Connect with us

Feature/OPED

Corruption Trials: The New Tactics of Evading Justice

Published

on

By Omoshola Deji

Aside ethnic bigotry and religious odium, corruption is apparently Nigeria’s ultimate challenge. Corruption is so rampant that it has unconsciously become a norm. Rights and merit are not valued anymore. Every step you take, you must always be ready to bribe your way or know someone who knows someone. No class is righteous! Almost everyone use their position, power and authority for personal aggrandizement. The educated steals with the pen, the unschooled engineer demands for thrice the price of auto-parts and the politician snaffles the public treasury.

The gains of corruption have shattered the political-will to tackle it. Nonetheless, President Buhari has valiantly expelled the usual mode of fighting corruption with articulate speeches and match words with action. Judges and prominent politicians are being investigated and prosecuted, even though there is just a single convict – Bala Ngilari, the former Governor of Adamawa State.

The apparent national attention shift from Ngilari makes this publication timely, weighty and credible. This piece had been long articulated-in-mind, but the main task of grounding the core assertion that the political elites have devised a new antics to immune themselves from incarceration necessitated a lengthy observation and research.

To achieve this, much time was needed to observe the actions and reactions of the federal government, the anticorruption crusaders, the populace and the media. Sadly, this collection of Nigerians has been underactive or unconscious of a looming danger.

On March 6, 2017, Ngilari’s popularity soared when news broke that an ex-governor has been sentenced. For awarding the purchase of 25 cars for N167 million without adhering to the State’s Public Procurement Act, Ngilari was convicted of corruption and sentenced to five years imprisonment without the option of fine by Justice Nathan Musa of the Yola High Court.

This rare, high-profile conviction generated a rain of national applauds and international accolades. The world was convinced that the likes of James Ibori would no longer be able to evade justice. Among the political class, Ngilari’s conviction sent shivers down the spine of the corrupt and they began to strategize. The outcome of their strategy exposed when the unprecedented happened. After being imprisoned for 21 days out of a five year jail term, Ngilari was released from prison under the most dubious circumstance.

In a dire conspiratorial alliance with the prison and the judiciary, Ngilari’s comrades coaxed the Prison Deputy Comptroller in charge of health, John Bukar, to issue a medical report that Ngilari needs an urgent medical attention abroad – specifically at the Canada Specialist Hospital in Dubai. The medical report stated that Ngilari is battling with insomnia, diabetes and hypertension with blood pressure rising between 180/110MMHG to 190/120MMHG.

Easily and swiftly, the same Justice Musa that convicted Ngilari awarded him a N100 million bail with two sureties, who must own landed properties in Yola, the Adamawa State capital. Without a doubt, Nigeria is a class society where the rule-of-law exists only on paper. Under the watch of an anticorruption focused government, Ngilari was released to seek medical attention abroad, while thousands of convicted and awaiting trial inmates with debilitating health are never awarded such grace.

Is Ngilari really receiving treatment abroad or has totally escaped justice? A print media once reported that when Ngilari’s release started generating controversy, he hurriedly escaped through the Cameroonian borders to an unknown destination. There is evidently more to Ngilari’s release than meets the eye. The conduct of Justice Musa and the prison officials shows that some prominent persons are determined to ensure Ngilari evades justice. Who could these powerful persons be other than his fellow politicians, party stalwarts and godfathers? Could it be that Justice Musa and the prison officials’ hands were greased? Most likely!

In denial, the Comptroller of the Nigerian Prison Service (NPS) in Adamawa State, Peter Tenkwa, declared he knew nothing about the medical report that facilitated Ngilari’s bail. Teckwa expressed that the “Nigeria Prison Service, as I stated, knows nothing about this letter; whoever wrote that letter is on his own. I have been directed to query the officers involved”. As a deterrent, the NPS suspended two prison officials and nothing more has been heard. Is that enough to deter future occurrence?

Affirming conspiracy, Teckwa (unintentionally) exposed the initial desperate move to hasten Ngilari’s freedom. He unveiled that the Adamawa State Ministry of Justice had initially written him to raise concerns about the health facilities in Ngilari’s prison. After assessing the facilities, the ministry was informed in writing that the prison facilities are up to standard. Teckwa avowed that “we have enough medical facilities to handle high-profile inmates like Ngilari”. Fellow Nigerians, if you wish to live the Nigeria of your dreams, never defend the unscrupulous release of Ngilari.

Affirming infraction, the Adamawa State Attorney General and Commissioner of Justice expressed that: “you must establish special circumstance before granting bail; pending appeal and ill health is not good enough. Before such bail would be granted, the convict must show that the ill health is of contagious nature; the convict did not meet any of the conditions required”.

Manifestly, it is unclouded that the political elites have successfully launched their new strategy of evading justice without consequence. The Buhari anticorruption administration has ignored it and Nigerians have done nothing to resist it. As has always being the case, some Nigerians boorishly defend Ngilari’s release while others condemned it – all talks, no action! The ever vocal Femi Falana and anticorruption crusader Itse Sagay – that roar when the Senate sneezes – have gone mute.

Nigerians beware! This is another Boko-Haram synonymous menace in its formative stage. The implication is that once a prominent politician is convicted, he or she would simply regain freedom on health grounds and fly abroad for ‘treatment’. Bear in mind, there is hardly any imprisoned aged person without one form of ailment or the other. Imagine Sambo Dasuki and Deziani Alison-Madueke are convicted of corruption, but later released to get medical treatment abroad. The rate of corrupt practices would surely skyrocket beyond measure. Wise is the one who first orated that “a stitch in time saves nine”. I warn! Our collective silence and “eh no concern me” attitude would blow this new tactics of evading justice out of proportion.

Without reasoning, we support these politicians blindly while they callously make our lives miserable. They care less and would continue to do anything possible to secure their political future. When MKO Abiola and Baba Gana Kingibe contested the 1993 annulled presidential election, Nigerians were not religiously sentimental. No one cared if it’s a Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian ticket. Today, everything has changed. Just for the sake of winning elections, some politicians desperately fused politics with religion. They have malformed our orientation that we must fight for our ethno-religious person to be in power, regardless of their competence.

These greedy politicians also converted ethnicity to political ideology. They have cajoled us to believe that it is a sin to criticize our ethnic person in power and we must fight other tribes that do such. Today, I doubt if any political party can win the presidential election without balancing the North-South and Christian-Muslim equation. That’s not enough, the next target of these politicians is to frustrate the anticorruption war and cripple justice, but Nigerians are neither observant nor resistant.

I pity the Nigerian masses, especially those who have clouded their intellectualism with ethno-religious sentiments. The corrupt politicians they fiercely defend are the ones behind their ordeals. Without a second thought, a miscreant would be the first to stone the politician using him as a terror instrument, if he realizes that the corruption and misdeeds of politicians basically made him a miscreant. That miscreant couldn’t have a quality education because the funds meant for development have been shared, while the children of those he roars “tuale all-right sir” for are schooling in the best universities abroad.

If Nigerian states are to be sold, the debt of some states is almost their value price. Oh Nigerian leaders why? Why are you obtaining loans our unborn generation cannot pay only to steal? Look around you! The roads are death traps; masses are terribly impoverished; insecurity is alarming; graduates are unemployable; youths are submitting their intellectualism to crime; our ladies are embracing prostitution and people are dying of minor diseases. For how long shall Mosquitos continue to stare at us and say ‘bless this food, Oh lord, for Christ sake’? These man-made evils are befalling us because Ngilari and associates have fleeced the funds meant for development.

Lest I forget, it is a pity that Nigerians don’t even know they are suffering. When you write objectively about any public related issues in developed nations, everyone would raise their voice for change, but in Nigeria, the same people that corruption has swallowed their convenience would rain abuses and question your right to speak.

Well-intended, this piece is a wake-up call for Buhari-Osinbajo and all Nigerians to rise against the latest ruinous antics of the political class before it is too late. If we ignore and handle it softly like Boko-haram, the situation would one day rise beyond our control and this piece would be referenced as that patriotic warning that was ignored.

Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via mo******@***oo.com

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Feature/OPED

Gen Alpha: Africa’s Digital Architects, Not Your Target Audience

Published

on

Emma Kendrick Cox

By Emma Kendrick Cox

This year, the eldest Gen Alpha turns 16.

That means they aren’t just the future of our work anymore. They are officially calling for a seat at the table, and they’ve brought their own chairs. And if you’re still calling this generation born between 2010 and 2025 the iPad generation, then I hate to break it to you, but you’re already obsolete. To the uninitiated, they look like a screen-addicted mystery. To those of us paying attention, they are the most sophisticated, commercially potent, and culturally fluent architects Africa has ever seen.

Why? Because Alphas were not born alongside the internet. They were born inside it. And by 2030, Africa will be home to one in every three Gen Alphas on the planet.

QWERTY the Dinosaur

We are witnessing the rise of a generation that writes via Siri and speech-to-text before they can even hold a pencil. With 63% of these kids navigating smartphones by age five, they don’t see a QWERTY keyboard as a tool. They see it as a speed bump, the long route, an inefficient use of their bandwidth. They don’t need to learn how to use tech because they were born with the ability to command their entire environment with a voice note or a swipe.

They are platform agnostic by instinct. They don’t see boundaries between devices. They’ll migrate from an Android phone to a Smart TV to an iPhone without breaking their stride. To them, the hardware is invisible…it’s the experience that matters.

They recognise brand identities long before they know the alphabet. I share a home with a peak Gen Alpha, age six and a half (don’t I dare forget that half). When she hears the ding-ding-ding-ding-ding of South Africa’s largest bank, Capitec’s POS machine, she calls it out instantly: “Mum! Someone just paid with Capitec!” It suddenly gives a whole new meaning to the theory of brand recall, in a case like this, extending it into a mental map of the financial world drawn long before Grade 2. 

And it ultimately lands on this: This generation doesn’t want to just view your brand from behind a glass screen. They want to touch it, hear it, inhabit it, and remix it. If they can’t live inside your world, you’re literally just static.

The Uno Reverse card

Unlike any generation we’ve seen to date, households from Lagos to Joburg and beyond now see Alphas hold the ultimate Uno Reverse card on purchasing power. With 80% of parents admitting their kids dictate what the family buys, these Alphas are the unofficial CTOs and Procurement Officers of the home:

  • The hardware veto: Parents pay the bill, but Alphas pick the ISP based on Roblox latency and YouTube 4K buffers.

  • The Urban/Rural bridge: In the cities, they’re barking orders at Alexa. In rural areas, they are the ones translating tech for their families and narrowing the digital divide from the inside out.

  • The death of passive: I’ll fall on my sword when I say that with this generation, the word consumer is dead. It implies they just sit there and take what you give them, when, on the contrary, it is the total opposite. Alphas are Architectural. They are not going to buy your product unless they can co-author the experience from end to end.

As this generation creeps closer and closer to our bullseye, the team here at Irvine Partners has stopped looking at Gen Alpha as a demographic and started seeing them as the new infrastructure of the African market. They are mega-precise, fast, and surgically informed.

Believe me when I say they’ve already moved into your industry and started knocking down the walls. The only question is: are you building something they actually want to live in, or are you just a FaceTime call they are about to decline?

Pay attention. Big moves are coming. The architects are here.

Emma Kendrick Cox is an Executive Creative Director at Irvine Partners

Continue Reading

Feature/OPED

Why Digital Trust Matters: Secure, Responsible AI for African SMEs?

Published

on

Kehinde Ogundare 2025

By Kehinde Ogundare

For years, security for SMEs across sub-Saharan Africa meant metal grilles and alarm systems. Today, the most significant risks are invisible and growing faster than most businesses realise.

Artificial Intelligence has quietly embedded itself into everyday operations. The chatbot responding to customers at midnight, the system forecasting inventory requirements, and the software identifying unusual transactions are no longer experimental technologies. They are becoming standard features of modern business tools.

Last month’s observance of Safer Internet Day on February 10, themed ‘Smart tech, safe choices’, marked a pivotal moment. As AI adoption accelerates, the conversation must shift from whether businesses should use AI to how they deploy it responsibly. For SMEs across Africa, digital trust is no longer a technical consideration. It is a strategic business imperative.

The evolving threat landscape

Cybersecurity threats facing sub-Saharan African SMEs have moved well beyond basic phishing emails. Globally, cybercrime costs are projected to reach $10.5 trillion this year, fuelled by generative AI and increasingly sophisticated social engineering techniques. Ransomware attacks now paralyse entire operations, while other threats quietly extract sensitive customer data over extended periods.

The regional impact is equally significant. More than 70% of South African SMEs report experiencing at least one attempted cyberattack, and Nigeria faces an average of 3,759 cyberattacks per week on its businesses. Kenya recorded 2.54 billion cyber threat incidents in the first quarter of 2025 alone, whilst Africa loses approximately 10% of its GDP to cyberattacks annually.

The hidden risk of fragmentation

A common but often overlooked vulnerability lies in digital fragmentation.

In the early stages of growth, SMEs understandably prioritise affordability and agility. Over time, this can result in a patchwork of disconnected applications, each with separate logins, security standards, and privacy policies. What begins as flexibility can involve operational complexity.

According to IBM Security’s Cost of a Data Breach Report, companies with highly fragmented security environments experienced average breach costs of $4.88 million in 2024.

Fragmented systems create blind spots; each additional data transfer between applications increases exposure. Inconsistent security protocols make governance harder to enforce. Limited visibility reduces the ability to detect anomalies early. In practical terms, complexity increases risk.

Privacy-first AI as a competitive differentiator

As AI capabilities become embedded in business software, SMEs face a choice about how they approach these powerful tools. The risks are not merely theoretical.

Consumers across Africa are becoming more aware of data rights and are willing to walk away from businesses that cannot demonstrate trustworthiness. According to KPMG’s Trust in AI report, approximately 70% of adults do not trust companies to use AI responsibly, and 81% expect misuse. Meanwhile, studies also show that 71% of consumers would stop doing business with a company that mishandles information.

Trust, once lost, is difficult to rebuild. In the digital age, a single data leak can destroy a reputation that took ten years to build. When customers share their payment details or purchase history, they extend trust. How you handle that trust, particularly when AI processes their data, determines whether they return or take their business elsewhere.

Privacy-first, responsible AI design means building intelligence into business systems with data protection, transparency and ethical use embedded from the outset. It involves collecting only necessary information, storing it securely, being transparent about how AI makes decisions, and ensuring algorithms work without compromising customer privacy. For SMEs, this might mean choosing inventory software where predictive AI runs on your own data without sending it externally, or customer service platforms that analyse patterns without exposing individual records. When AI is built responsibly into unified platforms, it becomes a competitive advantage: you gain operational efficiency whilst demonstrating that customer data is protected, not exploited.

Unified platforms and operational resilience

The solution lies in rethinking digital infrastructure. Rather than accumulating disparate tools, businesses need unified platforms that integrate core functions whilst maintaining consistent security protocols.

A unified approach means choosing cloud-based platforms where functions share common security standards, and data flows seamlessly. For a manufacturing SME, this means inventory management, order processing and financial reporting operate within a single security framework.

When everything operates cohesively, security gaps diminish, and the attack surface shrinks. And the benefits extend beyond risk reduction: employees spend less time on administrative friction, customer data stays consistent, and platforms enable secure collaboration without traditional infrastructure costs.

Safer Internet Day reminds us that the digital world requires active stewardship. For SMEs across the African continent who are navigating complex threats whilst harnessing AI’s potential, digital trust is foundational to sustainable growth. Security, privacy and responsible AI are essential characteristics of any technology infrastructure worth building upon. Businesses that embrace unified, privacy-first platforms will be more resilient against cyber threats and better positioned to earn and maintain trust. In a market where trust is currency, that advantage is everything.

Kehinde Ogundare is the Country Head for Zoho Nigeria

Continue Reading

Feature/OPED

Iran-Israel-US Conflict and CBN’s FX Gains: A Stress Test for Nigeria’s Monetary Stability

Published

on

Nigeria’s Monetary Stability

By Blaise Udunze

At the 304th policy meeting held on Wednesday, the 25th February, the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) Monetary Policy Committee cut the rate by 50 basis points to 26.5 per cent from 27 per cent, which has been widely described as a cautious transition from prolonged tightening to calibrated easing. The CBN stated that the decision followed 11 consecutive months of disinflation. The economy witnessed headline inflation easing to 15.10 per cent in January 2026, and food inflation falling sharply to 8.89 per cent. Foreign reserves are climbing to $50.45 billion, their highest level in 13 years. The Purchasing Managers’ Index is holding at an expansionary 55.7 points.

As reported in the paper, no doubt that the macroeconomic narrative appears encouraging. On a closer scrutiny, the sustainability of these gains is now being tested by forces far beyond the apex bank’s policy corridors. This is as a result of the clear, direct ripple effect of the escalating conflict between Iran and Israel, with direct military involvement from the United States, which has triggered one of the most significant geopolitical energy shocks in decades. For Nigeria, the timing is delicate. Just as the CBN signals confidence in disinflation and stability, global volatility threatens to complicate and possibly distort its monetary path.

The rate cut, though welcomed by many analysts, must be understood in context. Nigeria remains in an exceptionally high-rate environment. An MPR of 26.5 per cent is still restrictive by any standard. The Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) remains elevated at 45 per cent for commercial banks, and this effectively sterilises nearly half of deposits, while liquidity ratios are tight, and lending rates to businesses often exceed 30 per cent once risk premiums are included. The adjustment is therefore incremental, not transformational.

The Director/CEO of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Dr. Muda Yusuf, has repeatedly noted that Nigeria’s deeper challenge lies in weak monetary transmission. According to him, even when the benchmark rate falls, structural rigidities, high CRR, elevated deposit costs, macroeconomic uncertainty, and crowding-out from government borrowing prevent meaningful relief from reaching manufacturers, SMEs, agriculture, and other productive sectors. Monetary easing, without structural reform, risks becoming cosmetic. The point is that even before structural reforms take effect, the fact is that an external shock will first reshape the landscape.

The Iran-Israel conflict and US involvement have reignited fears in global energy markets. Joint U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets and retaliatory missile exchanges across the Gulf have unsettled oil traders. Brent crude, already rising in anticipation of escalation, surged toward $70-$75 per barrel and could climb higher if shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, through which nearly 20 per cent of global oil supplies pass, faces disruption. It is still an irony that a major crude exporter is also an importer of refined petroleum products.

Higher crude prices offer a theoretical windfall. For Nigeria’s economy, it is well known that oil remains its largest source of foreign exchange and accounts for roughly 50 per cent of government revenue. The good thing is that rising prices could boost reserves, improve forex liquidity, strengthen the naira, and ease fiscal pressures. In theory, this external cushion could support macroeconomic stability and reinforce the CBN’s easing posture.

However, the upside is constrained by structural weaknesses. Nigeria’s oil production remains below optimal capacity. A significant portion of crude exports is tied to long-term contracts, limiting immediate gains from spot price surges. As SB Morgen observed in its analysis, Nigeria’s “windfall” is volatile and limited by soft production performance.

More critically, Nigeria’s dependence on imported refined products exposes it to imported inflation. Rising global crude prices increase the cost of petrol, diesel, jet fuel and gas. With fuel subsidies removed, these increases are passed directly to consumers and businesses. Depot pump prices have already adjusted upward amid Middle East tensions.

Energy costs are a primary driver of Nigeria’s inflation, and this has remained sacrosanct. When fuel prices rise, transportation, logistics, food distribution, power generation, and manufacturing costs will definitely skyrocket, as well as the inflationary impulse spreads quickly through the economy. This will push households to face higher food and transportation costs. Businesses see shrinking margins. Real incomes erode.

Thus, the same oil shock that boosts government revenue may simultaneously reignite inflationary pressure, precisely at a moment when the CBN has begun cautiously easing policy.

This dynamic introduces a difficult policy dilemma, even as this could be for the fragile gains of the MPC. This is to say that if energy-driven inflation resurges, the CBN may be forced to pause or reverse its easing cycle. It is clearly spelt that high inflation typically compels tighter monetary conditions. As Yusuf warned, geopolitical headwinds that elevate inflation often push central banks toward higher interest rates. A renewed tightening would strain credit conditions further, undermining growth prospects.

There is also the risk of money supply expansion. Increased oil revenues, once monetised, can expand liquidity in the domestic system. Historically, surges in oil receipts have been associated with monetary growth, inflationary pressure, and exchange rate volatility. Without sterilisation discipline, a revenue boost could ironically destabilise macro fundamentals.

The exchange rate dimension compounds the complexity. Heightened geopolitical risk, just as it is currently playing out with the Iran-Israel conflict, often triggers global flight to safety. This will eventually lure investors to retreat to U.S. Treasuries and gold. Emerging markets face capital outflows. If it happens that foreign portfolio investors withdraw from Nigeria’s fixed-income market in response to global uncertainty, pressure on the naira could intensify.

Already, the CBN has demonstrated sensitivity to exchange rate dynamics by intervening to prevent excessive naira appreciation. A sharp rate cut in the midst of global volatility could destabilise carry trades and spur dollar demand. What should be known is that the 50-bps reduction reflects not just domestic disinflation, but global risk management such as geopolitical tensions, oil prices, and foreign investor sentiment.

Beyond macroeconomics, geopolitical implications carry security concerns. Analysts warn that a widening Middle East conflict could embolden extremist narratives across the Sahel and it directly has security consequences for Nigeria and the broader region. Groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP may exploit anti-Western framing to recruit and mobilise more followers in the Sahel region, thereby giving the extremist groups new propaganda opportunities. The pebble fear is that a diversion of Western security resources away from West Africa could create regional vacuums. What the Nigerian economy will begin to experience is that security instability will disrupt agricultural output, logistics corridors, and investor confidence, feeding back into inflation and slow economic growth, and as ripple effects, the economy becomes weaker.

Nigeria’s diplomatic balancing act adds another layer of fragility because it is walking on a tactful tightrope. The country is trying not to upset anyone, but maintains cautious neutrality, urging restraint while preserving ties with Western allies and Middle Eastern partners. Yet rising tensions globally between major powers, including Russia and China, complicate the geopolitical chessboard. Invariably, this will have a direct impact as trade flows, remittances, and investment patterns may change unexpectedly, affecting Nigeria’s economy.

With the current conflict in the Middle East, the prospects for economic growth also face renewed strain or are under increased pressure. The stock markets in developed countries have been fluctuating a lot because people are worried that there will be problems with the energy supply. If the whole world does not grow fast, then people will use less oil over time. This means that the good things that happen to Nigeria because of oil prices will probably not last, and any extra money Nigeria gets from oil prices now will be lost. Nigeria will not get to keep the money from high oil prices for a long time. The oil prices will affect Nigeria. Then the effect will go away. One clear thing is that since Nigeria relies heavily on oil exports, this commodity dependence exposes the country to significant risk.

Meanwhile, Nigeria’s domestic fundamentals remain structurally challenged. The recapitalisation of banks, with 20 of 33 institutions meeting new capital thresholds, strengthens resilience, but does not guarantee credit expansion into productive sectors. Banks continue to prefer risk-free government securities over private lending in uncertain environments.

Fiscal discipline remains essential. Elevated debt service obligations absorb substantial revenue. Election-related spending poses upside inflation risks. This understanding must be adhered to, that without credible deficit reduction and revenue diversification, monetary easing may be undermined by fiscal expansion.

At the moment, given the current global and domestic uncertainties, the 50 per cent interest cut rate appears less like a pivot toward growth and more like a signal of cautious optimism under conditional stability. The policy decision is based on several key expectations with the assumptions that disinflation will persist, exchange rate stability will hold, and global conditions will not deteriorate dramatically.

But the Iran-Israel-U.S. conflict introduces uncertainty into all three assumptions, which is wrongly perceived as behind the rate cut that inflation will keep coming down, that the exchange rate will stay stable, and global conditions won’t worsen, are all undermined by the unfolding conflict.

If the global oil prices rise sharply and fuel becomes more expensive locally, overall prices in the economy could increase again, which means inflation could accelerate.  Another dangerous trend is that if foreign investors pull capital out of Nigeria, exchange rate stability could weaken, seeing the naira coming under pressure. If global growth slows, export earnings could decline. Each of these scenarios would constrain the CBN’s flexibility.

This is not to dismiss potential upsides. Higher oil prices, if production improves, could bolster reserves and moderate fiscal deficits. Forex liquidity could strengthen the naira. Investment in upstream oil and gas could gain momentum. Historically, crude price increases have correlated with improved GDP performance and stock market optimism in Nigeria.

Yet history also warns of volatility. A good example is during the 2022 Ukraine conflict, oil prices spiked above $100 per barrel, which created a potential revenue windfall for oil-exporting countries, but Nigeria struggled to translate that temporary advantage into sustained economic improvement. Inflation persisted. In the case of Nigeria, the deep-rooted systemic or structural weaknesses and inefficiency diluted the benefits that should have been gained.

The lesson is clear because temporary external windfalls or short-term luck cannot substitute for structural and deep internal economic reforms.

The point is that sustainable development demands diversification beyond oil, to strengthening multiple parts of its economy at the same time, such as improved refining capacity, infrastructure investment, agricultural security, logistics efficiency, and fiscal consolidation. Monetary policy, as the action taken by the CBN at the MPC meeting by adjusting interest rates or attempting to control money supply, can anchor expectations and moderate volatility, but it cannot build productive capacity; it will only help to reduce short-term economic swings.

The CBN’s decision to cut the interest rate appears cautious. It is not a bold shift but rather a small adjustment. This shows that the bank is being careful and optimistic about the economy. It also knows that there are still problems. The trouble in the Middle East, like the fighting that affects the oil supply, reminds the people in charge that Nigeria’s economy is closely tied to what happens with energy around the world. This includes things like inflation, the value of money, and how fast the economy grows.

Until structural reforms reduce dependence on volatile oil cycles and imported fuel, Nigeria’s monetary policy will remain reactive to external crises. To really make the economy strong and stable, Nigeria needs to make some changes.  It requires resilience against geopolitical storms.

The MPC has taken a step. Whether it marks a turning point depends less on 50 basis points and more on how Nigeria navigates a world increasingly defined by conflict-driven volatility.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com

Continue Reading

Trending