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Corruption as an Enterprise in Nigeria

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Corruption as an Enterprise

By Pedro Azuogu

Both the American Heritage Dictionary (1981) and Webster’s Comprehensive Dictionary (2010) described corruption as an act of being corrupt.

Corruption derives its meaning from the Latin word corruptus which in itself means tainted, decomposed, putrid, perverted, depraved, deteriorated, debased, dishonest, contaminated, corroded, impure, degenerated, polluted or such like synonyms which portend defilement of fidelity or morality.

As ugly as this word is in describing what is demeaning, it has been elevated to a state enterprise in Nigeria, such that any public official who is not part of the transaction is seen as a non-starter. No wonder then that a former British Prime Minister, David Cameron, opined that “Nigerians are fantastically corrupt”.

A plethora of laws enacted by the Nigerian parliament, including Criminal Code, Penal Code, Police Act, Procurement Act, Independent Corrupt Practices Commission ( ICPC) Act, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act, Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act and Terrorism (Prevention) Act among others, are some of the potent efforts made by the Nigerian state to checkmate the activities of unscrupulous elements whose stocks in trade are to subvert the regulatory processes of attaining good governance in the country.

All the agencies of government were established by-laws for their purpose of providing admissible means of interfacing with the citizens, foreign nationals and other sister agencies for the well-being of the people and for developmental strides as they concern the entire country.

It can be eloquently testified and declared here that these laws were all made with good intentions and in the spirit of consummate administrative convenience.

However, suffice it to say without mincing words that adherence to these litanies of laws have always been observed in fragrant breaches with impunity by those who are saddled with the onerous burden of executing them on one hand and by those upon whom they are to be executed, on the other hand, thus rendering the laws inoperative.

In another breadth, the said laws are selectively applied against perceived enemies of the state or such other persons who are vulnerably incapacitated to secure persons that could strongly lend voices on their behalf.

In some cases, most of the human rights lawyers or lawyers from the state-owned Legal Aid Council who, by their callings or demands of the office, are expected to render pro bono legal services to the financial weaklings in order to unravel the logical truth encased in corrupt matters, end up bungling such cases because of probably none or little service charges. But they will prefer to stoutly defend those embezzlers of public funds whose hands in the till cannot be compared because they have millions to pay as legal fees.

Corruption thrives where people have the penchant for subversion and cutting corners in order to beat laid down rules and procedures for processing documents or obtaining such items required of them while transacting with the state officials through administrative machinery.

In a bid to fasten or circumvent the process, the officials are compromised due partly because of poor remuneration of the said officials and mainly because of the absence of patriotic orientation, occasioned by tribal and religious considerations.

It is important to note that in corruption, it takes two to tango and as such a government official who allows himself to be inducted into issuing a fake document, allows a substandard product to enter the market, inflates contract, stamps unauthorized document for filing, pilfers the till, allows smuggled goods to cross the border, extorts motorists to overlook expired papers, hides or destroys files for criminals to escape justice, removes documents from confidential files or engages in any ignoble act of sabotage against the government in order to have his palm greased, is not only digging his own grave but also that of his children.

This accounts for why the majority of people who found themselves in such unofficial deals are bedevilled with stroke or bankruptcy immediately after retirement and in some cases, their children end up being vagabonds. There is always a time to reap for everyone after sowing. The law of karma or retributive justice is real.

Since 1966, every successive government has always lampooned the preceding one of cuddling corruption and has, therefore, come to curb the menace, but in the end, itself will be swallowed up by the same monster.

The reason is that Nigeria cannot escape the accusation of having been founded on fraud. The continued glorification of tribalism and religious bigotry by every successive administration has made it practically impossible for the tree of corruption to be cut down, such that what each administration does is just to cut off the branch that ‘bore corruption fruits’ for people or religion of the past administration and then allow another branch to ‘bear corruption fruits’ for people or religion of its own administration.

Until there is a holistic TOP-BOTTOM orientation on patriotism which will make every citizen think, talk and act Nigerian and mass mobilization of the entire citizenry to appreciate the need to see everything from Nigerian prism, believing that all that is Nigerian is his/her own, the wishy-washy attitude and mentality will continue, where the people see the tenure of their tribesman or religion as “our turn.

The present administration rode on the heels or mantra of fighting corruption as one of its three-pronged agenda in 2015. The unfortunate thing is that there was no clear-cut template and definition of what actually amounted to corruption.

In the absence of such template, the government embarked on a goose chase of officials of the previous administration who constituted the opposition by stripping them of whatever property or money found in their possession or traced to their names.

As a result of the vindictive nature of the pursuit without diligent and condensed investigation, most of the trials failed to secure convictions in the courts as reliance was placed more on media trial to curry public sympathy and outrage over the humongous figures being bandied in the public domain has been recovered in the accounts of the opposition members.

The fact that the corruption search light was beamed more on the opposition, beclouded the government from seeing and observing that nearly all that were being recovered were also being re-looted back by the recoverers and their cronies.

When this administration took over, it started by enunciating a ‘blame game’ principle whereupon every ugly situation that existed (including those caused by its officials) was blamed on the activities of the previous administration.

The diversionary tactics affected the psychic of the people into believing and accepting that the previous administration was membered by devilish individuals.

For three years, this tactic worked. But at the epilogue of the first tenure of the administration, it dawned on the people that the government had been busy churning out mindless lies as it became obvious that it had failed.

While the people waited patiently to oust the administration in the 2019 election, the President played smart by refusing to sign the Electoral Reform Bill that would have allowed for electronic voting in which the electorate would have quietly eased the administration out of office.

The said election inadvertently re-introduced violence, characterized by killings, ballot box snatching and voter intimidation which had long been jettisoned since 2003. The Judiciary was grossly intimidated and cowed into making unjustly pronouncements that saw candidates that never won elections being sworn-in to govern the people.

The saying that evil can only thrive for a season and not forever manifested glaringly within five years of the eight-year or first year of the second tenure of the administration when cans of worms began to be opened of the mad corruptions taking place under the very nose of the President described always as a man of integrity.

It should be noted that one of the cardinal elements that attracted President Buhari to Nigerian people in 2015 to vote for him was the vigorous way he fought corruption during his military regime as Head of State between 1983-1985, albeit many human rights infractions. The thinking of the people was that ‘if he could do it then, he can also do it again’.

Although, the fight then was centrally driven by his Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, late Major General Tunde Idiagbon who, with late Air Commodore Emeka Omeruo, then Minister of Information gyrated a nationwide War Against Indiscipline (WAI) policy that aroused uncommon patriotic enthusiasm among Nigerians. But this time around, that self-same straight-faced and uncompromising Buhari of old roundly disappointed his admirers as a civilian President, probably because there was no longer an Idiagbon personified or decrees to be promulgated.

It is, therefore, understandable that democratic variables and age may have taken a toll on him and contributed to why the President lost the steam of effective control of his government unlike what was noticed during his military regime.

How then do we, therefore, view the high degree of corruptions being noticed in this administration that took its preamble from the N100.M grass-cutting scandal of Babachir Lawal, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), late Abba Kyari’s N500.M MTN bribe scandal, Ikoyi House millions of naira involving a former Head of the Secret Agency (DSS), Aisha Buhari’s millions stolen by her aide, Governor Abdullahi Ganduje’s $500.M bribe scandal, Saddiat Umar Farouk’s disbursement huge sum of money for the school children during COVID-19 lockdown, Abubakar Malami’s (Attorney General) children Olympian lifestyle, Ibrahim Magu’s (EFCC Chair) unaccounted recovered billions of naira and properties, Award of untraceable contracts worth trillions of naira by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) within three years and another missing N100.B in the coffers of the North East Development Commission (NEDC) amongst others. The list appears endless.

On the whole, we are saddened by the fact that the necessary loopholes through which monies are siphoned from the public treasury are yet to be plugged, giving credence to our earlier assertion that there was no credible template created upon which the war on corruption was to be fought ab initio.

We are yet to see a consummated effort to ensure that public officials accused of graft are disciplined without delay as witnessed during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency where two Governors; James Ibori and DSP Alamesiagh, Inspector General of Police, Tarfa Balogun, Chairman Nigerian Ports Authority, Chief Olabode George (PDP Deputy Chairman) et al were removed from office, arrested, investigated, prosecuted and imprisoned.

Compare that to what we have now where the National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, publicly announced in 2019 that “once you come into APC your sins are forgiven”. This statement by Oshiomhole clearly captures the corporate stand of the present administration as far as the fight against corruption is concerned, whereby persons accused of corrupt enrichment (being members of the ruling party) are allowed to carry on with their jobs except and until there is public outcry and condemnation before the President is compelled to act, and in most cases, he did it reluctantly.

Considering that under this administration, Nigeria has been rated as the poverty capital of the world, one of the most corrupt countries of the world by the Transparency International, the 3rd most dangerous country to live in the world while the Global Terrorist Index rated Boko Haram as the 4th most dangerous terrorist group in the world, it presupposes that the image of the country in the global arena has been reduced to nothingness.

The war against insurgency has become a mere child’s play where hitherto respected Nigerian soldiers are now being killed like cockroaches through unexplainable ambushes by both insurgents and bandits. Military men now resign from their profession with ignominy while some others take to social media to lament of zero welfare and insufficient supply of ammunition to prosecute the war on terror and banditry (for which officers and men are court-martialed).

A critical analysis of all these goes to confirm that, indeed corruption has been elevated to the apogee of Statecraft where your political party, tribe, religion and, or status in life determines whether what you committed can actually be tantamount to corrupt practice or not. Who then will say that corruption has not become an Enterprise in Nigeria? If, and only if the President can put his feet down and rise to the occasion, take charge and responsibility, knowing that the buck stops on his table, things could still turn around for good, otherwise, the idea of continued pursuit of perceived opponents or critics of the administration while leaving officials of the administration to carry on business, as usual, can only plunge the country into a deeper abyss of avoidable catastrophe.

Our take is that the President should always act fast to investigate any alleged corrupt infraction against any of his officials so as not to create the impression in the minds of his admirers that he is privy to their actions or that he is not in control.

If you have any further questions, you can call +2349026653506 or email: [email protected]

Pedro Azuogu is the Principal Partner of P.R.O Azuogu & Associates

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AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth

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IT Agenda for Nigeria growth Fola Baderin

By Fola Baderin

By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.

Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.

The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.

AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.

But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.

Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.

Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.

For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.

At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.

Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.

Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.

Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.

Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.

Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future

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NNPC’s $1.42bn, N5.57trn Debt Write-Off and Test of Nigeria’s Fiscal Governance

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bayo ojulari nnpc

By Blaise Udunze

When the federal government approved the write-off of about $1.42 billion and N5.57 trillion in legacy debts owed by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) to the Federation Account, it was rightly described as a landmark decision. After years of disputes, reconciliations, and contested figures, Nigeria’s most important revenue institution was, at least on paper, given a cleaner slate.

The approval, contained in a report prepared by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and presented at the last year November meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), effectively wiped out 96 percent of NNPC’s dollar-denominated obligations and 88 percent of its naira liabilities accumulated up to December 31, 2024. It resolved long-standing balances arising from crude oil liftings, joint venture royalties, production-sharing contracts, and related arrangements.

Judging it critically, the decision carries both promise and peril, but can be viewed from the perspective of a country desperate to restore confidence in public finance management. It offers an opportunity to reset relationships, clean up accounting records, and move forward under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Yet, it also exposes deep structural weaknesses in Nigeria’s oil revenue governance, weaknesses that, if left unaddressed, could turn today’s debt relief into tomorrow’s fiscal regret.

Context matters. The debt write-off comes not during a period of revenue abundance, but at a time when Nigeria’s upstream revenue performance is under severe strain. According to the same NUPRC document, the commission missed its approved monthly revenue target for November 2025 by N544.76 billion, collecting only N660.04 billion against a projected N1.204 trillion.

Royalty receipts, the backbone of upstream revenue, tell an even starker story. It is alarming that against an approved monthly royalty projection of N1.144 trillion, only N605.26 billion was collected, leaving a shortfall of N538.92 billion. Cumulatively, by the end of November 2025, the revenue gap stood at N5.65 trillion, with royalty collections alone falling short by N5.63 trillion. These figures underscore how fragile Nigeria’s fiscal position remains, even as trillions of naira in historical obligations are being written off.

To be fair, the debts forgiven were not incurred overnight. They are the product of years of disputed remittances, lacking transparent accounting practices, and overlapping institutional roles, particularly under the pre-PIA regime. As petroleum economist Prof. Wumi Iledare has repeatedly observed, the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation combined regulatory, commercial, and operational functions, making revenue reconciliation cumbersome and frequently contested.

That legacy continues to haunt the system, as witnessed with the ongoing dispute between NNPC Ltd and Periscope Consulting, the audit firm engaged by the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, over an alleged $42.37 billion under-remittance between 2011 and 2017, which illustrates how unresolved the past remains. Though NNPC insists all revenues were properly accounted for as claimed, Periscope maintains that significant gaps persist, forcing FAAC to mandate yet another reconciliation exercise. This recurring pattern of audits, counterclaims, and stalemates has weakened trust in the federation revenue system and eroded confidence among states that depend on oil proceeds for survival.

Crucially, the debt write-off does not mean NNPC has turned a corner financially. Statutory obligations incurred between January and October 2025 remain on the books, amounting to about $56.8 million and N1.02 trillion. Although part of the dollar component was recovered during the period under review, the accumulation of new liabilities so soon after reconciliation raises uncomfortable questions about whether old habits are being replaced with genuine fiscal discipline.

More troubling still is what NNPC’s own audited financial statements reveal about its internal financial health. Despite recording a profit after tax of N5.4 trillion on revenues of N45.1 trillion in 2024, the company’s inter-company debts ballooned to N30.3 trillion, representing a 70 per cent increase within a single year. This is not debt owed to external creditors but largely obligations between NNPC and its subsidiaries, effectively the company owing itself.

Records show that of 32 subsidiaries, only eight are debt-free, and the rest, particularly the refineries, trading arms, and gas infrastructure units, remain heavily indebted to the parent company. There was a recurring cycle where profitable units subsidise chronically underperforming ones, and accountability steadily erodes because cash that should fund maintenance, expansion, and efficiency improvements is instead trapped in internal receivables.

The refineries offer a stark illustration whereby the Port Harcourt Refining Company alone owed N4.22 trillion in 2024, more than double its 2023 figure, while Kaduna and Warri refineries followed closely, with debts of N2.39 trillion and N2.06 trillion respectively. Despite the repeated failed turnaround maintenance with many years of rehabilitation spending, none have operated sustainably at commercially viable levels. Their continued dependence on financial support from the parent company highlights the cost of postponing difficult restructuring decisions.

And, for this reason, international observers have long warned about these structural weaknesses. One of the critics, the World Bank, has repeatedly flagged NNPC as a major source of revenue leakages. It further noted that the persistent gaps between reported earnings and actual remittances to the Federation Account. Even after the removal of petrol subsidies, the bank observed that NNPC remitted only about 50 per cent of the revenue gains, using the rest to offset past arrears. Such practices, while perhaps defensible in internal cash management terms, undermine fiscal transparency and weaken Nigeria’s macroeconomic credibility.

This is why the central issue is not the debt write-off itself, but what follows it because debt forgiveness is not reform. Without firm safeguards, it risks entrenching the very behaviours that created the problem in the first place. As Prof. Omowumi Iledare has warned, the scale and pace of the inter-company debt build-up represent a governance test rather than a mere accounting anomaly. Allowing subsidiaries to operate indefinitely without settling obligations is incompatible with the idea of a commercially driven national oil company.

The fact remains that if NNPC wants to function as a true commercial holding company under the PIA, it must enforce strict settlement timelines, restructure or divest non-viable subsidiaries, while clearly separating legacy debts from new obligations. With this, it holds subsidiary leadership accountable for cash flow and profitability. Independent, real-time audits and transparent reporting must become routine features of governance, not emergency responses triggered by controversy.

There is also a broader national implication. At a time when Nigerians are being asked to accept higher taxes, reduced subsidies, and fiscal tightening, large-scale debt write-offs without visible accountability risk undermining the legitimacy of the entire revenue system. Citizens cannot be expected to bear heavier burdens while systemic inefficiencies in the country’s most strategic sector persist.

Of a truth, the cancellation of NNPC’s legacy debts could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s fiscal governance, but only if it is not treated as its conclusion but the beginning of reform.

If discipline, transparency, and commercial accountability follow, the decision may yet help reposition NNPC as a profitable, credible, and PIA-compliant institution. If not, today’s clean slate will simply defer the reckoning until the next reconciliation, the next audit dispute, and the next fiscal crisis.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]

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Taxation Without Representation

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Austin Orette Taxation Without Representation

By Dr Austin Orette

The grandiosity of Nigerians when they discuss events and situations can be very funny. If the leaders use this kind of creativity in proffering solutions, we may be able to solve some of the problems that plague Nigeria perennially.

There seems to be a sublime affectation for new lingos when the system is being set to punish Nigerians. It is a kind of Orwellian speak.

Recently, there was no electricity throughout the country. The usual culprit and government spoke; people came out to tell us the power failure was due to the collapse of the National grid. Does it really matter what is collapsing? This is just an attempt by some government bureaucrats to sound intelligent.

Intelligence is becoming a borrowed commodity from the IMF or World Bank. What does it mean when you tell Nigerians that the national grid collapsed? Is that supposed to be a reassurance, or it is said to give the assurance that they know something about the anemic electricity, and we should get used to the darkness. This is a language that is vague and beckons the consumer to stop complaining. Does that statement mean anything to Nigerians who pay bills and don’t see the electricity they paid for? If they see it, it comes with an irregular voltage that destroys their newly purchased appliances. Just tell or stay quiet like in the past.

Telling us that a grid collapse is a lie. We have no national grid. Do these people know how silly their language sounds? Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of 200 million people. How do you permutate this to give constant electricity to 200 million people? It is an insult to call this low output a national grid. What is so national about using a generator to supply electricity to 200 million people? It is simple mathematics. If you calculate this to the minute, it should not surprise you that every Nigerian will receive electricity for the duration of the blink of an eye. They are paying for total darkness, and someone is telling them they have an electricity grid.

If you can call the 10,000-megawatt national grid collapsed, it means you don’t have the mind set to solve the electricity problem in Nigeria.

To put it in perspective is to understand the basic fact that the electrical output of Nigeria is pre-industrial. Without acknowledging this fact, we will never find solutions as every mediocre will come and confuse Nigeria with lingos that make them sound important.

It is very shameful for those in the know to always use grandiose language to obfuscate the real issues.

South Africa with a population of sixty million produces about 200,000 megawatts of electricity daily. Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts. Why South Africa makes it easy to lift the poor from poverty, Nigeria is trying to tax the poor into poverty.

The architects of the new tax plan saw the poor as rich because they could afford a generator.

A non-existent subsidy was removed, and the price of fuel went through the roof. Now the government says they are rich. What will they get in return for this tax extraction? Why do successive Nigerian governments always think the best way to develop Nigeria is to slap the poor into poverty? What are the avenues for upward mobility when youth corps members are suddenly seen as rich taxpayers? Do these people know how difficult it is to start a business in Nigeria?

After all the rigmarole from Abuja to my village, I cannot get a government certificate without a-shake down from government bureaucrats and area boys. The government that is so unfriendly to business wants to tax my non-existing businesses. Are these people in their right state of mind? Why do they think that taxing the poor is their best revenue plan? A plan like this can only come from a group of people who have no inkling of what Nigerians are going through. People can’t eat and the government is asking them to share their meager rations with potbellied people in Abuja.

Teach the people how to fish, then you can share in their harvest. If an individual does what the government is doing to Nigerians, it will be called robbery, and the individual will be in prison. When the government taxes people, there is a reciprocal exchange. What is being done in Nigeria does not represent fair exchange.

Nigerians have never gotten anything good from their government except individual wealth that is doled out in Abuja for the selected few.

The question is, will Nigerians have a good electricity supply? NO. Will they have security of persons and properties? No. Will they have improved health care? NO. Will there be good roads? No. Will they have good schools and good education? No.

Taxation is not good governance. A policy like this should never be rushed without adequate studies. Once again, our legislators have let us down. They have never shown the people the reason they were elected and to be re-elected. They are not playing their roles as the watchdog and representatives of the people. Anyone who voted for this tax bill deserves to lose their positions as Senators and Members of the House of Representatives.

We are not in a military regime anymore. Nigerians must start learning how to exercise their franchise. This taxation issue must be litigated at the ballot box. The members of the National Assembly have shown by their assent that they don’t represent the people.

In a normal democracy, taxation without representation should never be tolerated. They must be voted out of office. We have a responsibility and duty to use our voting power to fight unjust laws. Taxation without representation is unjust. Those voted into power will never respect the citizens until the citizens learn to punish errant politicians by voting them out of office. This responsibility is sacred and must be exercised with diligence.

Dr Austin Orette writes from Houston, Texas

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