “our turn.

The present administration rode on the heels or mantra of fighting corruption as one of its three-pronged agenda in 2015. The unfortunate thing is that there was no clear-cut template and definition of what actually amounted to corruption.

In the absence of such template, the government embarked on a goose chase of officials of the previous administration who constituted the opposition by stripping them of whatever property or money found in their possession or traced to their names.

As a result of the vindictive nature of the pursuit without diligent and condensed investigation, most of the trials failed to secure convictions in the courts as reliance was placed more on media trial to curry public sympathy and outrage over the humongous figures being bandied in the public domain has been recovered in the accounts of the opposition members.

The fact that the corruption search light was beamed more on the opposition, beclouded the government from seeing and observing that nearly all that were being recovered were also being re-looted back by the recoverers and their cronies.

When this administration took over, it started by enunciating a ‘blame game’ principle whereupon every ugly situation that existed (including those caused by its officials) was blamed on the activities of the previous administration.

The diversionary tactics affected the psychic of the people into believing and accepting that the previous administration was membered by devilish individuals.

For three years, this tactic worked. But at the epilogue of the first tenure of the administration, it dawned on the people that the government had been busy churning out mindless lies as it became obvious that it had failed.

While the people waited patiently to oust the administration in the 2019 election, the President played smart by refusing to sign the Electoral Reform Bill that would have allowed for electronic voting in which the electorate would have quietly eased the administration out of office.

The said election inadvertently re-introduced violence, characterized by killings, ballot box snatching and voter intimidation which had long been jettisoned since 2003. The Judiciary was grossly intimidated and cowed into making unjustly pronouncements that saw candidates that never won elections being sworn-in to govern the people.

The saying that evil can only thrive for a season and not forever manifested glaringly within five years of the eight-year or first year of the second tenure of the administration when cans of worms began to be opened of the mad corruptions taking place under the very nose of the President described always as a man of integrity.

It should be noted that one of the cardinal elements that attracted President Buhari to Nigerian people in 2015 to vote for him was the vigorous way he fought corruption during his military regime as Head of State between 1983-1985, albeit many human rights infractions. The thinking of the people was that ‘if he could do it then, he can also do it again’.

Although, the fight then was centrally driven by his Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, late Major General Tunde Idiagbon who, with late Air Commodore Emeka Omeruo, then Minister of Information gyrated a nationwide War Against Indiscipline (WAI) policy that aroused uncommon patriotic enthusiasm among Nigerians. But this time around, that self-same straight-faced and uncompromising Buhari of old roundly disappointed his admirers as a civilian President, probably because there was no longer an Idiagbon personified or decrees to be promulgated.

It is, therefore, understandable that democratic variables and age may have taken a toll on him and contributed to why the President lost the steam of effective control of his government unlike what was noticed during his military regime.

How then do we, therefore, view the high degree of corruptions being noticed in this administration that took its preamble from the N100.M grass-cutting scandal of Babachir Lawal, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), late Abba Kyari’s N500.M MTN bribe scandal, Ikoyi House millions of naira involving a former Head of the Secret Agency (DSS), Aisha Buhari’s millions stolen by her aide, Governor Abdullahi Ganduje’s $500.M bribe scandal, Saddiat Umar Farouk’s disbursement huge sum of money for the school children during COVID-19 lockdown, Abubakar Malami’s (Attorney General) children Olympian lifestyle, Ibrahim Magu’s (EFCC Chair) unaccounted recovered billions of naira and properties, Award of untraceable contracts worth trillions of naira by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) within three years and another missing N100.B in the coffers of the North East Development Commission (NEDC) amongst others. The list appears endless.

On the whole, we are saddened by the fact that the necessary loopholes through which monies are siphoned from the public treasury are yet to be plugged, giving credence to our earlier assertion that there was no credible template created upon which the war on corruption was to be fought ab initio.

We are yet to see a consummated effort to ensure that public officials accused of graft are disciplined without delay as witnessed during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency where two Governors; James Ibori and DSP Alamesiagh, Inspector General of Police, Tarfa Balogun, Chairman Nigerian Ports Authority, Chief Olabode George (PDP Deputy Chairman) et al were removed from office, arrested, investigated, prosecuted and imprisoned.

Compare that to what we have now where the National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, publicly announced in 2019 that “once you come into APC your sins are forgiven”. This statement by Oshiomhole clearly captures the corporate stand of the present administration as far as the fight against corruption is concerned, whereby persons accused of corrupt enrichment (being members of the ruling party) are allowed to carry on with their jobs except and until there is public outcry and condemnation before the President is compelled to act, and in most cases, he did it reluctantly.

Considering that under this administration, Nigeria has been rated as the poverty capital of the world, one of the most corrupt countries of the world by the Transparency International, the 3rd most dangerous country to live in the world while the Global Terrorist Index rated Boko Haram as the 4th most dangerous terrorist group in the world, it presupposes that the image of the country in the global arena has been reduced to nothingness.

The war against insurgency has become a mere child’s play where hitherto respected Nigerian soldiers are now being killed like cockroaches through unexplainable ambushes by both insurgents and bandits. Military men now resign from their profession with ignominy while some others take to social media to lament of zero welfare and insufficient supply of ammunition to prosecute the war on terror and banditry (for which officers and men are court-martialed).

A critical analysis of all these goes to confirm that, indeed corruption has been elevated to the apogee of Statecraft where your political party, tribe, religion and, or status in life determines whether what you committed can actually be tantamount to corrupt practice or not. Who then will say that corruption has not become an Enterprise in Nigeria? If, and only if the President can put his feet down and rise to the occasion, take charge and responsibility, knowing that the buck stops on his table, things could still turn around for good, otherwise, the idea of continued pursuit of perceived opponents or critics of the administration while leaving officials of the administration to carry on business, as usual, can only plunge the country into a deeper abyss of avoidable catastrophe.

Our take is that the President should always act fast to investigate any alleged corrupt infraction against any of his officials so as not to create the impression in the minds of his admirers that he is privy to their actions or that he is not in control.

If you have any further questions, you can call +2349026653506 or email: [email protected]

Pedro Azuogu is the Principal Partner of P.R.O Azuogu & Associates

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When Stability Matters: Gauging Gusau’s Quiet Wins for Nigerian Football

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NFF President Ibrahim Musa Gusau

By Barr. Adefila Kamal

Football in Nigeria has never been just a sport. It is emotion, argument, nationalism, and sometimes heartbreak wrapped into ninety minutes. That passion is a gift, but it often comes with a tendency to shout down progress before it has the chance to grow. In the middle of this noise sits the Nigeria Football Federation under the leadership of Ibrahim Musa Gusau, a man who has chosen steady hands over loud speeches, structure over drama, and long-term rebuilding over chasing instant applause.

When Gusau took office in 2022, he understood one thing clearly: the only way to fix Nigerian football is to repair its foundations. He said it openly during the 2025 NNL monthly awards ceremony — you cannot build an edifice from the rooftop. And true to that conviction, his tenure has taken shape quietly through structural investments that don’t trend on social media but matter where the future of the game is built. The construction of a players’ hostel and modern training pitches at the Moshood Abiola Stadium is one of the clearest signs of this shift. Nigeria has gone decades without basic infrastructure for its national teams, especially youth and age-grade squads. Gusau’s administration broke that pattern by delivering the first dedicated national-team hostel in our history, a project that signals an understanding that success is not luck — it is preparation.

The same thread runs through grassroots football. The maiden edition of the FCT FA Women’s Inter-Area Councils Football Tournament emerged under this administration, giving young female players a structured platform instead of the token attention they usually receive. These initiatives are not flashy. They do not dominate headlines. But they form the bedrock of any footballing nation that wants to be taken seriously.

Gusau’s leadership has also focused on lifting the domestic leagues out of years of decline. The NFF has revamped professional and semi-professional competitions, working to create consistent scheduling, fair officiating, and marketable competition structures. The growing number of global broadcasting partnerships — something unheard of in the old NPFL era — has brought more eyes, more credibility and more opportunities for clubs and players. Monthly awards for players, coaches and referees have introduced a culture of performance and merit, something our domestic game has needed for years. These are reforms that reshape the culture of football far beyond one season.

Internationally, Nigeria regained a powerful seat at the table when Gusau was elected President of the West African Football Union (WAFU B). This is not a ceremonial achievement. In football politics, influence determines opportunities, hosting rights, development grants, international appointments and the respect with which nations are treated. For too long, Nigeria’s voice in the region was inconsistent. Gusau’s emergence changes that, and it places Nigeria in a position where its administrative competence cannot be dismissed.

His administration has also made it clear that women’s football, youth development and academy systems are no longer side projects. There is a renewed intention to repair the broken pathways that once produced global stars with almost predictable frequency. If Nigeria is going to remain a powerhouse, development must become a machine, not an afterthought.

Still, for many observers, none of this seems to matter because the yardstick is always a single match, a single tournament or a single disappointing moment. Public criticism often grows louder than the facts. Fans want instant results, and when they don’t come, the instinct is to blame whoever is in office at the moment. But this approach has repeatedly sabotaged Nigerian football. Constant leadership changes wipe out institutional memory and scatter reform efforts before they mature. No nation becomes great by resetting its football house every time tempers flare.

Gusau’s leadership is unfolding at a time when FIFA and CAF are tightening their expectations for professionalism, financial transparency and infrastructure. Nigeria cannot afford scandals, disarray or combative politics. We need the kind of administrative consistency that global football bodies can trust — and this is exactly the lane Gusau has chosen. He has not been perfect; no administrator is. But he has been consistent, measured and focused. In an ecosystem that often rewards noise, this is rare.

For progress to hold, Nigeria must shift from the culture of outrage to a culture of constructive contribution. The media, civil society, ex-players, club owners, fan groups — everyone has a role. The truth is that Nigerian football’s biggest enemy has never been the NFF president, whoever he might be at the time. The real enemies are impatience, instability and emotional decision-making. They derail strategy. They kill reforms. They weaken institutions. And they turn football — our greatest cultural asset — into a battlefield of blame.

Gusau’s effort to reposition the NFF is a reminder that real development is rarely glamorous. It is slow, disciplined and often misunderstood. But it is the only route that leads to the future we claim to want: a football system built on structure, modern governance, infrastructure, youth development and global influence. Nigeria will flourish when we start protecting our institutions instead of tearing them down after every misstep.

If we truly want Nigerian football to rise, we must recognise genuine work when we see it. We must support continuity when it is clearly producing a roadmap. And we must resist the temptation to substitute outrage for analysis. Ibrahim Musa Gusau’s tenure is not defined by noise. It is defined by groundwork — the kind that elevates nations long after the shouting stops.

Barr. Adefila Kamal is a legal practitioner and development specialist. He serves as the National President of the Civil Society Network for Good Governance (CSNGG), with a long-standing commitment to transparency, institutional reform and sports governance in Nigeria

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Unlocking Capital for Infrastructure: The Case for Project Bonds in Nigeria

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Taiwo Olatunji Project Bonds in Nigeria

By Taiwo Olatunji, CFA

Nigeria’s infrastructure ambition is not constrained by vision, but by the financing architecture. The public sector balance sheet, which has been the primary source of financing, has become very tight, while financing from the private sector is available and increasing, with a focus on long-term, naira-denominated assets. Hence, the challenge lies in effectively connecting this capital to bankable projects at scale and with discipline. Project bonds, created, structured and distributed by investment banks, are the instruments required to bridge the country’s infrastructure needs.

The scale of the need is clear. Nigeria’s Revised NIIMP (2020–2043) estimates ~US$2.3 trillion, about US$100bn, a year is required annually for the next 30 years to lift infrastructure to 70% of GDP. Africa’s pensions, insurers and sovereign funds already hold over US$1.1 trillion that can be mobilised for this purpose, but they require new and innovative approaches to enhance their participation in addressing this challenge.

What is broken with the status quo?

Nigeria continues to finance inherently long-dated assets through the issuance of local currency public bonds, Sukuk and Eurobonds. This approach creates a heavy burden on the government’s balance sheet while sometimes causing refinancing risk and FX exposures, where naira cash flows service dollar liabilities. It has also led to the slow conversion of the pipeline of identified projects because many infrastructure projects have not been prepared, appraised and structured to attract the private sector.

Why project bonds and where they sit in the stack

Project bonds are debt securities issued by project SPVs and serviced from project cash flows, typically secured by concessions, offtake agreements, or availability payments. Unlike typical bonds (corporate or government), which are backed by the sponsor’s balance sheets, project bonds are backed by the cash flow generated by the financed project. They often have longer duration, are tradeable, aligned with the long operating life of infrastructure projects and best suited for pension and insurance investors.

Globally, this type of instrument has been used to finance major projects such as toll roads, power plants, and social infrastructure. For example, in Latin America, transportation and energy projects have been financed through project bonds from local and international investors, through the 144A market, a U.S. framework that allows companies to access large institutional investors without going through a full public offering. Similarly, in India, rupee-denominated project bonds have benefited from partial credit guarantees provided by institutions like Crédit Agricole Corporate and Investment Bank, which help lower investment risk and attract more investors.

In practice, project bonds can be structured in two ways: (i) as a take-out instrument, refinancing bank or DFI construction loans once an asset has reached operational stability; or (ii) as a bond issued from day one for brownfield or late-stage greenfield projects where revenue visibility is high, often supported by credit enhancements such as guarantees.

In both cases, the instrument achieves the same outcome: aligning long-term, project cash flows with the long-term liabilities of domestic institutional investors.

The enabling ecosystem is already emerging

1. Nigeria is not starting from zero. Regulatory infrastructure is already in place. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has issued detailed rules governing Project Bonds and Infrastructure Funds, creating standardized issuance structures aligned with global best practice and familiar to institutional investors. The SEC is also mulling the inclusion of the proposed rules on Credit Enhancement Service Providers in the existing rules of the Commission.

2. Market benchmarks are already available. The sovereign yield curve, published by the Debt Management Office (DMO) through its regular monthly auctions, provides a transparent reference point for pricing. This curve serves as the base risk-free rate, against which project bond spreads can be calibrated to reflect construction, operating, and sector-specific risks.

3. The National Pension Commission (PenCom) has revised its Regulation on the investment of Pension Fund Assets, increasing the amount of the country’s N25.9 trillion pension assets to be allocated to infrastructure.

4. InfraCredit has established a robust local-currency guarantee framework, supporting an aggregate guaranteed portfolio of approximately ₦270 billion. The portfolio carries a weighted average tenor of ~8 years, with demonstrated capacity to extend maturities up to 20 years. (InfraCredit 2025)

Why merchant banks should lead

Merchant banks sit at the nexus of origination, structuring, underwriting, and distribution, and they need to work with projects sponsors, financiers and government to develop a pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects. A pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects is important to attract investors as they prefer to invest in an economy with a recognizable pipeline. A pipeline also suggests that a structured and well-thought-out approach was adopted, and the projects would have identified all the major risks and the proposed mitigants to address the identified risks.

This “banks-as-catalysts” model, an economic framework that states banks can play an active and creative role in promoting industrialization and economic development, particularly in emerging markets, can be adopted to structure and mobilise domestic private finance into Infrastructure projects.

Coronation Merchant Bank’s role and vision

At Coronation, we believe the identification, structuring and testing of bankable infrastructure projects are the constraints to mobilization of private capital into the infrastructure space. We bring an integrated platform across Financial Advisory, Capital Mobilization, Commercial Debt, Private Debt and Alternative Financing to identify, structure, underwrite and distribute infrastructure debt into domestic institutions. The Bank works with DFIs, guarantee providers and other banks to scale issuance. Our franchise has supported infrastructure debt issuances via the capital markets, likewise Nigerian corporates and the Government.

From Insight to Execution

If you are considering the issuance of a project bond or you want to discuss pipeline readiness, kindly contact [email protected] or call 020-01279760.

Taiwo Olatunji, CFA is the Group Head of  Investment Banking at Coronation Merchant Bank

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Nigeria’s “Era of Renewed Stability” and the Truths the CBN Chooses to Overlook

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CBN Building Governor Yemi Cardoso

By Blaise Udunze

At the Annual Bankers’ Dinner, when the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Yemi Cardoso, recently stated that Nigeria had “turned a decisive corner,” his remark aimed to convey assurance that inflation was decelerating with headline inflation eased to 16.05percent and food inflation retreating to 13.12 percent, the exchange rate was stabilizing, and foreign reserves ($46.7 billion) had climbed to a seven-year peak. However, beneath this announcement, a grimmer and conflicting economic situation challenges households, businesses, and investors daily.

Stability is not announced; it is felt. For millions of Nigerians, however, what they are facing instead are increasing difficulties, declining abilities, diminished buying power, and susceptibilities that dispute any assertion of a steady macroeconomic path.

The 303rd MPC gathering was the most significant in recent times, revealing policies and statements that prompt more questions than clarifications. It highlighted an economy striving to appear stable, in theory, while the actual sector struggles to breathe.

This narrative explores why Cardoso’s assertion of “restored stability” is based on a delicate and partial foundation, and why Nigeria continues to be distant from attaining economic robustness.

Manufacturing: The Core of Genuine Stability Remains Struggling to Survive

A strong economy is characterized by growth in production, increased investment, and competitive industries. Nigeria lacks all of these elements.

The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) expressed this clearly in its response to the MPC’s choice to keep the Monetary Policy Rate at 27 percent. MAN stated that elevated interest rates are now” hindering production, deterring investment, and weakening competitiveness.

Producers are presently taking loans at rates between 30-37 percent, an environment that renders growth unfeasible and survival challenging. MAN’s Director-General, Segun Ajayi-Kadir, emphasized that although stable exchange rates matter, no genuine industry can endure borrowing expenses to those charged by loan sharks.

The CBN’s choice to maintain elevated interest rates is based on drawing foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) to support the naira’s stability. However, FPIs are well-known for being short-term, speculative, and reactive to disturbances. They do not signify long-term stability. Do they represent genuine economic development?

Genuine stability demands assurance, in manufacturing beyond financial tightening. Manufacturers are expressing, clearly and persistently, that no progress has been made.

Oil Output and Revenue: The Engine Behind Nigeria’s Stability Is Misfiring

Nigeria’s oil sector, which is the backbone of its fiscal stability, is underperforming. The 2025 budget presumed:

  • $75 per barrel oil price
  • 2.06 million barrels per day production

Both objectives have fallen apart. Brent crude lingers near $62.56 under the benchmark. Contrary to the usual explanations, experts attribute the decline not mainly to external shocks but to poor reservoir management, outdated models, weak oversight, and delayed technical decisions.

Engineer Charles Deigh, a regarded expert in reservoir engineering, clearly expressed that Nigeria is experiencing production losses due to inadequate well monitoring, obsolete reservoir models, and technical choices lacking fundamental engineering precision.  These shortcomings result directly in decreased revenue. By September 2025:

–       Nigeria had accumulated N62.15 trillion from oil revenue

–       instead of the N84.67 trillion budgeted.

–       In September, the Federal Inland Revenue Service reported a startling 49.60 percent deficit in revenue from oil taxes.

A nation falling short of its main revenue goals by 50 percent cannot assert stability. Instead, it will take loans. Nigeria has taken loans.

A Stability Built on Debt, Not Productivity

Nigeria is now Africa’s largest borrower, and the world’s third-biggest borrower from the World Bank’s IDA, with $18.5 billion in commitments. By mid-2025, the total public debt amounts to N152.4 trillion, marking a 348.6 percent rise since 2023.

From July to October 2025, the government secured contracts for: $24.79 billion, €4 billion, ¥15 billion, N757 billion, and $500 million Sukuk loans. Nevertheless, in spite of these acquisitions, infrastructure continues to be manufacturing remains limited, and social welfare is still insufficient.

Uche Uwaleke, a finance and capital markets professor, cautions that Nigeria’s debt service ratio is “detrimental to growth.” Currently, the government spends one out of every four naira it earns on servicing debts. Taking on debt is not harmful in itself, provided it finances projects that pay for themselves. In Nigeria, it supports subsistence.  A country funding today, through the labour of the future, cannot assert restored stability.

The Naira: A Currency Supported by Fragile Pillars

The CBN contends that elevated interest rates and enhanced market confidence have contributed to the naira’s stabilisation. However, this steadiness is based on grounds that cannot endure even the slightest global disturbance. The pillars of a stable currency are:

–       Rising domestic production

–       Expanding exports

–       Reliable energy supply

–       Strong security

–       A thriving manufacturing base

None of these is Nigeria’s current reality. What Nigeria actually receives is capital from portfolio investors, and past events (2014, 2018, 2020, 2022) have demonstrated how rapidly these funds disappear.

Unemployment: “Stable” Figures Mask a Rising Youth Crisis 

The CBN touts a reported unemployment rate of 4.3 percent. However, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), along with economists, cautions that the approach conceals more serious issues in the labour market.

Youth joblessness has increased to 6.5 percent, and the Nigerian Economic Summit Group cautions that Nigeria needs to generate 27 million formal employment opportunities by 2030 or else confront a disastrous labour crisis. The employment crisis is a ticking time bomb. A country cannot maintain stability when its youth are inactive, disheartened, and financially marginalized.

FDI Continues to Lag Despite CBN’s Positive Outlook

During the 2025 Nigerian Economic Summit, NESG Chairman, Niyi Yusuf stated that Nigeria’s efforts to attract direct investment (FDI) continue to be sluggish despite the implementation of reforms. FDI genuinely reflects investor trust, not portfolio inflows. FDI signifies enduring dedication, manufacturing plants, employment, and generating value. Nigeria does not have any of this as of now. An economy unable to draw long-term investments lacks stability.

139 Million Nigerians in Poverty: What Stability?

The recent development report from the World Bank estimates that 139 million Nigerians are living in poverty, and more than half of the population faces daily struggles. This is not stability. It is a humanitarian and economic crisis.

Food inflation continues to stay structurally high. The cost of a food basket has risen five times since 2019. Low-income families currently allocate much, as 70 percent of their earnings to food. A government cannot claim stability when its citizens go hungry.

A Fragile, Failing Power Sector

The power sector, another cornerstone of economic stability, is failing. Over 90 million Nigerians are without access to electricity, which is one of the highest figures globally. Even homes linked to the grid get 6.6 hours of electricity daily. Companies allocate funds to generators rather than to technology, innovation, or growth. Nigeria has now emerged as the biggest importer of solar panels in Africa, not due to environmental goals but because the national power grid is unreliable.

A country cannot achieve stability if it is unable to supply electricity to its residences, industrial plants, or medical centers.

Insecurity: The Silent Pillar Undermining All Economic Policy

Banditry, terrorism, abduction, and militant attacks persist in agriculture, manufacturing, logistics, and investment. Nigeria forfeits $15 billion each year due to insecurity and resources that might have fueled industrial development.

Food price increases are mainly caused by instability, and farmers are unable to cultivate, gather, or deliver their products. Nevertheless, the MPC approaches inflation predominantly as an issue of policy. In a country where insecurity fundamentally hinders the economy tightening policy cannot ensure stability.

Inflation Figures Under Suspicion

Questions have also emerged regarding the reliability of inflation data. Dr. Tilewa Adebajo, an economist, affirmed that the CBN might not entirely rely on the NBS inflation figures, highlighting increasing apprehension. A sharp decrease to 16 percent inflation clashes with market conditions.

Families are facing the food costs in two decades. Costs, for transport, housing rent, education fees, and necessary items keep increasing. Food prices cannot decline when farmers are abandoning their farmlands and fleeing for safety. If inflation figures are manipulated or partial, the stability story based on them becomes deceptive. There is, quite frankly, a significant disconnect between governance and the lived experience of ordinary Nigerians.

Foreign Reserves: A Story of Headlines vs Reality

Even Nigeria’s celebrated foreign reserves require scrutiny. The CBN reported $46.7 billion in reserves. However, a closer examination shows:

–       Net usable reserves are only $23.11 billion

–       The remainder is connected to commitments, swaps, and debts

Gross reserves make the news. Net reserves protect the currency. The difference is too large to assert that the naira is stable.

Nigeria’s Economic Contradiction: Stability at the Top, Volatility at the Bottom

In reality, Nigeria is caught between official proclamations of stability and lived experiences of volatility. The disparity between the CBN’s account and the actual experiences of Nigerians highlights a reality:

–       Macroeconomic changes have failed to convert into improvements in human well-being.

–       Nigeria might appear stable officially. Its citizens are experiencing instability in truth.

–       Taking on debt is increasing

–       Poverty is worsening

–       Manufacturing is contracting

–       Jobs are scarce

–       Authority is breaking down

–       Feelings of insecurity are growing stronger

–       Inflation is undermining dignity

–       Companies are struggling to breathe

–       Capital is escaping

–       Misery, among humans, is expanding

A strong economy is one where advancement is experienced, not announced.

What Genuine Stability Demands 

To move from paper stability to real stability, Nigeria must:

  1. Support domestic production.  Cut interest rates for manufacturers, reduce borrowing costs, and provide targeted credit.
  2. Fix oil production technically. Revamp reservoir engineering, implement surveillance. Allocate resources to adequate technical oversight.
  3. Prioritize security. Secure farmlands, highways, and industrial corridors.
  4. Reform the power sector. Invest in grid reliability, renewable integration, and private-sector-led transmission.
  5. Attract real FDI. Streamline rules, enhance the framework, and maintain consistent policy guidance.
  6. Anchor debt on productive projects. Take loans exclusively for infrastructure projects that produce income.
  7. Prioritize reforms in welfare. Adopt crisis-responsive, domestically funded safety nets.
  8. Improve transparency. Ensure inflation, employment, and reserve data reflect reality.

Stability Is Not Given; It Has to Be Achieved

The CBN Governor’s statement of “renewed stability” is hopeful. It remains unproven. The inconsistencies are glaring, the statistics too. The real-world experiences are too harsh. Nigerians require outcomes, not slogans. Stability is gauged not through statements on policy but by whether:

–       Manufacturing plants are creating (factories operate at full capacity),

–       Food is affordable,

–       Young people have jobs

–       The naira is strong without artificial props,

–       Electricity is reliable,

–       Security is assured,

–       Poverty rates are decreasing.

Unless these conditions are met, Nigeria is not experiencing a period of restored stability. Instead, it is going through a phase of recovery, one that will collapse if the actual economy keeps worsening while decision-makers prematurely applaud their successes. The CBN must rethink its approach. Nigeria needs productive stability, not statistical stability.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]

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