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The Politics of Amotekun Creation and Attempted Outlaw

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By Omoshola Deji

Security is the principal obligation of government because it is the most important need of man. Life is universally considered sacred, but only the lives of the ruling oligarchy is sacred in Nigeria.

Being alive is a privilege as Boko Haram, killer herdsmen, kidnappers, armed robbers, ritualists, trigger-happy officers, and other messengers of death are around you, ready to send you home. Governors of the six Southwest states moved to combat the insecurity by establishing the Western Nigeria Security Network, codenamed Operation Amotekun.

The initiative has been sternly criticized in the North and declared “illegal” by the Northern dominated federal government. The declaration, which was made by the Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, has deepened the cold war between the North and South (six) geopolitical zones. The Southwest, supported by the Southeast and Southsouth, has vowed to carry on while the Northwest, Northeast, and parts of the Northcentral are insisting that would not be.

Operation Amotekun wouldn’t have evolved if the Southwest was secured. The saying ‘all politics are local’ made the governors act to save their jobs. Buhari can no longer contest, but five of the six governors are in their first term. Apart from Governor Kayode Fayemi, who is in his second term, the fear of losing re-election pushed the other five governors to act, despite the fact that four out of them are members of President Muhammadu Buhari’s party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Buhari’s sectionalism gave birth to Operation Amotekun. Aside appointing the security chiefs from his tribe, his refusal to sack them in the face of underperformance, unprofessionalism and partisanship made him lose the confidence of the Southwest. Another remarkable flaw is Buhari’s failure to deal decisively with the killer herdsmen of his ethnic extraction, as he did to the less violent Shia movement, and Biafra secessionist group.

Buhari seems unaware that people always look out for how the community disciplinarian would discipline his own children when they go wrong. While Buhari swiftly repress dissenting voices, the killer herdsmen that allegedly perpetrated genocide in Benue and Taraba states are yet to face justice.

In Yoruba land, the killer herdsmen that allegedly kidnapped Chief Olu Falae; destroyed several farmlands; sacked Orin Ekiti residents and hoisted flag; killed several persons, including the daughter of the leader of Afenifere, Pa Reuben Fasoronti, are all yet to be brought to book.

Buhari would have saved his government backlash, if he had scared the killer herdsmen as ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo did to the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) in 1999. His shoot-at-sight order buried the OPC’s prospect of violence. The group may have grown monstrous and untamable if Obasanjo pampered them the way Buhari is handling the killer herdsmen. While one may argue that Buhari soft pedalled to win a second term, nothing has changed since he got re-elected.

Buhari may mean well for Nigeria, but nepotism and sectionalism are hindering him from making significant impact. Call it politics, but he has an unstable character. He indicatively preaches national unity, but remains grossly partisan. He habitually says one thing and does the other, thinking everyone is blind, without realizing all eyes are on him. We are really not in the mood to talk about his several failed manifestos, including the forsaken subsidy, electoral reforms and restructuring promises.

Greed for power has kept the Southern politicians nursing presidential ambition silent; they would never speak out even if their hometown is razed. Many are criticizing Tinubu, but in fairness to him, anyone that would speak on the Amotekun issue would have no ambition to occupy Aso Rock. Even the Twitter vocal ex-vice president Atiku Abubakar has been silent because he doesn’t want to bag criticisms in the North. In the same vein, Tinubu is keeping mute in order not to offend the North and to keep his Southwest support intact. His calculative politics of silence may either work for him or ruin him, depending on what the cabal thinks.

Tinubu is the Southwest political godfather and Amotekun couldn’t have been created without him being in the know. If tackled on this, Tinubu could argue that his absence and that of his three most loyal governors of Lagos, Osun and Ogun states at the launching of Amotekun is an indication of his disinterest in the project. If queried in the Southwest, he would argue that the states he holds sway wouldn’t have donated funds and vehicles to the Amotekun project if he’s against it. Tinubu is being calculative and tactical; hoping to eat his cake and have it, but time will tell.

One must be suspicious of the neighbour that criticizes someone for improving on security after being robbed. Such neighbour is either the robber or planning its own operation. The northern opposition of Amotekun lends credence to the alleged Fulanization agenda. It is discomforting that majority of the Northerners are criticizing the Southwest over Amotekun, when they have similar paramilitary and community policing corps such as the Hisbah Sharia police, and the civilian Joint Task Force (JTF).

Amotekun is even more important than Hisbah. The former is a security outfit, while the latter is a religious doctrine enforcement body. Those condemning Amotekun but seeing nothing wrong in Hisbah failed to realize that you can live without practicing any religion, but can’t practice religion without life. By the notion of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, you will only remember religion when you’re safe. The most devoted Muslims would be the first to seek protection in the Church (and vice versa) during war.

The only outfit that could be compared with Amotekun is the civilian JTF assisting the military to combat Boko Haram. It is dishonourable that the same government that has allowed Hisbah operate unchecked – despite Nigeria’s secularity – is kicking against Amotekun.

The argument that Amotekun would be used for political purposes is clearly untenable as they don’t bear arms; one of the major instruments that makes rigging possible. Insecurity in the Southwest is alarming and any viable means of ending it – including Amotekun – must be embraced by every Nigerian that cherishes life.

Unlike parts of the Southeast, the Southwest has no secession plan, but has vehemently clamoured for restructuring – which is one of Buhari’s campaign promise. Those claiming that Amotekun is the manifestation of a secession plan don’t value cooperation. The Southwest governors should be applauded for collaborating to resolve the region’s challenges. It is no fault of theirs that the governors of other troubled regions can’t unite to tackle their problems.

Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association’s statement that Amotekun may cost the Southwest 2023 presidency is a show of ignorance. Emeka Ihedioha woke up as the Governor of Imo State on January 14, but slept as an ordinary citizen after the Supreme Court unexpectedly sacked him from office. Can Miyetti Allah stop the Southwest from taking over power today if (God forbid) the president passes away? Moreover, who gave Miyetti Allah the power to decide who will rule and when to rule?

The word on the street is that the federal government is kicking against Amotekun because members of Miyetti Allah are not enlisted in the outfit. It is practically impossible for the Southwest to enlist the same herders suspected of killing the daughter of the leader of Afenifere. If absorbed into Amotekun, would Miyetti Allah absorb and agree to a rotational leadership of their organization with the Yoruba tribe?

As laudable as the Amotekun initiative is, one must be cautious of the dangers of operating with a programmed mindset. Amotekun may bring about ethnic persecution that would transmute into a civil war, if its handlers should conclude that the crimes in the Southwest is being committed by the herdsmen and the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group. It is dangerous and unfair to create an orientalist view of a tribe with several intellectual and successful people as criminals and terrorists.

Amotekun was created to assist the already overwhelmed Nigerian security agencies. For one thing, Amotekun would drastically reduce the death of security officials who lose their lives while hunting for criminals in unfamiliar terrains. Amotekun is an integration of all the vigilante and local security outfits in the Southwest under one umbrella.

Nigerian security agencies have always engaged the services of these outfits during difficult operations. For instance, the military once engaged the OPC to help them drive out notorious criminals from their hideouts in the Mile 2 and Ojo area of Lagos state. The police also contracted the OPC to help them decimate the infamous Badoo cult in Ikorodu, Lagos.

Amotekun is a way forward; a step towards getting lasting solutions to Nigeria’s insecurity. It is a timely, commendable and laudable initiative that evolved from Buhari’s inability to provide adequate security, despite being a retired Major General.

Any further attempt to outlaw Amotekun may lead to crisis as the outfit has gained tremendous public support. Beyond citizens’ protection, Amotekun must survive out of love for the country. Additional security measures are needed at this trying time. We cannot keep overworking and risking the lives of our security agencies in unfamiliar terrains. The officers are someone’s brother, sister, father, mother, husband and wife. Those opposing Amotekun certainly won’t be happy to lose any of the listed persons on their own end.

Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

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AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth

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IT Agenda for Nigeria growth Fola Baderin

By Fola Baderin

By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.

Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.

The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.

AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.

But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.

Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.

Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.

For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.

At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.

Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.

Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.

Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.

Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.

Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future

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NNPC’s $1.42bn, N5.57trn Debt Write-Off and Test of Nigeria’s Fiscal Governance

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By Blaise Udunze

When the federal government approved the write-off of about $1.42 billion and N5.57 trillion in legacy debts owed by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) to the Federation Account, it was rightly described as a landmark decision. After years of disputes, reconciliations, and contested figures, Nigeria’s most important revenue institution was, at least on paper, given a cleaner slate.

The approval, contained in a report prepared by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and presented at the last year November meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), effectively wiped out 96 percent of NNPC’s dollar-denominated obligations and 88 percent of its naira liabilities accumulated up to December 31, 2024. It resolved long-standing balances arising from crude oil liftings, joint venture royalties, production-sharing contracts, and related arrangements.

Judging it critically, the decision carries both promise and peril, but can be viewed from the perspective of a country desperate to restore confidence in public finance management. It offers an opportunity to reset relationships, clean up accounting records, and move forward under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Yet, it also exposes deep structural weaknesses in Nigeria’s oil revenue governance, weaknesses that, if left unaddressed, could turn today’s debt relief into tomorrow’s fiscal regret.

Context matters. The debt write-off comes not during a period of revenue abundance, but at a time when Nigeria’s upstream revenue performance is under severe strain. According to the same NUPRC document, the commission missed its approved monthly revenue target for November 2025 by N544.76 billion, collecting only N660.04 billion against a projected N1.204 trillion.

Royalty receipts, the backbone of upstream revenue, tell an even starker story. It is alarming that against an approved monthly royalty projection of N1.144 trillion, only N605.26 billion was collected, leaving a shortfall of N538.92 billion. Cumulatively, by the end of November 2025, the revenue gap stood at N5.65 trillion, with royalty collections alone falling short by N5.63 trillion. These figures underscore how fragile Nigeria’s fiscal position remains, even as trillions of naira in historical obligations are being written off.

To be fair, the debts forgiven were not incurred overnight. They are the product of years of disputed remittances, lacking transparent accounting practices, and overlapping institutional roles, particularly under the pre-PIA regime. As petroleum economist Prof. Wumi Iledare has repeatedly observed, the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation combined regulatory, commercial, and operational functions, making revenue reconciliation cumbersome and frequently contested.

That legacy continues to haunt the system, as witnessed with the ongoing dispute between NNPC Ltd and Periscope Consulting, the audit firm engaged by the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, over an alleged $42.37 billion under-remittance between 2011 and 2017, which illustrates how unresolved the past remains. Though NNPC insists all revenues were properly accounted for as claimed, Periscope maintains that significant gaps persist, forcing FAAC to mandate yet another reconciliation exercise. This recurring pattern of audits, counterclaims, and stalemates has weakened trust in the federation revenue system and eroded confidence among states that depend on oil proceeds for survival.

Crucially, the debt write-off does not mean NNPC has turned a corner financially. Statutory obligations incurred between January and October 2025 remain on the books, amounting to about $56.8 million and N1.02 trillion. Although part of the dollar component was recovered during the period under review, the accumulation of new liabilities so soon after reconciliation raises uncomfortable questions about whether old habits are being replaced with genuine fiscal discipline.

More troubling still is what NNPC’s own audited financial statements reveal about its internal financial health. Despite recording a profit after tax of N5.4 trillion on revenues of N45.1 trillion in 2024, the company’s inter-company debts ballooned to N30.3 trillion, representing a 70 per cent increase within a single year. This is not debt owed to external creditors but largely obligations between NNPC and its subsidiaries, effectively the company owing itself.

Records show that of 32 subsidiaries, only eight are debt-free, and the rest, particularly the refineries, trading arms, and gas infrastructure units, remain heavily indebted to the parent company. There was a recurring cycle where profitable units subsidise chronically underperforming ones, and accountability steadily erodes because cash that should fund maintenance, expansion, and efficiency improvements is instead trapped in internal receivables.

The refineries offer a stark illustration whereby the Port Harcourt Refining Company alone owed N4.22 trillion in 2024, more than double its 2023 figure, while Kaduna and Warri refineries followed closely, with debts of N2.39 trillion and N2.06 trillion respectively. Despite the repeated failed turnaround maintenance with many years of rehabilitation spending, none have operated sustainably at commercially viable levels. Their continued dependence on financial support from the parent company highlights the cost of postponing difficult restructuring decisions.

And, for this reason, international observers have long warned about these structural weaknesses. One of the critics, the World Bank, has repeatedly flagged NNPC as a major source of revenue leakages. It further noted that the persistent gaps between reported earnings and actual remittances to the Federation Account. Even after the removal of petrol subsidies, the bank observed that NNPC remitted only about 50 per cent of the revenue gains, using the rest to offset past arrears. Such practices, while perhaps defensible in internal cash management terms, undermine fiscal transparency and weaken Nigeria’s macroeconomic credibility.

This is why the central issue is not the debt write-off itself, but what follows it because debt forgiveness is not reform. Without firm safeguards, it risks entrenching the very behaviours that created the problem in the first place. As Prof. Omowumi Iledare has warned, the scale and pace of the inter-company debt build-up represent a governance test rather than a mere accounting anomaly. Allowing subsidiaries to operate indefinitely without settling obligations is incompatible with the idea of a commercially driven national oil company.

The fact remains that if NNPC wants to function as a true commercial holding company under the PIA, it must enforce strict settlement timelines, restructure or divest non-viable subsidiaries, while clearly separating legacy debts from new obligations. With this, it holds subsidiary leadership accountable for cash flow and profitability. Independent, real-time audits and transparent reporting must become routine features of governance, not emergency responses triggered by controversy.

There is also a broader national implication. At a time when Nigerians are being asked to accept higher taxes, reduced subsidies, and fiscal tightening, large-scale debt write-offs without visible accountability risk undermining the legitimacy of the entire revenue system. Citizens cannot be expected to bear heavier burdens while systemic inefficiencies in the country’s most strategic sector persist.

Of a truth, the cancellation of NNPC’s legacy debts could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s fiscal governance, but only if it is not treated as its conclusion but the beginning of reform.

If discipline, transparency, and commercial accountability follow, the decision may yet help reposition NNPC as a profitable, credible, and PIA-compliant institution. If not, today’s clean slate will simply defer the reckoning until the next reconciliation, the next audit dispute, and the next fiscal crisis.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]

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Taxation Without Representation

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Austin Orette Taxation Without Representation

By Dr Austin Orette

The grandiosity of Nigerians when they discuss events and situations can be very funny. If the leaders use this kind of creativity in proffering solutions, we may be able to solve some of the problems that plague Nigeria perennially.

There seems to be a sublime affectation for new lingos when the system is being set to punish Nigerians. It is a kind of Orwellian speak.

Recently, there was no electricity throughout the country. The usual culprit and government spoke; people came out to tell us the power failure was due to the collapse of the National grid. Does it really matter what is collapsing? This is just an attempt by some government bureaucrats to sound intelligent.

Intelligence is becoming a borrowed commodity from the IMF or World Bank. What does it mean when you tell Nigerians that the national grid collapsed? Is that supposed to be a reassurance, or it is said to give the assurance that they know something about the anemic electricity, and we should get used to the darkness. This is a language that is vague and beckons the consumer to stop complaining. Does that statement mean anything to Nigerians who pay bills and don’t see the electricity they paid for? If they see it, it comes with an irregular voltage that destroys their newly purchased appliances. Just tell or stay quiet like in the past.

Telling us that a grid collapse is a lie. We have no national grid. Do these people know how silly their language sounds? Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of 200 million people. How do you permutate this to give constant electricity to 200 million people? It is an insult to call this low output a national grid. What is so national about using a generator to supply electricity to 200 million people? It is simple mathematics. If you calculate this to the minute, it should not surprise you that every Nigerian will receive electricity for the duration of the blink of an eye. They are paying for total darkness, and someone is telling them they have an electricity grid.

If you can call the 10,000-megawatt national grid collapsed, it means you don’t have the mind set to solve the electricity problem in Nigeria.

To put it in perspective is to understand the basic fact that the electrical output of Nigeria is pre-industrial. Without acknowledging this fact, we will never find solutions as every mediocre will come and confuse Nigeria with lingos that make them sound important.

It is very shameful for those in the know to always use grandiose language to obfuscate the real issues.

South Africa with a population of sixty million produces about 200,000 megawatts of electricity daily. Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts. Why South Africa makes it easy to lift the poor from poverty, Nigeria is trying to tax the poor into poverty.

The architects of the new tax plan saw the poor as rich because they could afford a generator.

A non-existent subsidy was removed, and the price of fuel went through the roof. Now the government says they are rich. What will they get in return for this tax extraction? Why do successive Nigerian governments always think the best way to develop Nigeria is to slap the poor into poverty? What are the avenues for upward mobility when youth corps members are suddenly seen as rich taxpayers? Do these people know how difficult it is to start a business in Nigeria?

After all the rigmarole from Abuja to my village, I cannot get a government certificate without a-shake down from government bureaucrats and area boys. The government that is so unfriendly to business wants to tax my non-existing businesses. Are these people in their right state of mind? Why do they think that taxing the poor is their best revenue plan? A plan like this can only come from a group of people who have no inkling of what Nigerians are going through. People can’t eat and the government is asking them to share their meager rations with potbellied people in Abuja.

Teach the people how to fish, then you can share in their harvest. If an individual does what the government is doing to Nigerians, it will be called robbery, and the individual will be in prison. When the government taxes people, there is a reciprocal exchange. What is being done in Nigeria does not represent fair exchange.

Nigerians have never gotten anything good from their government except individual wealth that is doled out in Abuja for the selected few.

The question is, will Nigerians have a good electricity supply? NO. Will they have security of persons and properties? No. Will they have improved health care? NO. Will there be good roads? No. Will they have good schools and good education? No.

Taxation is not good governance. A policy like this should never be rushed without adequate studies. Once again, our legislators have let us down. They have never shown the people the reason they were elected and to be re-elected. They are not playing their roles as the watchdog and representatives of the people. Anyone who voted for this tax bill deserves to lose their positions as Senators and Members of the House of Representatives.

We are not in a military regime anymore. Nigerians must start learning how to exercise their franchise. This taxation issue must be litigated at the ballot box. The members of the National Assembly have shown by their assent that they don’t represent the people.

In a normal democracy, taxation without representation should never be tolerated. They must be voted out of office. We have a responsibility and duty to use our voting power to fight unjust laws. Taxation without representation is unjust. Those voted into power will never respect the citizens until the citizens learn to punish errant politicians by voting them out of office. This responsibility is sacred and must be exercised with diligence.

Dr Austin Orette writes from Houston, Texas

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