Feature/OPED
The 10th NASS and Leadership Recruitment

By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi
If there is any perfect example in recent times that demonstrates beyond reasonable doubt that Nigeria is a nation reputed for doing one thing repeatedly and expecting a different result, it is the present intrigues surrounding the nomination or, better still, selection of principal officers for the incoming 10th National Assembly (NASS).
For a better understanding of where the piece is headed, the National Assembly is one of the three arms that make up Nigeria’s presidential system of government. It is statutorily referred to as the Legislative arm. It is independent of the other arms (Executive and Judiciary) and headed by the Senate President, who is assisted by the Deputy Senate President. The Senate President and his Deputy also work with the Principal Officers in the House, including the Majority Leader, Deputy Majority Leader, Minority Leader, Deputy Minority Leader, Chief Whip, Deputy Chief Whip, Minority Whip and Deputy Minority Whip. The same applies to the House of Representatives, headed by the Speaker and assisted by the Deputy with other officers similar to those mentioned above.
Fundamentally, everyone in the National Assembly is, or ought to be, traditionally interested in the day-to-day existence of the ordinary people in the country and honestly work hard to improve their lives by offering selfless service in the offices they occupy.
From the above clarification, it becomes a worrying concern to this piece and other well-meaning Nigerians as to why the present interference, distractions and involvements from outside, particularly the incoming Executive arm, political parties, ethnoreligious groups, region against another, powerful personalities against each other about how the 10th NASS leadership will emerge.
Qualifying the development as frightening is the awareness that this was a similar leadership recruitment interference witnessed by the outgoing 9th NASS. The house is arguably filled with the best trained and most highly skilled in the history of NASS in Nigeria, but it could not make laws that enhanced the life chances of Nigerians. It is factually backed that the 9th NASS we have today is unrecognizable compared to what the nation used to have in the past.
The facts are there and speak for it. There are so many senators and House of Reps members currently serving. Yet, the present legislative arm of the Federal Government operates as if it is subservient to the executive branch.
The mountain of foreign debt incurred by the present Federal Government and approved by the present 9th NASS without recourse to its harsh impact on both Nigeria and Nigerians is another example of glaring NASS leadership failure that the incoming 10th NASS must avoid.
Ultimately, while this dangerous politicking and scramble for the soul and leadership of the yet-to-be-substituted 10th National Assembly deepens and flourishes, what, however, made the present situation a very curious one is that an exercise like the election of principal officers is constitutionally supposed to be an internal affair within the Assembly. But suddenly, against all known logic, got characterized by national intrigue, with the ruling party, the All Progressive Congress (APC), taking time to underline the advantages and otherwise of having a particular lawmaker in a particular position.
Within this period, I have also listened; to and read different arguments by APC advocates, outlining virtues and attributes in support of the current ‘interference’ in Nigeria’s 10th NASS leadership recruitment process.
While some anchored their argument on the time-honoured but deformed political ideology in the country, which insists that the party is supreme and, as a result, the ruling party has the ‘right to detect who becomes what in the forthcoming NASS, others argued that politics is a game of numbers and rides on the wheels of ‘’to whom much is given, much is expected’’. To the rest, the Executive arm of government should have every reason to be interested in the principal officers to emerge at the 10th NASS. To this group, their argument is predicated on the fact that Executive input will assist in promoting a rancour-free relationship between the two arms of the government while ensuring equity, justice and compliance with Federal Character.
Despite the validity of the above arguments, if allowed to fly, this piece sees in the near future ‘a crisis’ approaching that will unnerve Nigerians and cause them to tremble. These present fears expressed cannot be described as groundless as there are grains of truth in all of its concerns.
Aside from the non-promotion of meritocracy, the greater consequences and hidden danger inherent in the ongoing selection and insistence on ‘anointed candidates’’ by the ruling party without recourse to democratize the process and independence of the House is that in the absence of rigorous accountability, incompetence flourishes, dishonesty encouraged and rewarded.
Viewed broadly, the decision to select, endorse or anoint more than anything else exposed systematized personal interest and amplified the fact that our political players had not carefully read the history and human drama surrounding the democracies of ancient Greece and the Roman Republic. From their actions and inactions in the ongoing debate, it is obvious that as a nation, political gladiators in Nigeria are unaware, for example, that democracy disappeared in Rome when Caesar crossed Rubicon in violation of the Roman Senate’s long prohibitions.
History bears eloquent testimony to the effect that right from the referenced moment when Caesar un-politically interfered as well as combined other arms of government with his chief–of–state role, the Roman senate lingered only in form and humoured for decades while the dream of democracy withered away. And as a result of that singular act, democracy, for all intent and purposes, disappeared not just in the affected nation but from the face of the earth for 17 centuries until its rebirth in the United States of America.
This is a great lesson for Nigerian leaders to draw, particularly now that the incoming NASS will have members of the opposition in greater numbers. The truth is that even if such positions must be zoned to ensure equity in geographical spread, senators–elects must be allowed free hands to elect their principal officers from assigned zones. This author, like other well-meaning Nigerians, considers the allocation of positions to ‘anointed candidates’ as unpalatably undemocratic and, therefore, should be discarded.
Again, even if the above advice and lesson are ignored, another urgent imperative why Nigerians should be concerned about the increasingly sophisticated efforts to manipulate NASS leadership is predicated on the sensitive role that lawmakers are to perform in the nation’s representative and deliberative democracy. If allowed, its negative outcome could set the stage that will selectively control information relevant to collective decision-making in a democracy and strip the House of its power to enact masses-focused legislation.
To, therefore, make the incoming 10th Assembly legislate for the poor, this piece holds the opinion that senator-elects must be given free hands to elect their principal officers as interference can set the stage for abridgement of the freedom of the lawmakers and, by extension encroach on the rights of the masses.
There is equally an urgent need for incoming NASS members to anchor their election of leaders on competence as against party affiliations and other mundane considerations.
This shift in action is important as we cannot solve our political and socio-economic challenges with the same thinking we used when we created it.
Finally, in the words of Thomas Paine, as captured in his pamphlet ‘Common Sense’’, we must all recognize that the Law is King and vigilant adherence to the rule of law strengthens our democracy. It ensures that those who govern us operate within our constitutional structures, which means that our democratic institutions play an indispensable role in shaping policies and determining the direction of our nation’.
This, in my view, is the task ahead of the 10th NASS.
Utomi is the Program Coordinator (Media and Politics), Advocacy for Social and Economic Justice (SEJA), Lagos. He can be reached via jeromeutomi@yahoo.com or 08032725374
Feature/OPED
A Journey Through Policy: My Personal Experience

By Saifullahi Attahir
If there was ever anything that gave me goosebumps and immense pleasure, it was being surrounded by intellectuals and mature minds absorbing facts and figures about governance, economics, public health, policymaking, national security, and international relations. In such situations I easily lose myself, forgetting almost all other things.
Even at medical school, my best lectures were those with frequent digressions, whereby the lecturer would discuss the pathogenesis of diseases for 30 minutes and later sidetrack into discussing politics, governance, or other life issues. I always enjoyed classes led by Prof. Sagir Gumel, Dr. Murtala Abubakar, Dr. Rasheed Wemimo, Dr. Aliyu Mai Goro, and co.
During such lectures, I often observed some of my colleagues disappointment for such deviation. I rather casually show indifference, for I was eternally grateful for such discussions due to the stimulatory effect they had on my mind.
After such classes, I sometimes followed up with the lecturer, not to ask about a medical concept I did not grasp, but to ask for further explanation on policy making, project execution, budgetary expenditures, why African countries are left behind, and similar pressing issues.
In situations where I can’t catch up with the lecturer, I jotted down the questions for further deliberation.
One of the manifest feature I know about my greediness was at reading books. I can open five different books in a day. I lack such discipline to finish up one before another. I can start reading ‘Mein Kampf’ by Adolf Hitler, and halfway through 300 pages, I would pick up ‘My Life’ by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and would have to concurrently read both until the end.
I often scolded myself for such an attitude, but I can’t help myself. The only way to practice such discipline was to at least read two different books in a day. Such was a triumph in my practice of self-discipline. This was apart from my conventional medical textbooks.
To some of my friends, I was called an accidental medical doctor, but actually it was a perfect fate guided by the merciful Lord that I’m studying medicine.
For it was only medicine that makes reading books easier for you. Although time is precious in this profession, but one finds it easier to do anything you are passionate about. The daily interaction we have with people at their most vulnerable state was another psychostimulant. Seeing humans suffering from disease conditions is heartache. Some of the causes are mere ignorance, poverty, superstitions, and limited resources.
The contribution one can give couldn’t be limited to just prescribing drugs or surgical procedures that end up affecting one person. It’s much better to involve one self in to position that may bring possible change to the whole society even in form of orientation.
What also motivated me more was how I wasn’t the first to traverse this similar path. Bibliophiles were common among medical students and medical professionals.
At international level, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, was a physician.
Most of the current economic development of Malaysia was attributed to him. The South American revolutionary figure Che Guevara was a physician. Atul Gawande was an endocrinologist, health policy analyst, adviser to former President Obama, campaign volunteer to former President Bill Clinton, and adviser to USAID/WHO on health policies.
Frantz Fanon was another physician, psychiatrist, racial discrimination activist, and political writer. Dr. Zakir Naik was a renowned Islamic scholar, comparative religion expert, and physician.
At the national level, Prof. Usman Yusuf is a haematologist, former NHIS DG, and currently a political activist. Dr. Aminu Abdullahi Taura was a psychiatrist and former SSG to the Jigawa state government. Dr. Nuraddeen Muhammad was a psychiatrist and former cabinet minister to President Goodluck Jonathan.
During ward rounds and clinics, my mind often wanders to enquire not just about the diagnosis but the actual cause of the disease condition; why would a 17-year-old multiparous young lady develop peripartum cardiomyopathy (PPCM)? Why would a 5-year-old child develop severe anaemia from a mosquito bite? Why would a 25-year-old friend of mine develop chronic kidney disease, and his family would have to sell all their belongings for his treatment? Why are our Accident and Emergency units filled with road traffic accident cases? Was it bad road conditions or lack of adherence to traffic laws and orders?
Why are African countries still battling with 19th century diseases like Tuberculosis, filariasis, and malarial infections? Why issues of fighting cervical cancer and vaccination campaigns are treated with contempt in our societies? Why access to basic primary healthcare in Nigeria was still a luxury 50 years after Alma Ata declaration?
The questions are never-ending…
Answers to these questions could be found not in the conventional medical textbooks like Robbins/Cotrand, Davidson, or Sabiston. Answers to these questions are there on our faces. Answers to these questions are tied to the very fabric of our social life, our public institutions, our culture, and our life perspectives.
In order to make any significant contribution towards the betterment of this kind of society, it would be quite easier as an insider rather than an outsider. You can’t bring any positive outcome by just talking or commenting. It was rightly stated that a cat in gloves catches no mice.
The real players in a game are always better than the spectators. A player deserves accolades despite his shortcomings, frequent falls, and inability to deliver as planned theoretically. For the player has seen it all, because so many things in public life are not as they appear. It’s only when you are there that the reality becomes visible. This is the reason why many leaders who have goodwill and enjoy public support appear to have lost track or contributed insignificantly when elected or appointed into office.
But despite all these challenges, one can’t decline to do something good just because something bad might happen. The risk is worth it….
Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse
Feature/OPED
A Healthier Future: President Tinubu’s Drive to Improve Nigerian Healthcare

By Victor Benjamin
Health is wealth,” a common adage echoing through Nigerian communities, encapsulates the fundamental importance of well-being. President Bola Tinubu’s administration appears to have taken this sentiment to heart, demonstrating a bold commitment to revolutionising Nigeria’s health sector.
Through a multi-pronged approach focused on strengthening infrastructure, upskilling manpower, and ensuring efficient healthcare delivery, the administration is signaling a new era for healthcare in Nigeria. This ambitious agenda, backed by tangible initiatives and achievements, holds the promise of a healthier and more prosperous nation.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has launched a comprehensive and ambitious agenda to transform Nigeria’s healthcare sector, signaling a new era of progress and commitment to the well-being of the Nigerian people. This multi-pronged approach focuses on strengthening infrastructure, upskilling the healthcare workforce, enhancing system efficiency, and addressing critical public health challenges. The administration’s actions are demonstrably moving towards a more robust and accessible healthcare system.
A cornerstone of this transformation is the aggressive expansion and upgrade of healthcare infrastructure. The federal government’s decisive action to convert the General Hospital Kumo in Gombe State into a Federal Medical Centre (FMC) is a prime example. This strategic upgrade, the second federal medical institution in Gombe, will significantly improve healthcare delivery in the Northeast region. Moreover, the upgraded Kumo FMC will serve as a teaching hospital for the Federal University of Kashere and Lincoln University, Kumo, contributing to the crucial training of future medical practitioners.
Furthermore, the administration is committed to dramatically increasing the number of functional Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) from 8,809 to over 17,600 by 2027. This expansion aims to bring quality healthcare closer to communities, particularly in underserved areas. To support this, the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF) is being redesigned to provide more Direct Facility Funding to healthcare facilities, increasing from N300,000 to N600,000-N800,000 per quarter. The federal government has also identified 577 primary healthcare centres for immediate revitalization, indicating a focused and actionable plan.
Recognising that a strong healthcare system relies on a skilled workforce, President Tinubu has prioritised investment in human resources for health. The approval of 774 National Health Fellows, selected from each local council, aims to foster sustained improvements and cultivate future healthcare leaders. The administration has also set out to train 120,000 frontline health workers over 16 months, with 40,240 already trained, addressing critical manpower gaps in PHCs.
Additionally, the enrolment capacity of accredited nursing and midwifery institutions is being increased to meet the growing demand for healthcare professionals. A community health programme is being redesigned to create 126,000 jobs for community health workers, extending essential health services to remote and underserved communities.
Strengthening healthcare systems and efficiency is another critical aspect of the administration’s agenda. The Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative (NHSRII), launched in December 2023, serves as a strategic blueprint to improve population health outcomes through primary healthcare and enhance reproductive, maternal, and child health services.
The National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) is developing a three-year digitalisation agenda, encompassing facility functionality, supply chain management, financial management, and the community health information system.
This initiative promises improved efficiency and data-driven decision-making. Nigeria’s active participation in the Collaborative Active Strategy (CAS) further streamlines health campaigns and strengthens the overall health system.
Addressing critical health challenges is also a priority. First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s strong advocacy campaign against tuberculosis (TB), declaring it a health emergency and committing an additional N1 billion through the Renewed Hope Initiative, highlights the administration’s focus on tackling significant public health issues. The nationwide rollout of HPV vaccination, with over 12 million girls vaccinated, demonstrates a proactive approach to preventive healthcare.
The international community has recognised the administration’s commitment. The World Bank has approved $1.57 billion to support the health sector in Nigeria, focusing on strengthening human capital through better health for women, children, and adolescents. This significant financial support underscores the global confidence in the administration’s vision and execution.
President Tinubu’s comprehensive health agenda promises substantial benefits for the Nigerian populace. Foremost, it aims to drastically improve access to quality healthcare, particularly at the primary level, ensuring that even remote communities receive essential medical services.
This is complemented by a concerted effort to build a more robust and better-trained healthcare workforce, effectively addressing critical manpower shortages and ensuring adequate staffing across facilities. Simultaneously, the administration is focusing on strengthening healthcare infrastructure and equipment, upgrading existing facilities and constructing new ones to provide healthcare providers with necessary resources.
Furthermore, the agenda prioritises the creation of more efficient and transparent healthcare systems through digitalisation and improved financial management, streamlining processes and optimising resource allocation. Crucially, it demonstrates a strong commitment to tackling critical public health issues, such as tuberculosis and immunisation, through focused attention and targeted interventions. These multifaceted efforts collectively pave the way for a healthier nation, enhancing the overall well-being of the Nigerian people.
This comprehensive approach underscores President Tinubu’s understanding of the critical role of a strong healthcare system in national development. By prioritizing infrastructure, workforce development, system efficiency, and targeted interventions, the administration is laying the foundation for a healthier and more prosperous Nigeria. This narrative presents a compelling story of progress and commitment in the Nigerian health sector, marking a significant step towards a brighter future for the nation’s healthcare.
Victor Benjamin is the West/South South Director for Young Professionals for Tinubu (YP4T)
Feature/OPED
Tax, Inflation, and Still Broke: The Economic Divide

By Chiamaka Happiness Madueke
What’s worse than being taxed? Being taxed invisibly and twice.
When the government tightens monetary policy; hikes taxes, and removes subsidies, all in one breath, you would expect the economy to breathe easier. But in Nigeria, the air seems to feel thinner.
Over the past few years, Nigeria has embraced a series of bold economic reforms; floating the Naira, removing fuel subsidies, and pushing revenue generation targets. These actions can generally signal fiscal discipline and long-term growth.
For example, the Nigerian government reportedly saved N3.6 trillion from subsidy removal in just the second half of 2023, but beneath the policy headlines lies a quieter story: one where debt servicing, inflation, taxation, and informal charges collide to create an invisible burden on everyday transactions.
Yes, between visible taxes, invisible inflation, and unofficial levies collected by everyone and no one, low-income Nigerians allegedly seem trapped in a system that squeezes them from every direction.
Let me digress for a second, but I’ll bring it back in a bit, I promise.
At first glance, taxation and inflation may seem like two separate forces: one a fiscal tool, the other a macroeconomic consequence. But in Nigeria’s current climate, they’re colliding in real time, shaping the daily experience of citizens and businesses alike.
The Taxation Puzzle
Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest globally; just 10.86 per cent as of 2022, according to the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS). That’s well below the 15–25 per cent global average, and even lower than the African average. Yet, the informal economy, which contributes nearly 58 per cent to GDP, bears much of the untracked tax burden through local levies and fees.
This mismatch reveals a chronic revenue problem and this challenge becomes even more critical when you consider the growing cost of debt. But borrowing isn’t inherently bad; in fact, strategic debt can stimulate growth if channelled into things like power, roads, manufacturing, or digital infrastructure, projects that have a way of boosting the economy.
In an interview with Arise News, the CEO of Sterling Bank, Mr Abubakar Suleiman, said, “If you are not collecting enough revenue to service a debt, that is a problem”. But it is even worse when you’re not using that debt for productive, economic reasons; that’s a structural problem.
Then I ran the numbers, in 2022, Nigeria reportedly spent a large per cent of its revenue on debt servicing. That means most of what we earn do not go to schools, hospitals, or industrial development, they go to paying back interest. That’s like living on a credit card and using it to buy lunch, not build a business that would make profit.
In 2023, 64.5 per cent of the federal government’s total revenue was used for debt servicing, according to a BusinessDay analysis of data from the Budget Office.
Although this was higher than the 48.5 per cent in 2022, it was still less than the 71.8 per cent in 2021. In 2023, actual revenue was N11.88 trillion, slightly above the predicted N11.05 trillion, while actual debt service costs were N7.66 trillion, 16.9 per cent higher than the projected N6.56 trillion.
In comparison, Nigeria’s revenue for the fiscal year 2022 was N7.76 trillion, falling short of the N9.97 trillion projection. The fact that debt servicing increased to N3.76 trillion from an anticipated N3.69 trillion in spite of this shortfall shows that debt obligations are an unavoidable burden even in cases where revenues are below budget.
This pattern emphasizes how little financial flexibility the government has, particularly when it comes to financing infrastructure or social projects.
By September 30, 2024, Nigeria’s total public debt had climbed to N142.3 trillion, reflecting a N8.02 trillion increase from N134.3 trillion in June 2024. This 5.97 per cent rise was attributed not only to additional borrowing but also to the depreciation of the Naira, which significantly inflated the naira value of external debt.
The surge in debt has not been matched by a proportional increase in productive investment, raising questions about the sustainability and strategic intent of government borrowing.
Adding to the concern, the total debt service cost reached an estimated N3.57 trillion in just the third quarter of 2024 alone.
With limited income from formal taxation, the government allegedly struggles to adequately fund infrastructure, education, healthcare, and essential services.
In response, efforts are underway to:
- Widen the tax base by formalizing more of the informal sector,
- Improve compliance through digital platforms and data integration,
- Rationalize outdated and inefficient tax incentives.
However, increasing tax pressure and its enforcement especially now can be politically unpopular and economically dangerous. Why? Because inflation is already eating through household budgets.
The Inflation Squeeze
Nigeria’s inflation rate has remained stubbornly high, largely driven by the rising cost of food prices, currency depreciation, removal of fuel subsidy and Monetary policies like floating the Naira.
As of early 2024, inflation was between 28–30 per cent, with core inflation also climbing. This diminishes buying power, worsens poverty, and increases the expenses of conducting business.
Essentially, inflation operates as an unnoticed tax, one that hits the vulnerable the hardest, especially low and middle-income earners whose wages aren’t keeping pace.
One key statement caught my attention in recent times, “We must choose between Taxation or Inflation.”
At first, that sounded a bit extreme. But the more I thought about it, the more it made sense.
Taxation is visible, structured, and can be progressive. Inflation, on the other hand, is unpredictable and regressive, a silent thief that spares no one, but affects the poor more because they have less to spend.
For low-income Nigerians, a controlled tax system paired with targeted public investment, might be more manageable than the current wave of inflation that raises the price of garri, beans, and palm oil every other week for Aunty Onyeka and thousands like her.
The “Other” Taxes We Don’t Talk About
But this brings me to a creeping question. What about the unofficial taxes? The ones no one talks about?
How are the indirect taxes collected from public transporters by local levy collectors accounted for? The levies collected from Mama Basirat who hawks around Oshodi market selling cooked food has watched the price of palm oil jump three times in six months while still paying a N500 “market ticket” every morning before selling a single plate of rice. Who tracks that revenue?
Yes, the most shocking revelation for me has been realizing that even hawkers – hawkers, who sell sachet water or fruit walking down roads and the street corners are being taxed in some areas.
Or rather, charged daily levies by local agents. And no, I am not condemning that, just that this issue raises some serious questions in my head:
- Where does this money go?
- Is it remitted to any official government account?
- What public service is being provided in return?
If we zoom out, the irony becomes obvious. We keep saying Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio is too low. Yet, many of the poorest Nigerians are already being taxed, just not in ways that show up in FIRS data.
They’re taxed by local councils, market unions, transport associations, and sometimes even self-appointed local revenue agents. Is this form of taxation? It’s neither progressive nor transparent, nor accountable.
So, What Are We Really Talking About?
When we push for increasing tax revenue, we often picture corporate profits or high-net-worth individuals. But the reality? Many of the levies, fees, and informal charges disproportionately hit those in the informal sector; drivers, traders, hawkers, the same people inflation is already punishing the most. It’s a vicious cycle.
Drivers hike transport fares to meet the levies. Hawkers bump up prices to stay afloat and somewhere in the middle, people start paying more for food, transport, and basic needs. So, yes, taxation may be more beneficial than inflation but only if it’s fair, formal, and genuinely
used to improve lives. Until then, we seem to remain stuck in a system where the poorest pay the most, twice over: Once through rising prices that their income can barely meet, and again through levies that don’t even show up in the books. The informal sector is already contributing indirectly through taxes and levies. But where that money goes, that’s the real mystery.
The discussion about taxation in Nigeria must expand beyond the official tax system to consider these informal levies. And that, more than anything, is what really got my thinking juices flowing.
Maybe the conversation shouldn’t just be about taxing more, but taxing better, and ensuring value for those already overburdened.
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