Feature/OPED
Nigerian Ecosystem of 4th Industrial Revolution & Craft of Working Institutions
By Oremade Oyedeji
When Nigeria’s President, Muhammadu Buhari, lashed out on the youth several months ago, describing them as lazy, it probably seemed to many as a political jingoism, but in all honesty, I personally think the President was 100 percent right. After all, our dear President is 76 years old. Who do we expect to fix the rot in this ecosystem we call Nigeria? That was harsh right? “issorite, kontiniu to move in drove en masse to Canada. Smiles!!!
Few weeks ago, I had this conversation with my friend Adeola, who had lived and studied in the UK before moving back to Nigeria recently, and he made a remark from an argument I think he had with another mutual friend few weeks back. They both saw on TV a veteran 66-year-old Nigerian actor, Kayode Odumosu, popularly known as Pa Kasumu. He was shown on TV in a terrible state of health. He has probably been struggling with his health since 2013, according to report from some quarters.
Adeola: OMG! Pa Kasumu was a fine Yoruba actor. (He said pitifully).
Jide (Not real name, our mutual friend) felt even more pitiful with his eye glued to the TV, (with a wish look of healing him with some spiritual powers of sort). Unconsciously, he said this country was doom, no good health system. “How can someone like this be sick to the point he is asking for public help in order to stay alive? That cannot happen in developed countries,” he exclaimed.
Adeola: hmmm…. (He sighed) what are you saying, is it government’s job to treat the sick man?
At this point, the conversation with Adeola touched something in me. So, I asked him whose responsibility it is. Now, he got a little sober. “I don’t know, maybe his family, health insurance scheme, his pension funds etc,” he said.
So, the question now is, how could he have benefited from any of those instituted schemes? I mean we all know the actor worked in a relatively informal entertainment sector, without an organized pension scheme or HMO. We all know what the position of the law, in respect to pension schemes and health scheme.
I remembered Dr Ngozi Okunjo-Iweala’s crusade about building a working institution in government when she was the then Coordinating Minister of the Economy. I also know recently, the pension reform act of 2014 has now expanded the contributory pension scheme (CPS) to accommodate self-employed and person working under employment of three employees and below. So, let’s just say that is a legislative relief.
Talking about the institutions; how efficient are the institutions of government in Nigeria? The truth is all the government institutions are weak, hmmm… I imagine you disagreeing with that, perhaps saying, why all? They are weak because of one major factor, which is the personnel (i.e the youth who supposedly work in these institutions). Other secondary reasons are the processes and maybe the law (i.e legal framework). I hope you now see what probably informed what the President said about the youth. The youth failed to initiate workable standards to various institutions of government where he or she works. That is why for example, Pa Pasunmu was sick and he probably didn’t have a working pension plan or an HMO plan that supports his career and age. These challenges cut across all ministries and departments of government, and the so-called regulators and standards setters.
Let me shock you, take accounting standard setters in Nigeria for instant, it is even worse. Strange right? Ask why the Nigerian accounting standard board that used to be the issuer of accounting standards in Nigeria (Statements of Accounting Standard (SAS) and the Nigerian Generally Accepted Accounting Principle (NGAAP) was abolished and replaced with foreign standards like IFRS of the International Accounting Standard Board (IASB). Did you say it’s the need for globalization if I heard you? That is not the absolute truth. Yes, the Financial Reporting Council Nigeria for example and maybe the banking ecosystem rejoice of the effect of that change maybe. But the truth is the Nigerian Accounting Standard Board was literarily not in existent. That ministry or department had employee who took turn to come to work monthly, they had mentally lazy youth who have practically no idea of the needs of users of standards the agency was meant to issue. The Board was only able to issue total working standards of barely 24 counts up till the time it was abolish, while its foreign counterpart (IFRS) that was eventually adopted had more than 40 applicable standards; that is more than just a weak institution, they were lazy.
What is the effect of not issuing relevant standards for example? I once had a client that owns a rubber plantation in Ogun State, Nigeria, and as part of pre-audit exercise, I reviewed the file. I notice the previous year audited balance sheet figure was too small. In preparing an account of this nature, you need to recognize the biological asset. At this time, Nigerian accounting standards had no treatment for biological asset; none of the 24 working standards issued at this time addressed biological asset of any farm in Nigeria. Imagine if listed Uber, Facebook or Google in the US is not having a relevant accounting treatment for its digital assets? Exactly! That’s how terrible it can look.
Fast forward; the fourth industrial revolution refers to a range of new technologies that fuse the physical, digital and biological worlds, impacting all disciplines, economies and industries, and even challenging ideas.
The key driving forces for the fourth industrial revolution include disruptive technologies; Internet of Things, Robotics, Artificial intelligence, Blockchain and Virtual Reality. The most relevant skills in this digital economic era will include professionals who have expertise in artificial intelligence, blockchain financials, cyber security and robotics.
Nigeria technically missed out in the three previous industrial revolutions. Well, the fourth industrial revolution is now in the hands of the vibrant youth. I think President Buhari was probably challenging the youth to wake up to the call against this disaster of missing out. What then is important is how to prevent this disaster from happening and the role IT educators need to play to ensure a smooth glide of the Nigerian economy in the fourth industrial revolution that will lead to mentioning this young Nigerian Robotic Engineer, Silas Adekunle, later in this article.
Let’s dwell a little on Dr Ngozi Okunjo Iweala, crusade of having the institutions working. Asides the ones earlier mentioned in this article, one of the examples of these institutions working in the country is the Nigerian Communication Commission (NCC).
NCC literally leaped from its comatose state of what it used to be in the 80s, an institution of less than 100,000 lines of both land and mobile in 1999, for a population of 160 million people, to what it is today, over 150 million active GSM lines, and already on the verge of releasing the 5G networks far ahead of Europe. Smiles! That the spirit of a Nigeria youth.
At no point in our almost 60-year history of independence has calls for Nigeria’s industrialization been stronger than they are today. Indeed, industrialization is one of the current administration’s priorities, given its acknowledged ability to bring prosperity, new jobs and better incomes for all. How then can Nigeria transform from an import-led economy that also relies on imported manufactured goods, to a producer and exporter of finished goods and services? Historically, Nigeria industrialization has been relatively slow, taking centuries to evolve as you noticed with telecoms for example.
The first industrial revolution began in the 18th and 19th century, when the power of steam and water dramatically increased the productivity of human (physical) labour. The second revolution started almost 100 years later with electricity as its key driver. Mass industrial production led to productivity gains, and opened the way for mass consumption. The third revolution followed, before Nigeria independence in the mid of 20th century with information technology: the use of computing in industry and the development of PCs. Today, we are witnessing the rise of the fourth industrial revolution.
What exactly is the Fourth Industrial Revolution?
I watched a video trending online of Silas Adekunle, a Nigeria young and Nigeria’s first robotic engineer, who built a robot from the scratch. In that interview, he mentioned three things that stood out; first was education, second was the ecosystem, and the third he mentioned was opportunity.
He particularly talked about problem solving in Nigeria’s ecosystem. He reiterated that the youth is expected to see the challenge of their environment and should learn robotics, with a view to proffering solution to Nigeria’s space in the course of their everyday life. For him, he believes robotics can help Nigeria in the area of security, learning, health, agriculture etc.
Silas is already predicting in few years from now when robots will speak Yoruba and probably other major Nigerian languages.
The Fourth Industrial revolution (4IR) combines technological and human capacities in an unprecedented way through self-learning algorithms, self-driving cars, human-machine interconnection, and big-data analytics. 4IR will gradually shape how we live, work and play.
How does Nigeria become 4IR-ready?
First, fast forward to the fifth industrial revolution. Let me share an illustration of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo in another video trending online. “Nobody dances like us, like it doesn’t matter whether you are the Senator of Kogi West or Osun West (concurrently on display was a dance floor music intro by King Sunny Ade ); (after a purse) or Africa richest man (now displaying on the screen was Aliko Dangote dancing to music by Teni titled Case, or the President of Africa’s largest economy President Muhammadu Buhari (displayed on screen was President Buhari dancing to life performance of King Wasiu Ayinde sometimes during election campaign in the west I think), and finally displayed on screen was a swag of former President Olusegun Obasanjo with the big dance. (laughs!!) My dear Vice President Osinbajo concluded that Nigerians love to dance. Smiles!!
Back to the sub-heading; For Nigeria to have the working institutions, she must fully harness the benefits of youthfully driven 4IR in the ministries and departments of governance; she must boost the country’s digital development. Therefore, a “Future Agenda” which promotes digital transformation in various institutions of government, and addresses necessary policies relating to relevant learning, entrepreneurship, agriculture, health and infrastructure etc in massive public private partnership (PPP) fusion.
In conclusion; in the fifth industrial revolution, human and machine will be dancing.
What are the Global Opportunities and Threats?
According to PwC, global GDP could increase by 14 percent in 2030 as a result of Artificial Intelligence (AI) & Robotics which is an additional $15.7 trillion. The 4IR is rapidly causing disruption by providing digital platforms for research, development, marketing, sales and distribution: all of which could drive efficiency and productivity while also reducing logistics and communication cost and creating new global supply chain channels.
Yet, the only opposing argument is that the 4IR can yield greater inequality to the economy because only the talented youths and not capital (and owners of capital) anymore, will become the major factor of production.
Another area of concern by some is the loss of jobs as automation begins to replace the unskilled and semi-skilled workforce. The good news is that while new technology may cause the creative destruction of some jobs, it will also create many new jobs, some of which we can’t even imagine today. The truth is that in the past, technology has ended up creating more jobs than it wiped out.
Feature/OPED
Why Nigeria’s New Tax Regime Will Fail Without Public Trust
By Blaise Udunze
Millions of Nigerian citizens are watching with cautious anticipation as the federal government begins implementing its far-reaching 2026 tax reforms. This is to say that the official assurances that the new tax regime will be fairer, simpler, and more humane, as relished by the proponents of the reforms, are being listened to by both low-income workers, small business owners, professionals, and informal sector participants.
Still, behind the optimism is a familiar worry shaped by past experience that reminds us that taxation without accountability undermines both governance credibility and the legitimacy of the tax system, thereby making it hard to believe in.
For many Nigerians, the question is not whether taxes should be paid, but whether the state has earned the moral authority to demand them, judging by the lack of accountability over the years.
The Nigerian Tax Act and the Nigerian Tax Administration Act, two of the four pillars of the 2026 reforms, came into force on January 1, reshaping how individuals and businesses are taxed. According to proponents of the reforms, particularly the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Dr. Taiwo Oyedele, the changes are deliberately pro-poor and pro-growth. Workers earning below N800,000 annually are exempted from personal income tax. Basic food items, healthcare, education, and public transportation have been removed from the VAT net. Small companies with turnovers of N100 million or less are exempt from corporate income tax, capital gains tax, and the new development levy. Multiple tax laws have been consolidated into a unified code to reduce duplication, confusion, and harassment.
On paper, these reforms acknowledge Nigeria’s economic distress and signal a genuine attempt to lighten the burden on the majority of citizens. However, Nigeria’s tax crisis has never been about tax rates alone.
Nigerians have lived through decades of taxation that did not translate into visible development, social welfare, or improved quality of life, as this has succinctly shown that it is fundamentally about trust. No matter how progressive, for this singular reason, Nigerians see the announcement of the reforms via a long memory of disappointment and failure, while Nigerians have increasingly become vocal in demanding accountability from government at all levels, and social media has played a powerful role in amplifying public scrutiny in recent years.
Images and videos of the alleged lavish lifestyles of public office holders and their families are alarming and circulate widely, reinforcing the perception that public funds are misused or siphoned for private gain. While not all such claims are verified, the damage lies in the perception itself since governance credibility suffers when citizens believe that those entrusted with public resources live far above the realities of the people they govern.
The Nigerian Constitution, while not explicitly mandating accountability in narrow terms, establishes in Section 14 that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. The state is expected to manage the economy in a manner that ensures maximum welfare, freedom, and happiness of citizens on the basis of social justice and equality. The provisions made in Section 22 further empower the media and arm it to the teeth to hold the government accountable to the people and beyond constitutional provisions, Nigeria voluntarily signed up to global transparency initiatives such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, domesticated through the NEITI Act of 2007. Over the period, NEITI has helped improve disclosure in the extractive sector, as its mandate does not extend to tracking how revenues are spent, leaving a critical accountability gap.
This gap is most evident in the lived experience of Nigerian taxpayers. Intrinsically, the average Nigerian does not experience taxation as a collective investment in shared prosperity. Instead, taxation feels like an added burden layered on top of already crushing personal responsibilities. Nigerians generate their own electricity through generators, source water privately, pay for security, indirectly fund road maintenance through vehicle repairs, and bear healthcare and education costs out of pocket. When citizens pay taxes and still bear the full cost of survival, taxation begins to resemble organized extraction rather than civic contribution.
For instance, the stories of Mr. George and Mr. Kunle reflect this reality. Mr. George, is an earned salary worker who has personal income tax deducted monthly through PAYE. Meanwhile, George also pays for electricity, security, water, road repairs, and private schooling. What about Mr. Kunle, who is a small business owner and chooses not to pay taxes voluntarily with the belief that the government has failed to meet its obligations and other rights? Their frustration is widely shared. According to the IMF, only about 10 million Nigerians out of a labour force of 77 million are registered taxpayers. This low compliance is not a product of ignorance alone, but of a deeply broken social contract.
Over the years, successive governments have attempted to address low compliance through amnesty schemes such as the Voluntary Asset and Income Declaration Scheme. Though these initiatives temporarily expanded the tax base, their long-term impact remains questionable because compliance driven by fear of penalties or temporary incentives does not endure where trust is absent. In Nigeria, tax compliance is often compelled rather than voluntary, just as we are about to experience in this new regime, enforcement tends to replace persuasion. This approach may generate short-term revenue, but it weakens legitimacy and fuels resistance.
Academic studies on taxation and accountability in Nigeria reinforce this conclusion. While global literature suggests a strong relationship between government accountability and voluntary tax compliance, Nigeria’s experience has been distorted by weak institutions and limited political legitimacy. This should be noted by the policymakers that where citizens perceive government as unaccountable, coercion increases, collection costs rise, and evasion becomes normalized. Hence while, the result is a vicious cycle in which low trust breeds low compliance, prompting harsher enforcement that further erodes trust.
Other jurisdictions offer valuable lessons. For instance, today, a country like Sweden has one of the highest tax-to-GDP ratios in the world with remarkably high compliance rates, and this has been the norm despite imposing steep personal income taxes. The reason is simple, in the sense that transparency and visible benefits are not far-fetched. Citizens know how their taxes are spent and experience the returns through quality education, healthcare, social security, and public services. Taxation is viewed not as punishment but as a shared investment. In China, targeted tax deductions for healthcare and education similarly align taxation with social needs, reinforcing compliance through perceived fairness.
Nigeria’s challenge is not to replicate these systems mechanically, but to internalize their core principle that enables the people to comply willingly when they believe the system works and that everyone is treated fairly.
This principle is being tested anew by the recent controversy surrounding the Federal Inland Revenue Service’s (now branded as Nigeria Revenue Service) appointment of Xpress Payments Solutions Limited as a Treasury Single Account collecting agent. Though framed as a technical step toward modernizing digital tax infrastructure, the quiet nature of the appointment, coupled with limited public disclosure, has reignited fears of revenue capture and cartelization. Critics have drawn parallels with past private-sector dominance over state revenue systems, warning against concentrating sensitive national revenue functions in private hands without clear safeguards.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s reaction captured the broader public unease. He raised an alarm while warning against what he described as the nationalization of a revenue collection model that had previously raised serious transparency concerns and the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) has insisted that Xpress Payments is merely an additional option and not an exclusive gatekeeper, the controversy highlights a deeper issue, which authenticates the fact that in a climate of low trust, silence, and lack of clarity, suspicion. Even well-intentioned reforms can falter if citizens feel excluded from the process.
With broader concerns about governance, accountability, and democratic integrity in society, this moment coincides with it. Even the recent calls by leaders such as Rotimi Amaechi and civil society organizations like ActionAid Nigeria underscore the growing demand for responsible, transparent and people-oriented leadership as being raised from different quarters. Governance indices consistently rank Nigeria poorly on accountability, while poverty, unemployment and insecurity remain widespread. That is what, in such a context, asking citizens to trust the tax system without first restoring confidence in governance is unrealistic and unattainable.
At the core of the debate lies a fundamental moral question: when does a government have the right to tax its citizens? Taxation is not charity and it is not magic. It is a contract. Citizens surrender a portion of their income so the state can provide security, infrastructure, justice, and essential services that individuals cannot efficiently provide on their own. When this exchange functions, taxation feels legitimate. When it fails, taxation feels coercive.
No doubt, legally, the Nigerian state retains the power to tax, but morally, legitimacy depends on performance. Security is foundational. Infrastructure enables productivity. The government must understand that healthcare and education protect human capital, while transparency ensures fairness. And, when these pillars are weak, taxation loses its ethical grounding. All that Nigerians demand is not perfection; they demand evidence that their sacrifices matter.
As the implementation of the new tax reforms takes root, Nigeria stands at a defining moment. The reforms offer an opportunity to reset the social contract around taxation, broaden the tax base, and reduce dependence on dwindling oil revenues. But the point being flagged is that reform without accountability will only reproduce old failures in new forms. To buttress this further, taxation without accountability, as being practiced in the past, will invariably undermine governance credibility and erode the legitimacy of the tax system.
And, as the scripture says, you cannot put “old wine in a new wineskin.” Failure to adhere to this instruction will lead to combustion. Yesterday’s methods or mindsets on taxation will rupture new strategies, which cannot thrive or survive because of a lack of accountability.
If the government is serious about improving voluntary compliance, it must go beyond policy announcements. Hence, must demonstrate transparent use of tax revenues, strengthen oversight institutions, limit monopolistic control over revenue collection, and communicate clearly and consistently with citizens. Most importantly, it must deliver tangible improvements in the daily lives of all Nigerians.
When citizens see roads fixed, hospitals working, schools improving, and security strengthened, compliance will follow. Voluntary tax compliance is not an act of generosity; it is a rational response to trust. Fix the system, restore confidence, and Nigerians will pay, not because they are forced, but because the contract finally makes sense.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Nigeria’s Year of Dabush Kabash
By Prince Charles Dickson PhD
The phrase Dabush Kabash—popularised by the maverick Nigerian preacher Chukwuemeka Cyril Ohanaemere (Odumeje)—was never meant to be a political theory. It was theatre, prophecy-as-performance, the language of shock and spectacle. Yet, as Nigeria inches toward 2027, Dabush Kabash will not just be in the pulpit, it will find a comfortable home in our politics. It will describe the collision of ambition, uncertainty, bravado, confusion, alliances, betrayals, and loud declarations that mean everything and nothing at the same time.
This is a season where everyone is speaking, few are listening, and the ground beneath the republic feels unsettled. A year where political actors are already campaigning without calling it campaigns, negotiating without admitting it, and defecting without shame. Nigeria, once again, is rehearsing power before the curtain officially rises.
As 2027 approaches, the scramble is neither subtle nor dignified. Atiku Abubakar has made it clear—again—that he will not step down for anyone. His persistence is framed by supporters as resilience and by critics as entitlement. Either way, Atiku represents continuity in Nigerian politics: a belief that the centre must always hold him, regardless of shifting public mood.
Then there is Peter Obi, still buoyed by the aftershocks of 2023, where belief momentarily disrupted cynicism. Whether that energy can be sustained, institutionalised, or translated into broader coalitions remains an open question. Charisma without structure has limits; structure without imagination does too.
Rotimi Amaechi, restless and calculating, watches the chessboard from the sidelines, never fully out of the game. Nasir El-Rufai continues to speak as though he is both inside and outside power, simultaneously insider, critic, and ideologue. Rabiu Kwankwaso, with his disciplined base and regional gravitas, remains a reminder that Nigeria is not won on social media alone.
There are new brides—fresh aspirants, technocrats flirting with politics, and business elites suddenly discovering patriotism. There are old grooms—veterans who have contested so often that ambition has become muscle memory. Everyone is at the gate. No one wants to wait their turn.
If Nigerian politics needed a parable, Rivers State has provided one. The public rift between Nyesom Wike and Siminalayi Fubara is less about governance and more about control—who anoints, who obeys, who inherits political machinery.
Like exiles by the rivers of Babylon, both camps sing songs of loyalty and betrayal, each claiming legitimacy, each invoking the people while fighting over structures. It is a reminder that Nigerian politics is rarely ideological; it is intensely personal. Power is not just about winning elections; it is about owning outcomes, narratives, and successors.
The ruling All Progressives Congress is swelling. Defections are marketed as endorsements, and numerical strength is mistaken for moral authority. But Nigeria has seen this movie before. The People’s Democratic Party once enjoyed similar expansion during the Obasanjo years, only to implode under the weight of internal contradictions, ambition overload, and unmanaged succession.
Big tents collapse when they are not anchored by shared values. Congresses meant to unify often become theatres of exclusion. Candidate selection becomes war by other means. The question is not whether APC is growing, but whether it can survive the internal earthquakes that primaries inevitably unleash.
Meanwhile, the Labour Party stands at a crossroads. The reported ambition of Datti Baba-Ahmed to run as a principal candidate raises deeper questions about succession, internal democracy, and the danger of mistaking momentum for permanence. Movements are fragile when institutions are weak.
Coalitions are forming quietly across regions, religions, and old rivalries. Old enemies share tea; former allies exchange barbs. In Nigeria, there are no permanent friends, only temporary arithmetic. North meets South. Centre negotiates with margins. Everyone is counting delegates, governors, influencers, and platforms.
But alliances without memory are dangerous. Nigeria has a habit of forgetting why previous coalitions failed: unresolved grievances, unequal power-sharing, and elite consensus that excludes the citizens. When deals are made above the heads of the people, legitimacy becomes borrowed—and debt always comes due.
While politicians posture, Nigerians are trying to understand a new tax regime, rising costs, shrinking incomes, and policy explanations that sound more academic than humane. Economic anxiety rarely announces itself with protests at first; it shows up as withdrawal, distrust, and apathy.
Every political drama in 2026 will touch the economy. Every economic policy will shape the political mood. You cannot separate the two. The tragedy is that economic suffering is often treated as background noise while political ambition takes centre stage.
So yes; this is the year of Dabush Kabash. Not because it is funny, but because it is revealing. It captures a politics of spectacle without substance, noise without consensus, movement without direction. Everyone is declaring, few are delivering.
Yet within the chaos lies opportunity. Dabush Kabash also means collision, and collisions force choices. Nigeria will have to decide whether it wants politics as performance or politics as responsibility. Whether power remains a private prize or becomes a public trust.
History will not be kind to this season if it produces only loud men and empty alliances. But it may yet redeem itself if citizens begin to ask harder questions; not just who wants power, but for what, with whom, and at what cost.
Because beyond the theatrics, Nigeria is watching. And this time, the applause is no longer guaranteed—May Nigeria win.
Feature/OPED
AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth
By Fola Baderin
By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.
Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.
The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.
AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.
But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.
Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.
Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.
For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.
At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.
Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.
Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.
Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.
Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.
Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.
Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future
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