Feature/OPED
Corruption as an Enterprise in Nigeria
By Pedro Azuogu
Both the American Heritage Dictionary (1981) and Webster’s Comprehensive Dictionary (2010) described corruption as an act of being corrupt.
Corruption derives its meaning from the Latin word corruptus which in itself means tainted, decomposed, putrid, perverted, depraved, deteriorated, debased, dishonest, contaminated, corroded, impure, degenerated, polluted or such like synonyms which portend defilement of fidelity or morality.
As ugly as this word is in describing what is demeaning, it has been elevated to a state enterprise in Nigeria, such that any public official who is not part of the transaction is seen as a non-starter. No wonder then that a former British Prime Minister, David Cameron, opined that “Nigerians are fantastically corrupt”.
A plethora of laws enacted by the Nigerian parliament, including Criminal Code, Penal Code, Police Act, Procurement Act, Independent Corrupt Practices Commission ( ICPC) Act, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act, Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act and Terrorism (Prevention) Act among others, are some of the potent efforts made by the Nigerian state to checkmate the activities of unscrupulous elements whose stocks in trade are to subvert the regulatory processes of attaining good governance in the country.
All the agencies of government were established by-laws for their purpose of providing admissible means of interfacing with the citizens, foreign nationals and other sister agencies for the well-being of the people and for developmental strides as they concern the entire country.
It can be eloquently testified and declared here that these laws were all made with good intentions and in the spirit of consummate administrative convenience.
However, suffice it to say without mincing words that adherence to these litanies of laws have always been observed in fragrant breaches with impunity by those who are saddled with the onerous burden of executing them on one hand and by those upon whom they are to be executed, on the other hand, thus rendering the laws inoperative.
In another breadth, the said laws are selectively applied against perceived enemies of the state or such other persons who are vulnerably incapacitated to secure persons that could strongly lend voices on their behalf.
In some cases, most of the human rights lawyers or lawyers from the state-owned Legal Aid Council who, by their callings or demands of the office, are expected to render pro bono legal services to the financial weaklings in order to unravel the logical truth encased in corrupt matters, end up bungling such cases because of probably none or little service charges. But they will prefer to stoutly defend those embezzlers of public funds whose hands in the till cannot be compared because they have millions to pay as legal fees.
Corruption thrives where people have the penchant for subversion and cutting corners in order to beat laid down rules and procedures for processing documents or obtaining such items required of them while transacting with the state officials through administrative machinery.
In a bid to fasten or circumvent the process, the officials are compromised due partly because of poor remuneration of the said officials and mainly because of the absence of patriotic orientation, occasioned by tribal and religious considerations.
It is important to note that in corruption, it takes two to tango and as such a government official who allows himself to be inducted into issuing a fake document, allows a substandard product to enter the market, inflates contract, stamps unauthorized document for filing, pilfers the till, allows smuggled goods to cross the border, extorts motorists to overlook expired papers, hides or destroys files for criminals to escape justice, removes documents from confidential files or engages in any ignoble act of sabotage against the government in order to have his palm greased, is not only digging his own grave but also that of his children.
This accounts for why the majority of people who found themselves in such unofficial deals are bedevilled with stroke or bankruptcy immediately after retirement and in some cases, their children end up being vagabonds. There is always a time to reap for everyone after sowing. The law of karma or retributive justice is real.
Since 1966, every successive government has always lampooned the preceding one of cuddling corruption and has, therefore, come to curb the menace, but in the end, itself will be swallowed up by the same monster.
The reason is that Nigeria cannot escape the accusation of having been founded on fraud. The continued glorification of tribalism and religious bigotry by every successive administration has made it practically impossible for the tree of corruption to be cut down, such that what each administration does is just to cut off the branch that ‘bore corruption fruits’ for people or religion of the past administration and then allow another branch to ‘bear corruption fruits’ for people or religion of its own administration.
Until there is a holistic TOP-BOTTOM orientation on patriotism which will make every citizen think, talk and act Nigerian and mass mobilization of the entire citizenry to appreciate the need to see everything from Nigerian prism, believing that all that is Nigerian is his/her own, the wishy-washy attitude and mentality will continue, where the people see the tenure of their tribesman or religion as “our turn.
The present administration rode on the heels or mantra of fighting corruption as one of its three-pronged agenda in 2015. The unfortunate thing is that there was no clear-cut template and definition of what actually amounted to corruption.
In the absence of such template, the government embarked on a goose chase of officials of the previous administration who constituted the opposition by stripping them of whatever property or money found in their possession or traced to their names.
As a result of the vindictive nature of the pursuit without diligent and condensed investigation, most of the trials failed to secure convictions in the courts as reliance was placed more on media trial to curry public sympathy and outrage over the humongous figures being bandied in the public domain has been recovered in the accounts of the opposition members.
The fact that the corruption search light was beamed more on the opposition, beclouded the government from seeing and observing that nearly all that were being recovered were also being re-looted back by the recoverers and their cronies.
When this administration took over, it started by enunciating a ‘blame game’ principle whereupon every ugly situation that existed (including those caused by its officials) was blamed on the activities of the previous administration.
The diversionary tactics affected the psychic of the people into believing and accepting that the previous administration was membered by devilish individuals.
For three years, this tactic worked. But at the epilogue of the first tenure of the administration, it dawned on the people that the government had been busy churning out mindless lies as it became obvious that it had failed.
While the people waited patiently to oust the administration in the 2019 election, the President played smart by refusing to sign the Electoral Reform Bill that would have allowed for electronic voting in which the electorate would have quietly eased the administration out of office.
The said election inadvertently re-introduced violence, characterized by killings, ballot box snatching and voter intimidation which had long been jettisoned since 2003. The Judiciary was grossly intimidated and cowed into making unjustly pronouncements that saw candidates that never won elections being sworn-in to govern the people.
The saying that evil can only thrive for a season and not forever manifested glaringly within five years of the eight-year or first year of the second tenure of the administration when cans of worms began to be opened of the mad corruptions taking place under the very nose of the President described always as a man of integrity.
It should be noted that one of the cardinal elements that attracted President Buhari to Nigerian people in 2015 to vote for him was the vigorous way he fought corruption during his military regime as Head of State between 1983-1985, albeit many human rights infractions. The thinking of the people was that ‘if he could do it then, he can also do it again’.
Although, the fight then was centrally driven by his Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, late Major General Tunde Idiagbon who, with late Air Commodore Emeka Omeruo, then Minister of Information gyrated a nationwide War Against Indiscipline (WAI) policy that aroused uncommon patriotic enthusiasm among Nigerians. But this time around, that self-same straight-faced and uncompromising Buhari of old roundly disappointed his admirers as a civilian President, probably because there was no longer an Idiagbon personified or decrees to be promulgated.
It is, therefore, understandable that democratic variables and age may have taken a toll on him and contributed to why the President lost the steam of effective control of his government unlike what was noticed during his military regime.
How then do we, therefore, view the high degree of corruptions being noticed in this administration that took its preamble from the N100.M grass-cutting scandal of Babachir Lawal, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), late Abba Kyari’s N500.M MTN bribe scandal, Ikoyi House millions of naira involving a former Head of the Secret Agency (DSS), Aisha Buhari’s millions stolen by her aide, Governor Abdullahi Ganduje’s $500.M bribe scandal, Saddiat Umar Farouk’s disbursement huge sum of money for the school children during COVID-19 lockdown, Abubakar Malami’s (Attorney General) children Olympian lifestyle, Ibrahim Magu’s (EFCC Chair) unaccounted recovered billions of naira and properties, Award of untraceable contracts worth trillions of naira by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) within three years and another missing N100.B in the coffers of the North East Development Commission (NEDC) amongst others. The list appears endless.
On the whole, we are saddened by the fact that the necessary loopholes through which monies are siphoned from the public treasury are yet to be plugged, giving credence to our earlier assertion that there was no credible template created upon which the war on corruption was to be fought ab initio.
We are yet to see a consummated effort to ensure that public officials accused of graft are disciplined without delay as witnessed during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency where two Governors; James Ibori and DSP Alamesiagh, Inspector General of Police, Tarfa Balogun, Chairman Nigerian Ports Authority, Chief Olabode George (PDP Deputy Chairman) et al were removed from office, arrested, investigated, prosecuted and imprisoned.
Compare that to what we have now where the National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, publicly announced in 2019 that “once you come into APC your sins are forgiven”. This statement by Oshiomhole clearly captures the corporate stand of the present administration as far as the fight against corruption is concerned, whereby persons accused of corrupt enrichment (being members of the ruling party) are allowed to carry on with their jobs except and until there is public outcry and condemnation before the President is compelled to act, and in most cases, he did it reluctantly.
Considering that under this administration, Nigeria has been rated as the poverty capital of the world, one of the most corrupt countries of the world by the Transparency International, the 3rd most dangerous country to live in the world while the Global Terrorist Index rated Boko Haram as the 4th most dangerous terrorist group in the world, it presupposes that the image of the country in the global arena has been reduced to nothingness.
The war against insurgency has become a mere child’s play where hitherto respected Nigerian soldiers are now being killed like cockroaches through unexplainable ambushes by both insurgents and bandits. Military men now resign from their profession with ignominy while some others take to social media to lament of zero welfare and insufficient supply of ammunition to prosecute the war on terror and banditry (for which officers and men are court-martialed).
A critical analysis of all these goes to confirm that, indeed corruption has been elevated to the apogee of Statecraft where your political party, tribe, religion and, or status in life determines whether what you committed can actually be tantamount to corrupt practice or not. Who then will say that corruption has not become an Enterprise in Nigeria? If, and only if the President can put his feet down and rise to the occasion, take charge and responsibility, knowing that the buck stops on his table, things could still turn around for good, otherwise, the idea of continued pursuit of perceived opponents or critics of the administration while leaving officials of the administration to carry on business, as usual, can only plunge the country into a deeper abyss of avoidable catastrophe.
Our take is that the President should always act fast to investigate any alleged corrupt infraction against any of his officials so as not to create the impression in the minds of his admirers that he is privy to their actions or that he is not in control.
If you have any further questions, you can call +2349026653506 or email: in**@*********************es.com
Pedro Azuogu is the Principal Partner of P.R.O Azuogu & Associates
Feature/OPED
How the Landlords’ Economy is Pricing Nigerians Out of Home
By Blaise Udunze
It is considered that in every organised society, the home is supposed to be a place of security. It should be where families find peace after a hard day’s work, where children grow, where dreams are nurtured, and where the pressures of life temporarily fade away. This narrative comes with keen interest, having witnessed that for millions of Nigerians, home has become the country’s newest economic battlefield. This is fast becoming the experience for the vast majority of Nigerians.
Across the length and breadth of Nigeria, citizens are deeply lamenting the skyrocketing rent. Regrettably, this has become one of the fastest-rising costs of living. An unexpected trend which has become a huge concern is that currently apartments that were rented for N700,000 or N1 million just a few years ago are now advertised for N3 million, N5 million or even higher. Amidst this bizarre development, do you know that they are often without significant improvements to the property itself? One key troubling development is that recent estimates suggest that house rents in many Nigerian cities have surged by between 100 and 300 per cent over the last two years, a pace that far exceeds the country’s official inflation rate and has placed unprecedented pressure on households already struggling with rising food, transportation and energy costs.
Landlords, through estate agents, increasingly demand one or two years’ rent upfront. Tenants are expected to pay 10 per cent of the principal rent toward agency fees, legal fees, agreement charges, caution deposits, and, in most cases, the service charge (which appears to be higher), security levies, and utility-related costs before receiving the keys. In many cases, these additional charges add hundreds of thousands or even millions of naira to the advertised rent, making the total cost of securing accommodation far beyond the reach of average-income earners. Equally disturbing is the unchecked exploitation by agent marauders, who prey on desperate house seekers by imposing outrageous and often illegal fees that further deepen Nigeria’s housing crisis. What should ordinarily be a routine life event has become a financial ordeal.
Nigeria’s housing crisis is no longer simply a property story. It has evolved into an economic emergency with profound implications for families, businesses, public health and national development.
The Federal Government’s National Housing Data Technical Committee estimates that Nigeria faces a housing deficit of approximately 15 to 20million homes. At the same time, millions of existing houses are considered structurally inadequate and lack access to essential infrastructure. If this figure is something to consider, anyone would know that these figures reveal two overlapping crises. First, this shows that millions of Nigerians cannot find decent accommodation, whilst millions more live in overcrowded, unsafe or poorly serviced housing.
At the same time, Nigeria’s population continues to expand rapidly, with cities absorbing hundreds of thousands of new residents every year.
One of the challenges is that urbanisation has consistently outpaced housing development, widening the gap between supply and demand while, predictably, rents continue to rise and affordability continues to decline.
Remarkably, housing experts generally recommend that households should spend no more than 30 per cent of their income on accommodation. For many Nigerian families, that recommendation has become almost impossible to achieve.
Teachers, nurses, journalists, police officers, civil servants, young bankers, entrepreneurs, artisans and other middle-income earners increasingly devote more than half of their annual income to rent alone. For many, housing has become the single largest financial obligation, leaving very little for every other necessity of life.
After paying landlords, food budgets shrink. Healthcare is postponed. Children are transferred to less expensive schools. Retirement savings disappear. Business investments are suspended. Vacations become unimaginable luxuries. The rent bill has become the first expense families think about and the last financial burden they can escape.
The effects extend far beyond individual households. This is totally outrageous, as financial analysts have long observed that when accommodation consumes a disproportionate share of disposable income, consumer spending across the economy inevitably weakens.
Families postpone replacing household appliances. Vehicle purchases are delayed. Furniture sales decline. Restaurants receive fewer customers. Clothing retailers experience lower patronage. Small businesses lose purchasing power from consumers whose earnings are now tied up in rent. The result is a vicious economic cycle in which rising housing costs suppress consumption, reduce business activity, and ultimately slow economic growth.
Behind every rent increase lies a deeply personal story. Consider a fictional but representative family whose experience mirrors that of countless Nigerians. The aspect of receiving notice that the annual rent for their modest two-bedroom apartment would rise from N1.2 million to N3 million comes with uneasiness. At this point, the Blessings’ family had spent months desperately searching for an alternative.
Unable to afford the increase and harassment from the landlord, they eventually relocated nearly 30 kilometres away from their former neighbourhood. The consequences were immediate. Their children had to change schools. The family’s daily commuting time doubled. Transportation costs rose sharply. Family time disappeared.
The father now leaves home before sunrise and returns late at night. The mother spends more each month commuting than she once spent on groceries. Their financial burden has not disappeared. It has merely shifted from rent to transportation and also deals with other issues like epileptic power supply and flooding, especially during this rainy season.
Unfortunately, such stories are no longer exceptional. They have become increasingly common across Nigeria’s major cities. Perhaps no demographic feels this pressure more acutely than young professionals.
Come to think of it, graduates entering the workforce quickly discover that entry-level salaries cannot support decent accommodation close to their workplaces. You would also see many remaining with their parents far longer than anticipated. Other effects include seeing them share apartments with several unrelated adults to reduce costs, whilst some endure daily commutes lasting three or four hours because affordable housing exists only in distant suburbs.
The fact is that the consequences extend beyond inconvenience because long commuting hours reduce productivity, increase fatigue, heighten stress levels and significantly diminish quality of life. Another aspect of this, which is discouraging, is that for many talented young Nigerians, financial independence, home ownership and family formation are becoming increasingly distant aspirations. Several interconnected forces explain why rents continue to climb so aggressively.
Inflation has significantly increased the cost of cement, steel, roofing sheets and virtually every construction material required to build houses. The depreciation of the naira has made imported building materials substantially more expensive. No doubt, from recent findings, there are clear indications that there is a significant increase in the prices of building materials. Let us see the period between 2024 to 2026, Cement: N6,500 – N13,000; blocks: N600 – N1100; 30T of sand: N165,000 – N250,000; 30T of granite: N530,000 – N780,000; rebars (iron) ton: N850,000 – N1,150,000 amongst others. To be fair, it is a known fact that high interest rates have increased borrowing costs for developers, while land acquisition remains prohibitively expensive in many urban centres. The very question at heart is, how has this recent development significantly impacted the apartments built five years ago and beyond?
The government has made it difficult to the point that obtaining development approvals can be slow and costly. Developers also contend with multiple taxes, infrastructure levies and rising labour costs before construction even begins. No doubt, these expenses inevitably find their way into rental prices. But one question keeps running through the minds of many, which is, how do these directly impact apartments built many years back? The truth is that market realities alone do not explain every increase.
In many locations, speculative pricing has taken hold. Some landlords have raised rents far beyond what can reasonably be attributed to maintenance or inflation, taking advantage of overwhelming demand and the severe shortage of available accommodation.
The inability of many Nigerians to purchase homes has further intensified the pressure on the rental market. Inflation, high mortgage rates and limited access to long-term housing finance have pushed home ownership beyond the reach of millions, forcing them to remain tenants for much longer than planned. This should be blamed on the government of the day, as more people compete for a limited supply of rental properties, landlords possess even greater leverage to increase prices.
Housing insecurity is also producing a less visible but equally damaging consequence for deteriorating mental health.
The constant fear of eviction, the uncertainty surrounding annual rent reviews and the enormous pressure of raising large lump sums every one or two years create persistent psychological stress.
Think of the impact of parents’ worry about disrupting their children’s education. Young couples postpone marriage because they cannot afford accommodation. Family disagreements increasingly revolve around financial pressures. Consider the part of many Nigerians who quietly or secretly or unknowingly battle anxiety, emotional exhaustion and depression arising from the struggle to secure decent housing.
None of these psychological costs clearly appear in official economic statistics, but the truth is that they profoundly affect productivity, family stability and overall well-being. It is equally obvious that the crisis is also affecting employers and businesses.
Workers forced to travel long distances arrive at work exhausted. Traffic congestion consumes valuable productive hours each day. It turns out that companies increasingly struggle to retain staff who relocate in search of affordable accommodation. Also, know that many employers face mounting pressure to increase housing allowances simply to remain competitive.
All these call for a balancing as employees demand higher wages to offset escalating living costs, further increasing operating expenses for businesses already contending with inflation, unstable exchange rates and rising energy prices.
Housing affordability is therefore no longer merely a social concern. It has become a business and national competitiveness issue.
Though Nigeria is not alone in confronting housing affordability challenges, its recent trend calls for attention. Across Africa, rapid urbanisation continues to outpace housing supply.
For this reason, Kenya has introduced ambitious affordable housing programmes aimed at expanding supply, although implementation challenges remain; this can’t be compared to Nigeria’s current situation. Ghana is not left out of the equation as it continues to battle a significant housing deficit. Ghana is also grappling with the irony of completed homes that remain unaffordable for many citizens. South Africa, despite possessing a relatively more developed mortgage market, continues to experience severe affordability pressures in cities such as Johannesburg and Cape Town.
Nigeria’s situation, however, is intensified by its enormous population, rapid urban expansion, limited mortgage penetration and one of Africa’s largest housing deficits.
Nigeria has witnessed successive governments introducing affordable housing initiatives, mortgage schemes and public-private partnerships which fails before implementation. While these programmes represent positive intentions, delivery has consistently fallen far behind growing demand.
Housing experts argue that meaningful reform requires far more than constructing a limited number of housing estates.
Nigeria must simplify land acquisition processes, reduce infrastructure costs, expand mortgage accessibility, improve planning approvals, encourage private-sector investment in affordable housing and strengthen incentives for developers willing to build homes for middle- and low-income earners.
Improving housing data is important, but accurate statistics alone cannot reduce rents. Effective implementation remains the country’s greatest policy challenge.
Let’s consider some of these salient points proffered by urban planners who insist that Nigeria’s housing crisis cannot be solved exclusively through market forces. According to them, governments at all levels must invest strategically in infrastructure and create financing mechanisms that reduce development costs. To further help reduce the housing gap, they encourage the construction of affordable rental housing rather than focusing disproportionately on luxury developments.
The truth is that if housing continues to consume an ever-growing share of household income, consumer spending, investment and long-term economic growth will remain constrained. Another key barrier that must be addressed quickly, as highlighted by researchers, is inflation, limited housing finance, weak regulatory enforcement and inconsistent policy implementation, which happen to be major bottlenecks to affordable housing delivery.
One key question that yearns for answers is whether it is not obvious to the government and other stakeholders that housing is far more than concrete walls, roofing sheets and painted ceilings? The fact is that shelter, as the meaning implies, shapes educational outcomes, influences public health, determines productivity, strengthens families, supports social mobility and contributes directly to national competitiveness.
At this stage, it is a complete shame and at the same time an irony that a nation where hardworking teachers, nurses, journalists, entrepreneurs, artisans, security personnel and civil servants cannot comfortably afford decent shelter risks weakening its middle class, widening inequality and undermining sustainable economic growth.
If the truth must be told, Nigeria’s rent crisis is therefore not merely about landlords and tenants. For a fact, it is about the future of work, family stability, economic opportunity and social justice. Clearly, it is about whether millions of hardworking citizens can enjoy the dignity that comes with secure and affordable housing.
The mistake all along, which must be eschewed, is that a country’s progress is being measured solely by the number of luxury estates it builds or the height of its skyscrapers. More importantly, it should also be measured by whether ordinary citizens can afford a safe place to call home without sacrificing their children’s education, healthcare, savings or future aspirations.
If this is not adequately addressed, this rent trap will persist until affordable housing becomes a genuine national priority backed by bold reforms and sustained implementation; millions of Nigerians will continue facing an impossible choice, which would invariably lead them to surrender their financial future to keep a roof over their heads or abandon the comfort, security and dignity that every family deserves.
Concerned stakeholders shouldn’t continue to believe that the true cost of Nigeria’s rent crisis is therefore measured only in naira. It is measured in postponed dreams, delayed marriages, fractured families, declining productivity, abandoned ambitions, struggling businesses and the quiet erosion of hope among citizens who work tirelessly every day but find the simple promise of a decent home slipping further beyond their reach.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com
Feature/OPED
Blood Beneath the Soil in Nigeria’s Hidden War for Mineral Wealth
By Blaise Udunze
Daily, the world watches Nigeria through a familiar lens in what appears to be a gory situation. Especially in cases when the news headlines tell stories of farmer-herder clashes, bandit attacks, kidnappings, villages reduced to ashes or deserted by the dwellers, as thousands of Nigerians have been displaced across states such as Zamfara, Plateau, Benue, Niger, Kaduna and Nasarawa. Subliminally, this is about to become a similarly ugly occurrence in southwestern Nigeria, which is fast becoming obvious if not nipped in the bud quickly.
Recorded data have shown that bandits, Boko Haram, and others killed over 190,000 Nigerians in 17 years and displaced 3.7 million people.
A human rights organisation, the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (Intersociety), in its fearful revelation, has said that no fewer than 190,150 Nigerians have been killed by bandits, Boko Haram insurgents, and suspected armed herdsmen between July 2009 and March 19, 2026, as this calls for concern.
The dominant explanations often point to ethnic tensions, religious divisions, climate change, shrinking grazing routes or weak security institutions. No doubt, those factors are certainly part of Nigeria’s complex security crisis. Yet another question deserves serious examination.
What if, in some locations, the violence is also serving another purpose? What if some of the territories experiencing repeated displacement are the same places sitting atop some of Nigeria’s most valuable mineral deposits? More importantly, if such a pattern exists, who benefits when communities disappear?
Of a truth, these questions are uncomfortable, but undeniably they deserve careful investigation rather than dismissal.
For ages, Nigeria has been naturally endowed, and it is estimated to be rich in enormous significant reserves of gold, lithium, uranium, tin, columbite and other strategic minerals increasingly sought after in the global transition to clean energy technologies. As international demand for battery minerals continues to rise, these resources have become far more valuable than they were only a decade ago.
If one overlays publicly available geological information with maps showing persistent violence, some observers argue that striking geographical overlaps appear in several regions. Such overlaps alone cannot establish causation. Correlation is not proof of conspiracy. However, they raise questions worthy of independent scrutiny.
One issue attracting increasing attention and adequately yearns for answer is whether prolonged insecurity may inadvertently or deliberately create conditions that make mineral extraction easier.
Under Nigeria’s Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act 2007, mineral resources belong to the Federal Government, while mining rights are granted through licences and leases. Community engagement and land access are expected to form part of the licensing process, although implementation varies depending on circumstances. This raises an important policy question.
What happens when the communities expected to participate in those processes have already fled because of violence?
Displacement changes the dynamics of land ownership, consent and access. While no evidence automatically proves that attacks are orchestrated to facilitate mining, the sequence of violence followed by renewed commercial activity in some locations deserves closer examination by regulators, lawmakers and investigative journalists.
In conflict studies, researchers have long observed that wars often generate economic winners alongside humanitarian losers. Could elements of Nigeria’s insecurity also be producing economic beneficiaries?
Reports over the years have documented concerns about illegal mining operations across parts of northern Nigeria. Government agencies themselves have repeatedly acknowledged that criminal networks profit from the country’s vast mineral wealth. The unresolved question is whether isolated criminality has, in some instances, evolved into more sophisticated alliances involving political influence, financial interests and international supply chains. If so, the implications extend far beyond Nigeria.
Invariably, it is clearly known that lithium has become one of the world’s most strategic commodities, powering electric vehicle batteries and renewable energy storage systems. Gold has always remained one of the safest global investment assets during periods of uncertainty. Meanwhile, it is well confirmed that the global appetite for these minerals creates enormous financial incentives.
Suppose violent displacement reduces resistance to extraction. Suppose shell companies subsequently acquire mining interests. Suppose minerals then leave Nigeria through legitimate-looking export documentation while their true value remains understated.
These scenarios remain allegations unless supported by verifiable evidence. Yet they outline a framework that investigators may wish to test rather than ignore. Financial crime experts frequently identify trade mis-invoicing as one of the most common methods of illicit financial flows worldwide.
Could Nigeria’s solid minerals sector be vulnerable to similar practices? If valuable lithium ore is deliberately but inaccurately described as lower-value material on export documents, substantial wealth could potentially leave the country without reflecting its true market value. Likewise, if unrefined gold exits through privileged channels with limited scrutiny, questions naturally arise about oversight, transparency and accountability over criminal activities which have continued to stunt and disrupt the country’s socio-economic growth and at the same time cause carnage.
Such possibilities are not accusations against any particular institution or company. Rather, they illustrate why stronger monitoring systems are increasingly essential. Another question concerns logistics.
With the high level of criminal activities, industrial mining requires heavy machinery, diesel supplies, transportation networks and specialised personnel. These are not operations that can remain invisible indefinitely.
If certain territories are genuinely too dangerous for security agencies, how do industrial-scale extraction activities reportedly continue in some remote locations? If they do, who protects those operations? Who authorises their movement? Who verifies what is extracted? Who ensures royalties and export revenues reach public coffers? These are governance questions that demand institutional answers.
Equally important is the international dimension. Minerals extracted in Nigeria ultimately enter global supply chains. Gold may pass through international refining hubs before entering financial markets. Lithium may become part of battery manufacturing destined for electric vehicles, which are being sold across Europe, North America and Asia.
One known fact is that consumers purchasing products containing these minerals rarely know the full story of where they originated.
Increasingly, however, investors and governments are demanding ethical sourcing standards that trace minerals from extraction to final manufacture.
A critical factor that must be taken into cognisance is that if insecurity is creating opportunities for illegal or unethical extraction anywhere in the world, multinational companies have responsibilities alongside national governments, of which the onus falls on the Nigerian government.
Transparency cannot stop at the mine gate. Nor should accountability end at national borders. Another issue requiring attention concerns beneficial ownership.
Across many jurisdictions, shell companies can obscure the identities of individuals ultimately controlling commercial assets. If politically exposed persons or powerful business interests are hidden behind complex corporate structures registered offshore, identifying beneficiaries becomes significantly more difficult. This challenge is hardly unique to Nigeria.
Findings showed that from Latin America to Central Africa and Southeast Asia, resistant corporate networks have frequently complicated efforts to combat corruption and illicit resource extraction. That is precisely why open corporate registries, beneficial ownership databases and transparent mining licence disclosures are becoming global governance priorities. For Nigeria, the stakes could hardly be higher.
The country stands at the centre of the world’s emerging critical minerals economy. The Nigerian government can’t feign ignorance of the fact that, when handled transparently, these resources could finance infrastructure, education, healthcare, and industrial development for generations.
In no way would the government claim not knowing that when handled poorly, they risk becoming another chapter in the well-documented “resource curse,” where extraordinary natural wealth coincides with persistent poverty, insecurity and institutional weakness.
The ultimate challenge, therefore, is not simply about mining. It is about governance. It is about whether public institutions possess both the independence and capacity to ensure that natural resources benefit citizens rather than narrow interests. It is about whether conflict zones receive genuine peacebuilding efforts instead of becoming forgotten frontiers. And it is about whether international markets demand accountability with the same enthusiasm they demand raw materials.
None of these questions should be answered through speculation. They require rigorous investigations, forensic financial analysis, satellite imagery, mining license audits, customs records, beneficial ownership disclosures and courageous journalism.
They require governments willing to open their books. They require international cooperation capable of tracing money across borders. Most importantly, they require asking questions that have too often remained unasked.
Perhaps Nigeria’s security crisis is exactly what it appears to be: a tragic convergence of historical grievances, weak institutions, criminality and environmental pressures. Or perhaps, in some places, another layer of economic incentive deserves closer scrutiny.
Until those questions are thoroughly investigated, one possibility will continue to linger. Maybe the world’s attention has been fixed on the blood spilt above ground, while too little attention has been paid to the extraordinary wealth lying beneath it.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com
Feature/OPED
What Does Nigeria’s $51bn Reserves Milestone Mean if Most New Foreign Money Can Leave Quickly?
Nigeria’s foreign reserves have climbed to about $51 billion, a decade-plus high, according to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). EBC Financial Group (EBC) notes that this reflects stronger investor confidence, but the second half may show whether it holds, as the build rests on three cyclical drivers: oil earnings, short-term foreign money and a narrowing official-to-street naira gap.
Reserves rose from about $32 billion in April 2024, during a dollar shortage, to about $51 billion now, near the CBN’s target. Much came from two cyclical sources, strong oil earnings and money chasing high-yielding naira assets, so EBC expects the pace to slow or reverse. Fitch Ratings, a major international credit rating agency, expects a marginal decline to about $47 billion by the end of 2026, citing higher spending and external pressures.
David Precious, Senior Market Analyst at EBC Financial Group, said, “Nigeria’s reserve build is real but may not be durable yet, because nearly all of the new money is the kind that can leave quickly. Of the $10.37 billion that came in over the first quarter, the overwhelming majority was short-term portfolio funds rather than long-term investment, so a shift in oil prices, global interest rates or confidence in the naira might pull a large part of it straight back out.”
Most New Money Can Still Leave Quickly
The composition of the foreign inflows explains the caution over how long the build can last. The country attracted $10.37 billion in foreign investment in the first quarter of 2026, up 83.83 per cent year-on-year, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). Of that, $9.86 billion or 95.09 per cent, was portfolio money, largely short-term naira debt such as Treasury bills that investors can sell at the next auction, while foreign direct investment, the long-term kind that builds factories and jobs, was $135.08 million, or 1.30 per cent. Put simply, of each dollar coming in, about 95 cents can leave quickly, and barely one cent stays.
That money supports reserves while it stays. Dollars brought in to buy naira assets add to market supply, letting the CBN hold more reserves and steady the naira. It leaves when conditions change. Nigeria earns most of its export dollars from oil and gas, so lower oil prices mean fewer dollars, and as a member of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), it cannot simply produce more, output capped by quota and reduced by theft and ageing fields. Higher global interest rates draw money toward safer returns abroad, and a weakening naira prompts investors to sell early. When oil fell in 2016 and 2020, foreign investors withdrew and could not convert naira to dollars as supply dried up, leaving the CBN to clear more than $7 billion in trapped obligations into 2024.
The Oil Boost is No Longer Certain
Oil looked like a dependable source of the dollars behind the reserves only months ago. Earlier in 2026, concern over disruption around the Strait of Hormuz lifted crude prices, and stronger receipts flowed in, with crude oil export earnings of $8.11 billion in the first quarter in the CBN’s balance-of-payments data. That support is now easing. The tension has subsided, and Brent traded near $72 on June 29, down about 24 per cent over the month, back to pre-conflict levels. With the price boost gone and output constrained, reserves are more exposed, leaning on non-oil earnings and investor patience rather than oil.
The Naira Still Trades at Two Prices
The naira has traded at two prices, an official rate and a higher parallel-market rate, and closing that gap into one trusted price is what many investors might watch most. Before committing funds, they may want assurance they can convert naira to dollars at a fair rate when they exit, and a wide gap revives the fear of being trapped that lingers from earlier shortages. The gap has narrowed to roughly N20 to N30, with the CBN’s official rate near N1,380 per dollar on June 26 against parallel-market quotes around N1,400. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) 2026 Article IV review urged Nigeria to depend less on this fast-moving portfolio money and to keep phasing out its multiple exchange-rate practices. The CBN’s Foreign Exchange Manual, in force from 1 June, is intended to make the market clearer, though such rules build confidence only once investors can freely trade dollars at the posted rate.
What could Make the Build Durable
A few signs that may show the build turning durable include a smaller gap between the official and street naira rates, more long-term foreign investment, and steadier oil earnings. A gap that stays small, now roughly N20 to N30, may mean investors trust the official rate and no longer need the street market. A clear rise in foreign direct investment, only $135 million last quarter against $9.86 billion of short-term money, might mean lasting capital is replacing funds that can leave at the next auction. Oil earnings that hold up, rather than sliding from the low $70s, should help keep reserves steady, since oil and gas bring in most of Nigeria’s export dollars.
“Reserves built on money chasing high yields can fall as fast as they rose, as they did after the last two oil shocks, when investors left, and the CBN spent years clearing a foreign-exchange backlog,” Precious added. “What holds through a downturn is slower money, direct investment, steady oil and non-oil export earnings and one credible naira rate, and that is the shift Nigeria has yet to make.”


