Feature/OPED
Ekiti 2018 Governorship Election: Foretelling the Outcome
By Omoshola Deji
Democracy is basically the right of the governed to elect who governs. The people of Ekiti State, Southwest, Nigeria, would troop out on July 14 to elect who’ll govern them for the next four years. Over 30 candidates are running, but the election is ostensibly a two-horse race between Dr John Kayode Fayemi of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Professor Kolapo Olusola ‘Eleka’ of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
This piece sets sight on foretelling the outcome of the election. Before proceeding, the below-average logical reasoning ability of the Nigerian political class makes some clarification necessary. Foretelling an election outcome doesn’t mean the pundit has access to sacred information, rigging plot, or the election winning strategy of any candidate. Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of candidates to predict who’ll emerge is a common practice in developed nations. This doesn’t mean the pundits are compromising the electoral process or influencing the election results. Ekiti people have already decided who they’ll cast their votes for before now and nothing – not this piece – can easily change their mind.
It is also necessary to clarify that predictions not coming to pass doesn’t mean the pundit’s forecast is fictitious. Election in Nigeria goes beyond voting and counting; it is usually a battle to retain or regain power at all cost. Political parties persistently decimate each other and manipulate the electoral process. The strongest candidate is often declared winner, not the peoples’ choice. Operating in a different way, pundit’s share their verdicts after a thorough assessment of the candidate’s political strategy, leadership capacity, antecedents, manifestoes, structure, acceptability etc.
The Ekiti election is a battle of interests, relevance and political survival. The newly selected National Chairman of the APC, Comrade Adams Oshiomole, wants to prove his competence by winning Ekiti. The APC seeks to gain total control of the southwest region by winning Ekiti – the only state being governed by the PDP. Ekiti also determines the political permutations of 2019 and beyond. If APC wins, the presidency would treat the Southwest like a newly wedded wife in order to harvest votes for Buhari in 2019. Bola Tinubu’s negotiating power for 2023 presidency with the North would rise steeply if APC succeeds in Ekiti.
The Ekiti state governorship election is a political boxing rematch between Fayemi – an ex-governor seeking reelection – and Ayodele Fayose: an incumbent governor seeking to install his deputy, Olusola, as successor. In 2014, then candidate Fayose defeated the then governor Fayemi across the entire 16 local governments of the state.
Controversy however emerged when an army officer, Captain Sagir Koli, and PDP chieftain, Dr Tope Aluko revealed that the then government of ex-president Goodluck Jonathan aided Fayose’s victory with financial and military support in 2014. Power has changed hands at the centre and Fayemi now have the federal backing Fayose once had. Would Fayemi use the federal might against Fayose and his candidate?
The July 14 election is a referendum on Fayose’s popularity in Ekiti state. Fayose chance of becoming the PDP vice-presidential candidate in 2019 is high if he wins Ekiti for the party. This may unfortunately not be his lot as the APC would do all it takes to decimate him. His overconfidence, uncouth orations and vicious attacks on President Buhari has made him one of the political enemies that would be hounded before 2019. Fayose would languish in anguish after leaving office. The Buhari government would ridicule and persecute him. He would also be arraigned for allegedly using the state’s fund and the military to manipulate the 2014 Ekiti governorship election.
Fayemi hopes to repeat the history made by Fayose – deposed but later returned to office. His victory largely rests on his ability to resolve the shortcomings that made him lose power in 2014. Fayemi’s relationship with the civil servants, artisans, transport union members and teachers is not too cordial. He incurred the teachers’ wrath when his government threatened to sack those presumed incompetent and unqualified.
The fear that Fayemi would most likely abort Fayose’s stomach infrastructure handouts might make him lose again. During his first term, Fayemi was visionary and futuristic, initiating development projects, but Ekiti people want something else. They want food on their table; they want someone that understands the plights of the grassroots; someone who can rock the streets with them; someone who can give them the little things they can at least survive on now. Fayose incidentally gave them their desires and they elect him governor.
Another minus for Fayemi is the popular perception that would be running an elitist government and the state’s resources would be controlled by the Southwest political lords. The perception that Fayemi is Buhari’s boy could also work against him. The fear that the state’s anti-open grazing law could be abolished and Ekiti land awarded as a cattle colony to herdsmen might make the electorates vote against Fayemi. APC’s performance at the centre is also not convincing enough that the party has what it takes to transform Ekiti.
The arbitrary use of federal might could work against Fayemi. If the rumour that INEC’s ICT department has preload card readers and falsified results to declare Fayemi winner is not well managed, the people can revolt against him by voting en-mass for the PDP. The security agencies would also have a tough time managing crises if the mass reshuffling of police officers is to compromise the election for Fayemi.
Fayemi’s ability to reconcile with the 32 aspirants he defeated at the party’s primary largely determines his winning. The 32’s financial, human and material resources would significantly boost Fayemi’s chance of returning elected. Unfortunately, many of the 32 are still aggrieved and do not genuinely like Fayemi; they see him as a proud and cunning being that always try to outsmart everyone. The fear of being persecuted by the federal government is what still keeps most of them in the APC. Fayemi may lose if the aggrieved members of his party are not calmed and pacified to throw their weight behind him.
Fayose’s arrogance and imperiousness would affect Olusola. The Ekiti state PDP is monopolized by Fayose, who would not allow justice and fair play in the daily running of the party. The imposition of Olusola as governorship candidate has frustrated notables like Prince Dayo Adeyeye, Senator Fatimah Raji-Rasaki and other bigwigs out of the party. This would definitely dwindle Olusola’s support base and chance of winning the election.
Nonetheless, the voting arithmetic in Ekiti favours Olusola. Fayose strategically picked Olusola from the southern senatorial district that has never produced a governor. Olusola’s running mate, Mr Kazeem Ogunsakin, 39, is the former chairman of Ado-Ekiti local government and son of the state’s former Chief Imam. Olusola and Ogunsakin’s hometown, Ikere and Ado-Ekiti, have the largest number of registered voters in Ekiti State. PDP would sing victory songs if they win these areas by landslide. This would however not be easy as Fayemi’s running mate, 75-year-old Chief Bisi Egbeyemi is an influential Ado-Ekiti indigene.
Olusola would reap the gains of Fayose’s cordial relationship with the grassroots. Fayose initiated an uncommon style of governance in Nigeria. He will abandon his fleet of exotic cars and opt for a ride on okada. He regularly hangs out at spots other governors would not even near. He made the poor his friend and the street his second home. He makes the masses feel his government is theirs. Majority of the low and middle class population in Ekiti sees Fayose as their own and would most likely vote his choice candidate, Olusola. The APC has dismissed Fayose’s acceptance in the grassroots. The party argues that Fayose’s exploitation of the poor’s vulnerability for political gain and media hype would not earn Olusola votes.
The Ekiti election is going to be a very tight contest. The APC is determined to end PDP’s reign and Fayose has vowed that PDP would continue ruling Ekiti under Olusola. Let’s assess the candidates’ chance based on the factors that determines the winner of a governorship election in Nigeria.
Campaign outreach: both candidates campaigned massively across the length and breadth of Ekiti. Money: both candidates have strong financial strength. Power: Fayemi has federal might, Olusola has the state governor’s backing. Education: both candidates are well read; Fayemi holds a Doctorate, while Olusola is a Professor. Religion: both candidates have balanced the Christian-Muslim equation; Manifesto: Both candidates have no clear-cut programs, their campaigns were avenues to defame one another. Civil service votes: Fayemi owed workers salary before leaving office and Fayose owes months. A significant portion of the over 50,000 workers would most likely vote for Fayemi, but teachers would in all probability vote for Olusola.
Ethnic loyalty votes: Olusola and his running mate’s constituency have the second highest and the highest number of registered voters respectively. The security agencies: they would presumably favor the federal government’s candidate – Fayemi. But then, the APC stalwarts should be mindful that political arrests and intimidations at this moment would only generate voter’s compassion for the PDP. The alleged police harassment of Fayose is a booster for the PDP as it would earn his godson, Olusola, some sympathy-votes.
Grassroots support: Fayose’s overwhelming popularity among the poor majority would earn Olusola a substantial amount of votes. The largely populated poor who are beneficiaries of Fayose’s food distribution (stomach infrastructure) would most likely vote Olusola in order to continue getting the largess. The elites: majority of them would vote for Fayemi, but a major issue to be considered is that they are not as many as the poor. Some elites are apolitical and don’t vote.
The informal sector and the less educated population – artisans, traders and transport workers: this array of persons – that vote and stand by their votes – would most likely vote for Olusola because they see his godfather, Fayose, as pro-masses. The transport workers refusal to convey people to Fayemi’s campaign rally on 10 July, 2018 is a pointer that they are supporting PDP’s Olusola. General perception: Ekiti people know Olusola is Fayose’s stooge but might prefer to vote him than Fayemi – a Buhari loyalist that’ll most likely convert their ancestral lands into cattle colony for herdsmen. Political vengeance: rather than lose, the ‘powers-that-be’ may install Fayemi to avenge the 2014 Ekitigate scandal.
All winning indices considered, PDP’s Olusola would predictably get the highest number of votes, but APC’s Fayemi could be declared winner. Protests would emerge after the election and the election tribunal would be flooded with petitions.
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
By Abu Mahmud
The recent realignment within the African Democratic Congress (ADC) is a direct response to its founding promise of transparency, accountability, and people-centered politics, free from money politics, godfatherism, and elite domination. The party seeks to harness a powerful opposition coalition while safeguarding its founding ideals from elite capture. Success will depend on how rigorously the ADC enforces its transparency and accountability mechanisms as the 2027 race intensifies.
As the 2027 elections approach, that promise is being put to the test. The ADC’s realignment is a high-stakes balancing act. The party must decide whether to open its doors to opportunistic politicians whose primary currency is personal ambition. Such “wolves” may bring short-term numbers, but they threaten the party’s credibility, cohesion, and long-term legacy. The ADC’s true strength lies in shared values, not in the whims of any single individual.
If the ADC admits politicians driven more by personal ambition than by shared ideals, it risks undermining its very foundation. As electioneering draws nearer, the party stands at a crossroads: either remain faithful to its principles or sacrifice them for short-term political advantage. Its credibility, cohesion, and long-term relevance depend on choosing the former.
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections, the country needs leaders of integrity—visionary, unifying, and committed to national development above sectional or personal interests. Such leaders must be accountable, open to competent new talent, and committed to institution-building, job creation, poverty reduction, and national cohesion, rather than divisive, self-serving politics.
At this critical moment, Nigerians cannot afford leadership captured by individuals who exploit poverty and emotion through populist rhetoric while pursuing narrow ambitions. Citizens must distinguish between politicians who seek power and wealth for themselves and those who serve with integrity, transparency, and a genuine commitment to community development.
A political party is bigger than any individual. It is built on shared values and collective purpose, not personal ownership. When individuals attempt to dominate a party, democracy weakens and godfatherism thrives.
Even before the election season, there is a real possibility that the ruling establishment could attempt to weaken opposition forces through proxy infiltration, sowing discord within emerging coalitions.
This concern is heightened as the PDP faces what may be its weakest moment since inception.
Atiku Abubakar has emerged as a central figure in a new opposition coalition that has adopted the ADC as its platform for 2027. The coalition includes figures such as former Senate President David Mark (interim national chairman), former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola (interim secretary), Nasir El-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi, and others. They have held consultations on party structure and strategy, advocating transparent primaries and urging members—including Peter Obi—to fully transition into the ADC. Atiku’s exit from the PDP and registration with the ADC signal a coordinated effort to challenge the APC government.
This context raises a critical question: can the ADC afford to admit politicians whose entry is conditioned on personal guarantees?
One recurring feature of some Kano-based politicians is the tendency to conflate local dominance with national relevance. Through emotionally charged rhetoric, such figures mobilize loyal supporters while mistaking regional popularity for nationwide appeal. More troubling is the practice of setting conditions even before joining a party.
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, has openly stated that he would only defect to another party if offered the presidential or vice-presidential ticket for 2027. He argued that his decades-long political career entitles him to such consideration, insisting that his supporters would accept nothing less. Yet this posture contrasts sharply with the conduct of other coalition members who have subordinated personal ambition to collective negotiation. To demand special concessions while others make sacrifices raises serious questions about motive, sensitivity, and commitment to a shared cause.
This article is not rooted in personal animosity or partisan loyalty. Rather, it examines a political style defined by populism, personality-driven movements, and frequent party migration motivated by immediate ambition rather than ideology. Kwankwaso commands a loyal base in Kano, where he is celebrated as a champion of the masses.
Beyond that stronghold, however, his career is marked by serial defections—from PDP to APC to NNPP—each aligned with personal calculations rather than consistent principles. Supporters describe this as pragmatism; critics call it political nomadism.
Recent developments in Kano have punctured the myth of Kwankwaso’s invincibility. Political ruptures within the state have exposed a reality long obscured by propaganda: his influence depends heavily on access to state power.
Without control of institutional machinery, his dominance diminishes. Electoral outcomes reinforce this limitation. In the last presidential election, Atiku Abubakar secured over seven million votes, Peter Obi over six million, while Kwankwaso garnered just 1.14 million—nearly all from Kano.
Governor Abba Yusuf’s anticipated defection to the APC further signals a shift in Kano’s political landscape. While the Kwankwasiyya movement remains relevant, its grip on state power is weakening. This moment calls for recalibration, not confrontation. Politics is not a do-or-die affair, and clinging to power at all costs risks eroding both dignity and legacy.
Reports of behind-the-scenes meetings involving Kwankwaso and former President Olusegun Obasanjo, along with speculation that he could be used to destabilize opposition parties, only deepen concerns about his role in any coalition. As his influence wanes, he increasingly portrays himself as a victim of betrayal, rallying supporters with narratives that elevate personal loyalty above political evolution.
In a political maneuver aimed at self-preservation, reports claimed that the former NNPP presidential candidate sought the intervention of Chief Bisi Akande to arrange a direct meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to negotiate his defection. Akande reportedly declined, stressing that he could not bypass established party structures, and instead referred Kwankwaso to the party’s official high-level negotiation committee.
The NNPP has also stated that, according to its constitution, the Kano State governor is the party leader, being its only sitting governor. Kwankwaso, they noted, was merely the party’s 2023 presidential candidate—an arrangement that ended after the election when the Memorandum of Association between the party and the Kwankwasiyya Movement expired.
Despite his anxiety about his political future, Kwankwaso has been unable to explain to the youths—whose blind loyalty he still relies on—why many long-standing allies dating back to 1999 have walked away. Absent from his narrative is any reckoning with his habit of discarding those who helped build his career: Senator Hamisu Musa, Musa Gwadabe, Abubakar Rimi, among others. Political independence is not betrayal; it is a legitimate pursuit.
When Abdullahi Ganduje parted ways with Kwankwaso, he endured ridicule and abuse. In my view, Kwankwaso and his supporters should at least appreciate Abba Gida-Gida’s restraint in not publicly recounting the unpleasant experiences surrounding his emergence as governor under the NNPP. While the Kwankwaso–Abba conflict is fundamentally political—a struggle for solutions and self-determination—there remains a clear distinction between betrayal, the pursuit of solutions, and the quest for independence from total submission. Madugo’s recent speeches, laden with symbolism and coded language aimed at Governor Abba Yusuf, reflect nothing more than a troubling lack of restraint.
For Atiku, other heavyweight politicians, and the ADC, the lesson is clear: no serious political party should mortgage its future on conditional loyalty or personal ambition. The party’s strength lies in its principles, not in accommodating politicians who seek to bend its vision to their own ends.
At this stage, Kwankwaso’s political control appears to have reached its limits. History shows that successful politicians understand timing, terrain, and temperament. They fight when the cause is just, support is solid, and victory is achievable. They retreat when the odds are stacked, when emotion outweighs reason, or when temporary withdrawal can prevent permanent defeat. It may be time for him to step aside gracefully, preserve his dignity, and protect his legacy. When an ant becomes arrogant, it grows wings.
Power is not bestowed by any individual; it is granted by Allah alone, who gives and withdraws authority as He wills. Both Islam and Christianity affirm this truth: power is a divine trust, not personal property. Any posture that suggests authority flows from personal will contradicts both faith and reality.
Mahmud writes from Hadejia Road, Kano
By Abiodun Alade
In a year shaped by geopolitical tension, technological disruption and intensifying scrutiny of corporate conduct, Anthony Chiejina has once again secured a place among the world’s most influential communications leaders.
In the orchestration of influence, some leaders make themselves heard; others, like Chiejina, make themselves felt. As Group Chief, Branding and Corporate Communications, Dangote Industries Limited, Africa’s largest industrial conglomerate, he operates not in the glare of the spotlight, but in the rarified space where strategy, trust and perception converge. Influence, in Chiejina’s world, is not performative. It is deliberate, calibrated and sustained.
His inclusion on the 2025 Influence 100 for the fifth consecutive year confirms his standing as one of the most consequential in-house communicators globally—and the only Nigerian on this year’s list.
Now in its 13th year, the Influence 100 has become a benchmark for leadership at the intersection of reputation, strategy and power. Compiled annually by PRovoke Media’s senior editorial team, the list recognises communications, corporate affairs and marketing executives whose judgement shapes organisational credibility, agency relationships and public trust. Selection is based on organisational influence, strategic remit, thought leadership and the capacity to lead through complexity.
Chiejina’s sustained presence on the list signals something deeper than recognition. It reflects a style of leadership defined not by volume, but by judgement.
Leadership Beyond Messaging
In today’s corporate environment, communications is no longer a support function. It is a leadership discipline. For Chiejina, that evolution has long been reality. His remit extends from strategic counsel at the highest level to internal alignment across a vast workforce, crisis navigation, regulatory engagement and long-term brand stewardship across sectors.
Dangote Group’s footprint spans cement, energy, agriculture, manufacturing and infrastructure—sectors that sit at the heart of national economies and global supply chains. Every decision, every word, carries weight beyond the corporation itself.
That responsibility has intensified as Dangote Group has undertaken some of the most ambitious industrial projects in Africa, drawing global attention and regulatory scrutiny. Managing reputation at this scale demands more than messaging. It requires institutional memory, political literacy and an acute understanding of how public legitimacy is earned and sustained.
Under his stewardship, Dangote Group has maintained its position as Africa’s most admired company while navigating periods of heightened public debate and international visibility. His work consistently connects corporate ambition with public confidence, ensuring that growth is matched by credibility.
Institutional Memory and Strategic Calm
More than 15 years within the Dangote Group have given Chiejina a rare asset: deep institutional memory. That continuity has proven invaluable during periods of expansion, regulatory change and market volatility. While others respond to headlines, he focuses on coherence, consistency and long-term trust.
Those who work with him describe a leader who privileges preparation over performance and clarity over drama. His approach is measured and analytical, grounded in the belief that reputation is not built in moments, but through years of disciplined engagement.
Chiejina’s fifth consecutive appearance on the Influence 100 places him among a peer group that includes communications chiefs from Apple, Google, Coca-Cola, Nike, Ford, Emirates, Reliance and other global giants. Yet he remains the only Nigerian on the 2025 list and one of the few Africa-based executives consistently recognised.
That distinction reflects both the scale of his responsibility and the growing global relevance of African corporate leadership. As Africa’s industrial champions assume a larger role in global supply chains and energy markets, the standards by which they are judged have become unmistakably international. Chiejina has helped ensure that Dangote Group meets those standards not through imitation, but through coherence, transparency and confidence in its own narrative.
Before joining Dangote Group, Chiejina built a career across banking, manufacturing and journalism, with senior roles at Zenith Bank, Oceanic Bank, Seven Up Bottling Company, African Economic Digest and African Concord—publications from the famed Concord Group that shaped a generation of African journalists. That breadth of experience continues to inform his leadership: commercially grounded, media-literate and alert to the political and economic realities that frame corporate action in emerging markets.
Quiet Authority
Anthony Chiejina’s leadership is marked by restraint. He is not a public-facing executive in the conventional sense, yet his counsel influences decisions at the highest level. In an era where reputations can be destabilised overnight, his value lies in foresight, discretion and strategic calm.
As global business becomes more exposed, more questioned and more accountable, leaders like Chiejina represent a new model of executive authority—one rooted in trust, institutional credibility and long-term thinking.
In that sense, his continued presence on the Influence 100 is not merely a personal milestone. It is a signal: that African enterprise, guided with discipline and clarity, belongs confidently at the centre of global leadership.
And in a world that increasingly confuses noise for power, Chiejina’s career offers a reminder: the most enduring influence is rarely the loudest.
Abiodun, a communications specialist, writes from Lagos
Not too long ago, streaming in Nigeria was seen as a convenience, an alternative to traditional television, used mostly to catch up on missed shows or explore international content. Today, it has evolved into something far more ingrained. Streaming is now a culture: a daily habit that shapes conversations, influences pop culture, drives fandoms and even dictates how stories are told.
From late-night binge sessions and group watch parties to live-tweeting reality shows and football matches, streaming has become woven into how Nigerians experience entertainment. As mobile devices, smart TVs and affordable data options continue to expand access, the platform has moved from the fringes to the centre of everyday life. In 2026, this cultural shift will become even more pronounced.
Here’s what to expect as streaming continues to evolve in Nigeria and across Africa.
Value Will Define Loyalty in an Overcrowded Streaming Market: As streaming becomes mainstream, Nigerian audiences are becoming more discerning. Subscription fatigue is real, and users are no longer impressed by platforms with limited libraries or infrequent updates.
In 2026, loyalty will belong to platforms that offer sustained value, not just headline titles. This means:
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Deep content libraries that go beyond a handful of popular shows
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A healthy mix of live TV, sports and on-demand entertainment
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Regular content refreshes that keep audiences engaged month after month
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Viewers now understand value, and they will gravitate towards platforms that consistently deliver variety and relevance.
Local Stories Will Drive Cultural Relevance: Streaming has amplified the power of Nigerian storytelling, giving local productions the scale and visibility once reserved for traditional TV. Viewers are showing a clear preference for stories that feel familiar, authentic and culturally grounded.
In Nigeria, titles like Omera, Glass House, Italo, The Real Housewives of Lagos, Nigerian Idol and Big Brother Naija have become shared cultural moments, driving online conversations and real-world buzz. These shows are not just being watched; they are being experienced.
Across the continent, similar patterns are emerging, reinforcing the role of hyperlocal content in building loyalty and identity. In 2026, investment in African creators will remain central to streaming growth.
Streaming Becomes Personal and Predictive: As streaming matures, platforms will increasingly rely on AI to understand viewers on a deeper level. In 2026, Nigerian users can expect:
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More intuitive recommendations tailored to individual tastes
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Smarter content discovery that reduces the time spent searching
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Interactive experiences that respond to viewer behaviour
Beyond content, AI will also enhance advertising relevance and customer support, creating a smoother, more personalised user journey.
Live Sports Will Continue to Anchor Streaming Culture: While binge-worthy series drive daily engagement, live sports remain one of streaming’s biggest cultural anchors. Football, in particular, continues to command passionate followership in Nigeria.
With the 2026 FIFA World Cup scheduled for June–July, live streaming will dominate viewing behaviour once domestic leagues conclude. Nigerian football fans demand quality, reliability and immediacy, making official platforms with full broadcast rights, such as SuperSport, essential destinations during major tournaments.
In 2026, sports will further reinforce the value of legitimate, high-quality streaming experiences.
Security Becomes Non-Negotiable: As streaming cements its cultural relevance, content protection will take on greater importance. Premium sports and entertainment remain prime targets for piracy, but the response is becoming more sophisticated.
Technologies from cybersecurity firms like Irdeto now enable real-time monitoring, rapid takedowns and legal action against illicit streaming networks. These measures protect not just platforms, but creators and the broader creative ecosystem, a critical consideration as local production continues to grow.
Innovation Makes Streaming More Inclusive: One of the most significant shifts in Nigeria’s streaming landscape is how inclusive it has become. Platforms are innovating around:
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Flexible pricing
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Bundled services that combine TV and streaming
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Multi-device access, including mobile-first options
Whether premium or entry-level, users can now find options that suit their lifestyle and budget, reinforcing streaming’s position as an everyday entertainment staple.
A More Conscious Streaming Audience Emerges: As streaming culture matures, so does audience awareness. Nigerian viewers are increasingly able to identify illegal streaming platforms and understand the long-term damage piracy causes to the industry.
In 2026, conscious viewing will continue to gain ground, with users learning to avoid red flags such as “free” premium streams, unofficial apps, VPN-only access and excessive pop-up advertising.
Streaming is no longer simply about watching content, it is about belonging to moments, communities and conversations. In Nigeria, it has evolved into a cultural force that shapes how stories are told, shared and celebrated.
As 2026 unfolds, streaming will continue to thrive at the intersection of technology, culture and creativity, offering entertainment that is accessible, relevant and deeply local.
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