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NDDC’s Internship Scheme As A Stitch in Time That Will Save Nigeria’s ‘Unemployment Nine’

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NDDC's Internship Scheme

By Jerome-Mario Utomi

In Nigeria, like in other parts of the world, it is believed that the viability of democracy depends upon the openness, reliability, appropriateness, responsiveness, and two-way nature of the communication environment.  Democracy depends upon the regular sending and receiving of signals – not only between the people and their elected representatives but also among the people themselves.

Supporting the above assertion was the torrent of inter, intra and crossed commentaries by Niger Deltans at the launch by the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, of a Youth Internship Scheme initiated by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), for 10,000 youths from the Niger Delta region in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.

For a better understanding of why this piece specifically appreciates NDDC’s decision to empower youths of the region, it is important to first, underline that Nigeria is a vast country with vast problems that disrupt its progress. But one need not pause to know that the most pernicious of all these problems is youth unemployment.

Tragically unique is the awareness that the unemployment challenge in the country has not only defiled nearly every known solution but remained on a steady rise in recent decades.

As the challenge remained on the increase, even so, were the efforts by successive administrations to have the monster arrested. While some of these efforts were genuine, others were mere declarations of intent brazenly characterized by no clear definition of the problem, the goal to achieve, the means chosen to address the challenge or well-codified means of giving interim support to the unemployed with basic good means of livelihood such as food and security.

Take as an illustration, a story was told of how many years ago, Nigerian youths received with open mind the promise of empowerment initiatives under the then government’s Social Investment Programme for the creation of employment and empowerment of Nigerians. Unfortunately, those excitements were short-lived as many youths who indicated interest could neither register nor secure the training due to the clumsy nature of the arrangements.

Out of the few that eventually registered, some could not complete the programme largely because of distance exuberated by the fact that the initiators failed to factor in (logistics/transportation/daily sustenance allowance) for the trainees. For obvious reasons, even those who completed the programme were more of non-learners as being in school does not always lead to learning.

At that time, this sorry story understandably raised a lot of worries among Nigerians.

With the above highlighted, this piece will comparatively spread out particulars that differentiate the old experience from the present initiative by NDDC’s governing board and management.

Detailing the present Youth Internship Scheme, the Senate President said, “The 10,000 youths would be engaged in the programme designed to improve their skills. The beneficiaries in the first phase would be paid N50,000 monthly. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is committed to the development of the Niger Delta region’’.

What a visionary and sustainable way of empowering the youth!

Again, aside from the awareness that participants slated for this programme need not travel far to access the training as training locations are tragically brought to their doorsteps, unlike previous initiatives, also commendable on the part of NDDC’s governing board and management is their recognition that it Is in the interest of the government and the nation at large to create jobs/empower the youth as a formidable way of curbing crime and reducing threatening insecurity in the country. Most estimable is the Commission’s affirmation that it should be done not merely for political considerations but from the point of view of regional/national development and sustenance of our democracy.

Away from the internship Scheme and FG’s N50,000 monthly Stipend to 10,000 Niger Delta Youths which when implemented, promises to empower the youths from the region, and create self-reliance, there are other hidden but genuine reasons why the people of the region, particularly youths are happy with the Commission.

First, in addition to addressing the region’s underdevelopment (infrastructures and capital), the youths of the region, according to commentaries are particularly happy that the current governing board and management operate in total compliance with the global prerequisite which says that any developmental effort without youth empowerment and job creation at its centre will take such society, region or nation nowhere.

Closely related to the above is the revelation by the Senate President, who, while commending the NDDC for restoring some damaged sections of the East-West Road, hinted that following a presidential directive, the NDDC recently inaugurated five flagship projects covering roads, bridges, and electricity across the region. This is in addition to the assurance that the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road project would not only commence from Lagos but would also start simultaneously from the Niger Delta.

Even as the people of the region celebrate, there are hopeful signs of more silver lining on the horizon for the region and its people.

Take, as an illustration, in his opening remarks, the Chairman of the NDDC Governing Board, Mr Chiedu Ebie, assured that the Commission would continue to focus on completing capital projects that would add value to the Niger Delta region.

Ebie said, “Our commitment is to work towards transforming the region, in line with the 8-Point Presidential Priorities, as well as in accordance with the demands of the NDDC Act of 2000.” He thanked members of the National Assembly for expeditiously passing the 2024 budget of the Commission, which would set the tone for the implementation of projects and programmes benefiting the people of the Niger Delta region.

For his part, the NDDC Managing Director, Dr Samuel Ogbuku, in a similar vein stated that the people of the Niger Delta region had transitioned from militant agitation to intellectual struggle, noting that the region was now reaping the benefits of these struggles.

He said, “We have provided more opportunities and hope to Niger Delta youths through our Holistic Opportunity Projects of Engagement, designed to identify youth interests for skills training.” The NDDC boss said that Project HOPE had helped the Commission develop a comprehensive digital repository, containing important information about the youths of the Niger Delta region, including their qualifications, skills, interests, needs, and current employment status.

From Project Hope to building partnership, Ogbuku remarked that the NDDC was working with the Niger Delta Chamber of Commerce to train youths and young entrepreneurs in the Niger Delta region, stating that the Commission would collaborate with the Chamber of Commerce to support Small and Medium Enterprises in the region and ensure the sustainability of youth development programmes. “We will also partner with the Bank of Industry to fund projects, support businesses, and facilitate the success of our empowerment programmes. We will provide all necessary support for youth entrepreneurship schemes,” he concluded.

To completely come out of the throws of unemployment, this piece holds the opinion that youths from the region must, on their part, recognise that ‘the future is full of promises as it is fraught with uncertainties. That the industrial society is giving way to one based on knowledge’. They must, therefore, learn to be part of the knowledge-based world. The youths must shun instant gratification mentalities and other negative influences emanating from social media that have conspired to render them morally bankrupt.

In like manner, the Federal Government should as a matter of urgency replicate NDDC’s youth empowerment model in other regions of the country. This, no doubt, will go a long way in throwing Nigeria’s monster youth unemployment which breeds all manner of restiveness into extinction. If implemented, it will become a stitch in time that will save Nigeria’s “unemployment nine”.

But for me, NDDC’s Internship Scheme has marked the beginning of something new and different for the youths from the region.

Utomi writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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The Hidden Workforce of the 2026 Access Bank Lagos City Marathon

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Lagos City Marathon Hidden Workforce

When the final runner crossed the finish line at the 11th edition of the Access Bank Lagos City Marathon (ABLCM), the applause began to fade. But for hundreds of workers across Lagos, the real work was just beginning.

Major highways had been closed to facilitate the event. Tens of thousands of runners moved through the city in a coordinated surge of athletic endurance. Thousands of bottles of water and energy drinks were distributed, alongside sachets containing essential medical supplies and medication. The race route itself was meticulously prepared, lined with banners, barricades, medical tents and precision timing systems that ensured safety, organisation and accurate performance tracking from start to finish.

What followed was the part that a few cameras lingered on, yet it remains one of the clearest indicators of institutional progress.

Within minutes of the race conclusion, coordinated sanitation teams fanned out across the marathon corridor. Their work went beyond sweeping. Waste was systematically sorted. Plastic bottles were separated from general refuse. Sachets were gathered in bulk. Collection trucks moved along predefined routes, ensuring rapid evacuation of waste. Temporary race infrastructure was dismantled with quiet precision.

In a megacity like Lagos, speed is a necessity. Urban momentum cannot pause for long. The ability to restore order quickly after an event of this magnitude reflects operational discipline across interconnected systems, municipal authorities, environmental agencies, private waste management partners and event coordinators.

Globally, large-scale sporting events are no longer evaluated solely by participation numbers or prize purses. Sustainability has emerged as a defining metric. Environmental responsiveness is now a core measure of credibility. Cities seeking tourism growth, foreign investment and international partnerships must demonstrate that scale does not compromise responsibility. The 2026 marathon provided a compelling case study in this evolution.

The clean-up operation itself generated meaningful economic activity. Temporary employment opportunities emerged for sanitation workers and logistics personnel. Recycling partners engaged in material recovery, reinforcing circular economy value chains. What was once viewed as routine waste disposal has evolved into a structured ecosystem of environmental services, a sector of increasing importance in modern urban economies.

This level of sustainability was the result of deliberate planning. Effective post-event recovery requires route mapping, waste volume projections, coordination between sponsors such as Access Bank Plc and municipal bodies, contingency planning for congestion points and clear communication protocols.

Each edition of the marathon has built on lessons from the last. International participation has expanded. Accreditation standards have strengthened. Media visibility has grown. Most importantly, environmental management has become embedded in the marathon’s operational framework rather than treated as an afterthought.

Progress rarely arrives in dramatic leaps, it advances through incremental improvements, refined systems and institutional learning. Just as elite runners close performance gaps through disciplined training, cities strengthen their global standing through consistent operational excellence.

The 2026 marathon, therefore, tells a story that extends far beyond athletic achievement. It is a story of coordination, sustainability as strategy rather than slogan, and the often unseen workforce, sanitation workers, planners, volunteers, security officials and environmental partners, whose discipline sustains the spectacle.

Because in the end, global cities are judged by how well they host and how responsibly they restore. On the marathon day in Lagos, it was the runners who demonstrated endurance and the systems, and the people behind them, who ensured that when the cheering stopped, the city kept moving.

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N328.5bn Billing: How Political Patronage Built Lagos’ Agbero Shadow Tax Empire

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Agbero Shadow Tax Empire

By Blaise Udunze

Lagos prides itself as Africa’s commercial nerve centre. It markets innovation, fintech unicorns, rail lines, blue-water ferries, and billion-dollar real estate. Though with the glittering skyline and megacity ambition lies a parallel state, a shadow taxation regime run not from Alausa, but from motor parks, bus stops, and highway shoulders. They are called “agberos.” And for decades, they have functioned as Lagos’ unofficial tax masters.

What began as loosely organised transport unionism mutated into a pervasive and often violent system of extortion. Today, tens of thousands of commercial buses, over 75,000 danfos according to estimates by the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority, ply Lagos roads daily. Each bus is a moving ATM. Each stop is a tollgate. Each route is a revenue corridor.

Looking at the daily estimate from their operations, at N7,000 to N12,000 per bus per day, conservative calculations show that between N525 million and N900 million is extracted daily from drivers. Annually, that balloons toward N192 billion to N328.5 billion or more, money collected in cash, unreceipted, unaudited, unaccounted for. This illicit taxation on an industrial scale did not emerge in a vacuum.

The reality today is that to understand the scale of the problem, one must confront its political history. It was during the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Lagos State governor from 1999 to 2007, who is now the President, that the entrenchment of transport union dominance and motor park patronage deepened.

Under his political machine, transport unions became not just labour associations but mobilisation structures, formidable grassroots networks capable of crowd control, voter turnout engineering, and territorial enforcement. In exchange for political loyalty, street influence translated into operational latitude.

Motor parks became power bases. “Area boys” became enforcers. Union leadership became politically connected. What should have been regulated associations morphed into revenue-generating franchises with muscle.

The system outlived his tenure. It institutionalised itself. It professionalised. It is embedded in Lagos’ political economy.

And today, it thrives in broad daylight. Endeavour to visit Ajah under bridge, Ikeja under bridge, or Mile-2 along Ojo at 6:00 a.m. Watch drivers clutching crumpled naira notes. Observe men in green trousers and caps marked NURTW weaving between buses, collecting what drivers call òwò àrò, or evening as òwò iròlè money taken from passengers.

A korope driver shouts, “Berger straight!” His bus fills. The engines rumble. But before he moves, he must pay. If he refuses? The side mirror may disappear. The windscreen may crack. The conductor may be assaulted. The vehicle may be blocked with planks, and if they resist, the conductor or driver may be beaten. Movement becomes impossible. It is not optional.

This is common across Lagos, especially amongst drivers in Oshodi, Obalende, Ojodu Berger, Mile 2, Iyana Iba, and Badagry, and describes a three-layered structure ranging from street collectors, area coordinators, and union executives at each location. Daily targets flow upward. Commissions remain below.

One conductor disclosed he budgets at N8,500 daily for louts alone, excluding fuel, delivery to vehicle owners, and official tickets. Another driver says he parts with nearly N15,000 in total daily levies across routes.

Of N40,000 collected on trips, barely N22,000 survives before fuel. Sometimes, drivers go home with N3,500. Working like elephants. Eating like ants. The impact extends far beyond drivers.

Every naira extorted is transferred to commuters. An N700 fare becomes N1,500. A N400 corridor becomes N1,200 in traffic, and this is maintained even after fuel prices fall; fares rarely decline. The hidden levy remains.

Retail traders reduce stock purchases because transport eats profits. Civil servants watch salaries stagnate while commuting costs climb. Market women complain that surviving Lagos costs more than living in it.

This is not just a transport disorder. It is inflation engineered by coercion. Economists call it financial leakage, money extracted from the productive economy that never enters the fiscal system. Billions circulate annually without appearing in government ledgers. No roads are built from it. No hospitals funded. No schools renovated.

It is taxation without development. Small and Medium Enterprises form nearly half of Nigeria’s GDP and employ the majority of its workforce. In Lagos, they are under assault from informal levies layered on top of official taxes. Goods delivered by bus carry hidden transport premiums. Commuting staff face higher daily costs. Inflation ripples through supply chains.

The strike by commercial drivers in 2022 exposed the depth of resentment. Under the Joint Drivers’ Welfare Association of Nigeria (JDWAN), drivers protested “unfettered and violent extortion.” Lagos stood still. Commuters trekked. Appointments were missed. Businesses stalled.

Drivers alleged that half of their daily income vanished into motor park collections.

Some who protested were attacked. Yet the collections continued.

Drivers insist daily collections at single corridors can exceed N5 million. Park chairmen allegedly control enormous cash flows. Uniformed collectors operate with visible confidence.

Meanwhile, the Lagos State Government denies sanctioning any roadside extortion. Officials describe the tax system as institutionalised and structured. They promise reforms through Bus Rapid Transit, rail expansion and corridor standardisation. Yet the shadow toll persists.

Contrast this with Enugu State, where Governor Peter Mbah introduced a Unified e-Ticket Scheme mandating digital payments directly into the state treasury. Paper tickets were banned. Cash collections outlawed. Revenue flows are traceable. Harassment criminalised.

Drivers in Lagos say openly that they should be given a single N5,000 daily ticket paid directly to the government, and end the chaos. Instead, they face multiple actors, agberos, task forces, and traffic officials, each demanding settlement.

The difference is in governance philosophy. One digitises and centralises revenue to eliminate leakages.

The other tolerates fragmentation that breeds shadow collectors. The uncomfortable truth is that the agbero structure is politically sensitive. Transport unions are not just labour bodies; they are political instruments. They mobilise during elections. They maintain territorial presence. They command street loyalty. In return, they are allegedly tolerated, protected, or absorbed into broader political structures as they turn into war instruments and a battle axe in the hands of the government of the day. The underlying reality is that the agbero who are the street-level power structures and the government authorities benefit from each other; the line between unofficial influence and official governance becomes unclear, making reform politically sensitive.

The issue is not merely about street disorder; it is about economic governance. Illicit taxation distorts pricing mechanisms, reduces productivity, discourages the formalisation of businesses, and weakens public trust. If citizens are compelled to pay both official taxes and unofficial levies, compliance morale declines. Why comply with statutory taxation when parallel systems operate unchecked?

Dismantling them is not merely administrative; it is political. Perhaps unbeknownst to the people, the cost of inaction is immense. Lagos aspires to be a 21st-century smart megacity under such an atmosphere. But investors notice informal roadblocks. Businesses factor in unpredictability. Commuters absorb unofficial taxes daily. Across Lagos roads, the script repeats “òwò mi dà,” meaning, give me my money.

Passengers plead with collectors to reduce levies so they can proceed. Conductors argue over dues before departure. Citizens feel hostage to a system they neither elected nor authorised.

Taxation, constitutionally, belongs to the state. It must be legislated, receipted, audited and deployed for the public good.

Agbero taxation is none of these. It is coercive. It is not transparent. It is extractive. Lagos has launched rail lines and BRT corridors. The Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority continues transport reforms. Officials promise that bus reform initiatives will eliminate unregistered operators. But reform cannot be selective. You cannot modernise rail while medieval tolling persists on roads. You cannot preach digital governance while cash collectors flourish at bus stops. You cannot aspire to global city status while informal muscle dictates movement.

The solution is not episodic arrests. It is a structural overhaul: mandatory digital ticketing across all parks; a single harmonised levy payable electronically; an independent audit of union revenue; protection for drivers who resist illegal collections; and political decoupling of unions from patronage networks.

The agbero empire is not merely about bus fares. It is about how patronage systems, once empowered, metastasise into parallel authorities. What may have begun as strategic alliance-building two decades ago has matured into a shadow fiscal regime embedded in daily life.

The challenge is that Lagosians are left with no choice as they now pay twice, once to the government, once to the streets. And unlike official taxes, shadow taxes leave no developmental footprint. No bridge bears their name. No hospital wing testifies to their billions. No classroom is built from their collections. Only inflated fares. Broken windscreens. Frustrated commuters. And drivers who sweat under the sun, calculating how much will remain after everyone has taken their cut.

The agbero question is ultimately a governance question. Is Lagos governed by law, or by tolerated coercion? Is taxation a constitutional function, or a roadside negotiation? Is political convenience worth permanent economic distortion? What is absolutely known is that the structure has a political backing and what politics created, politics can dismantle.

Unless meaningful reform takes place, Lagos will continue to remain a megacity with a shadow treasury, where movement begins not with ignition, but with payment to men who answer to no ledger without any tangible returns. This is to say that every danfo that moves carries not just passengers, but the weight of a system that taxes without law, collects without accountability and punishes the very people who keep the city alive.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com

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How to Nurture Your Faith During Ramadan

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Islam channel Faith During Ramadan

Many Muslims grow up learning how to balance life carefully. Faith, work, and responsibility all sit on the same scale, and during Ramadan, that balance becomes even more delicate. Days start earlier than usual, nights stretch longer, and energy is spent with intention.

Over time, this rhythm shapes more than schedules; it quietly shapes how Ramadan is experienced.

Between getting ready for work, navigating long days, preparing meals for iftar, observing prayers, and trying to rest, moments for reflection are often pushed to the side. When there’s finally time to pause, many people assume meaningful Islamic content requires complete silence, full attention, and emotional space, things that can feel scarce during the month.

They scroll past channels they believe may be too formal, or not suited to their everyday routine. They stick to what feels familiar, even if it doesn’t quite align with the spirit of the season and without realising it, they limit themselves.

What many don’t know is that content designed for moments like these already exists on GOtv. The Islam Channel offers programming that understands Ramadan as it is truly lived.

On the Islam Channel, viewers can find thoughtful discussions that explore faith in a way that feels relevant to modern life, educational programmes that break down Islamic teachings clearly and calmly, and inspiring shows that encourage reflection without feeling overwhelming. There are conversations that can play softly in the background while you’re cooking, reminders you can catch while getting dressed for work, and programmes that help you unwind gently after a long day of fasting.

What sets the channel apart is how it personalises Islamic themes, making them accessible not just during prayer time, but throughout the day. Its content is created to inform, reflect, and inspire, whether you’re actively watching or simply listening as life continues around you. And while it speaks directly to Muslim audiences, it also remains open and welcoming to non-Muslims interested in understanding Islamic values, culture, and everyday perspectives.

During Ramadan, television often becomes part of the atmosphere rather than the focus. And having access to content that aligns with the season can quietly enrich those in-between moments,  the ones that often matter most.

This Ramadan, the Islam Channel is available on GOtv Ch 111, ready to meet you wherever you are in your day.

And here’s the exciting part: with GOtv’s We Got You offer, you can enjoy your current package and get access to the next package at no extra cost. There’s never been a better time to hop on and get more shows, more suspense, and more entertainment, all for the same price!

To upgrade, subscribe, or reconnect, download the MyGOtv App or dial *288#. For watching on the go, download the GOtv Stream App and enjoy your favourites anytime, anywhere.

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