Feature/OPED
The Politics of Amotekun Creation and Attempted Outlaw
By Omoshola Deji
Security is the principal obligation of government because it is the most important need of man. Life is universally considered sacred, but only the lives of the ruling oligarchy is sacred in Nigeria.
Being alive is a privilege as Boko Haram, killer herdsmen, kidnappers, armed robbers, ritualists, trigger-happy officers, and other messengers of death are around you, ready to send you home. Governors of the six Southwest states moved to combat the insecurity by establishing the Western Nigeria Security Network, codenamed Operation Amotekun.
The initiative has been sternly criticized in the North and declared “illegal” by the Northern dominated federal government. The declaration, which was made by the Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, has deepened the cold war between the North and South (six) geopolitical zones. The Southwest, supported by the Southeast and Southsouth, has vowed to carry on while the Northwest, Northeast, and parts of the Northcentral are insisting that would not be.
Operation Amotekun wouldn’t have evolved if the Southwest was secured. The saying ‘all politics are local’ made the governors act to save their jobs. Buhari can no longer contest, but five of the six governors are in their first term. Apart from Governor Kayode Fayemi, who is in his second term, the fear of losing re-election pushed the other five governors to act, despite the fact that four out of them are members of President Muhammadu Buhari’s party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Buhari’s sectionalism gave birth to Operation Amotekun. Aside appointing the security chiefs from his tribe, his refusal to sack them in the face of underperformance, unprofessionalism and partisanship made him lose the confidence of the Southwest. Another remarkable flaw is Buhari’s failure to deal decisively with the killer herdsmen of his ethnic extraction, as he did to the less violent Shia movement, and Biafra secessionist group.
Buhari seems unaware that people always look out for how the community disciplinarian would discipline his own children when they go wrong. While Buhari swiftly repress dissenting voices, the killer herdsmen that allegedly perpetrated genocide in Benue and Taraba states are yet to face justice.
In Yoruba land, the killer herdsmen that allegedly kidnapped Chief Olu Falae; destroyed several farmlands; sacked Orin Ekiti residents and hoisted flag; killed several persons, including the daughter of the leader of Afenifere, Pa Reuben Fasoronti, are all yet to be brought to book.
Buhari would have saved his government backlash, if he had scared the killer herdsmen as ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo did to the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) in 1999. His shoot-at-sight order buried the OPC’s prospect of violence. The group may have grown monstrous and untamable if Obasanjo pampered them the way Buhari is handling the killer herdsmen. While one may argue that Buhari soft pedalled to win a second term, nothing has changed since he got re-elected.
Buhari may mean well for Nigeria, but nepotism and sectionalism are hindering him from making significant impact. Call it politics, but he has an unstable character. He indicatively preaches national unity, but remains grossly partisan. He habitually says one thing and does the other, thinking everyone is blind, without realizing all eyes are on him. We are really not in the mood to talk about his several failed manifestos, including the forsaken subsidy, electoral reforms and restructuring promises.
Greed for power has kept the Southern politicians nursing presidential ambition silent; they would never speak out even if their hometown is razed. Many are criticizing Tinubu, but in fairness to him, anyone that would speak on the Amotekun issue would have no ambition to occupy Aso Rock. Even the Twitter vocal ex-vice president Atiku Abubakar has been silent because he doesn’t want to bag criticisms in the North. In the same vein, Tinubu is keeping mute in order not to offend the North and to keep his Southwest support intact. His calculative politics of silence may either work for him or ruin him, depending on what the cabal thinks.
Tinubu is the Southwest political godfather and Amotekun couldn’t have been created without him being in the know. If tackled on this, Tinubu could argue that his absence and that of his three most loyal governors of Lagos, Osun and Ogun states at the launching of Amotekun is an indication of his disinterest in the project. If queried in the Southwest, he would argue that the states he holds sway wouldn’t have donated funds and vehicles to the Amotekun project if he’s against it. Tinubu is being calculative and tactical; hoping to eat his cake and have it, but time will tell.
One must be suspicious of the neighbour that criticizes someone for improving on security after being robbed. Such neighbour is either the robber or planning its own operation. The northern opposition of Amotekun lends credence to the alleged Fulanization agenda. It is discomforting that majority of the Northerners are criticizing the Southwest over Amotekun, when they have similar paramilitary and community policing corps such as the Hisbah Sharia police, and the civilian Joint Task Force (JTF).
Amotekun is even more important than Hisbah. The former is a security outfit, while the latter is a religious doctrine enforcement body. Those condemning Amotekun but seeing nothing wrong in Hisbah failed to realize that you can live without practicing any religion, but can’t practice religion without life. By the notion of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, you will only remember religion when you’re safe. The most devoted Muslims would be the first to seek protection in the Church (and vice versa) during war.
The only outfit that could be compared with Amotekun is the civilian JTF assisting the military to combat Boko Haram. It is dishonourable that the same government that has allowed Hisbah operate unchecked – despite Nigeria’s secularity – is kicking against Amotekun.
The argument that Amotekun would be used for political purposes is clearly untenable as they don’t bear arms; one of the major instruments that makes rigging possible. Insecurity in the Southwest is alarming and any viable means of ending it – including Amotekun – must be embraced by every Nigerian that cherishes life.
Unlike parts of the Southeast, the Southwest has no secession plan, but has vehemently clamoured for restructuring – which is one of Buhari’s campaign promise. Those claiming that Amotekun is the manifestation of a secession plan don’t value cooperation. The Southwest governors should be applauded for collaborating to resolve the region’s challenges. It is no fault of theirs that the governors of other troubled regions can’t unite to tackle their problems.
Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association’s statement that Amotekun may cost the Southwest 2023 presidency is a show of ignorance. Emeka Ihedioha woke up as the Governor of Imo State on January 14, but slept as an ordinary citizen after the Supreme Court unexpectedly sacked him from office. Can Miyetti Allah stop the Southwest from taking over power today if (God forbid) the president passes away? Moreover, who gave Miyetti Allah the power to decide who will rule and when to rule?
The word on the street is that the federal government is kicking against Amotekun because members of Miyetti Allah are not enlisted in the outfit. It is practically impossible for the Southwest to enlist the same herders suspected of killing the daughter of the leader of Afenifere. If absorbed into Amotekun, would Miyetti Allah absorb and agree to a rotational leadership of their organization with the Yoruba tribe?
As laudable as the Amotekun initiative is, one must be cautious of the dangers of operating with a programmed mindset. Amotekun may bring about ethnic persecution that would transmute into a civil war, if its handlers should conclude that the crimes in the Southwest is being committed by the herdsmen and the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group. It is dangerous and unfair to create an orientalist view of a tribe with several intellectual and successful people as criminals and terrorists.
Amotekun was created to assist the already overwhelmed Nigerian security agencies. For one thing, Amotekun would drastically reduce the death of security officials who lose their lives while hunting for criminals in unfamiliar terrains. Amotekun is an integration of all the vigilante and local security outfits in the Southwest under one umbrella.
Nigerian security agencies have always engaged the services of these outfits during difficult operations. For instance, the military once engaged the OPC to help them drive out notorious criminals from their hideouts in the Mile 2 and Ojo area of Lagos state. The police also contracted the OPC to help them decimate the infamous Badoo cult in Ikorodu, Lagos.
Amotekun is a way forward; a step towards getting lasting solutions to Nigeria’s insecurity. It is a timely, commendable and laudable initiative that evolved from Buhari’s inability to provide adequate security, despite being a retired Major General.
Any further attempt to outlaw Amotekun may lead to crisis as the outfit has gained tremendous public support. Beyond citizens’ protection, Amotekun must survive out of love for the country. Additional security measures are needed at this trying time. We cannot keep overworking and risking the lives of our security agencies in unfamiliar terrains. The officers are someone’s brother, sister, father, mother, husband and wife. Those opposing Amotekun certainly won’t be happy to lose any of the listed persons on their own end.
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Adeleke’s Leadership: A Dance of Transformation in Osun
By Bamikole Omishore
“Great dancers are not great because of their technique; they are great because of their passion.” – Martha Graham.
In the world of dance, few have mastered the art of movement with the grace and intensity of Martha Graham, whose choreography was marked by a profound understanding of human expression and transformation.
Graham’s dances were not mere performances; they were powerful reflections of the human condition, a tapestry woven with raw emotion, rhythm, and purpose. In many ways, the leadership of Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, mirrors this very essence of dance—dynamic, passionate, and forward-moving.
Governor Adeleke has taken the helm of Osun State with the kind of zeal and vision that echoes the intensity of a choreographed performance, where each step is deliberate, and every movement contributes to a greater narrative of transformation. His approach to governance is not just about policy execution but about creating an environment where the people of Osun are empowered, uplifted, and given the tools to thrive.
In his leadership, one sees a choreography of progress, dedication, and unwavering commitment to the welfare of his people. Considering the precarious state of Osun when he took office on November 27, 2022, Adeleke could not have done otherwise—every step had to be deliberate and tailored for the development of the people.
Much like Martha Graham’s focus on the expression of the individual within a broader context, Governor Adeleke’s leadership shines in its ability to focus on the unique needs of Osun State’s diverse communities, while also aligning them with the collective goal of the state’s development. He has taken the pulse of Osun and, much like a skilled dancer attuned to the rhythm of the music, has set a course for the state that resonates with both empathy and pragmatism.
Governor Adeleke’s impact is tangible, and his passion for the people is infectious. His administration has not shied away from confronting the most pressing issues facing the state, including infrastructural deficits, educational reform, and economic revitalisation. Just as Martha Graham redefined modern dance by introducing new techniques and forms, Governor Adeleke has redefined governance in Osun by introducing innovative policies, modernising systems, and fostering an environment where growth is inevitable.
One of the cornerstones of Adeleke’s governance has been his focus on improving the education sector. Under his leadership, 631 classrooms and offices have been rehabilitated across 125 basic schools, while 323 new classrooms, halls, and laboratories have been constructed in 96 schools.
Additionally, new toilets, boreholes, motorised water wells, and perimeter fences have been installed in several schools. The Governor has also upgraded the Educational Management Information System (EMIS) units in local education authorities to improve data collection and management. Adeleke’s administration has sponsored 200 secondary school teachers and 20 ICT experts to train on remote learning platforms and has trained 1,004 teachers on cooperative learning strategies.
The governor has also initiated the recruitment of 5,000 new teachers to address vacancies in public schools. For tertiary education, Adeleke has invested in infrastructure, including completing a 52-office complex at Osun State University (UNIOSUN), thus becoming the first Governor since 2011 to execute a project at the institution.
He also funded the construction of the first student hostel at the University of Ilesa (UNILESA). He approved the permanent employment of over 230 temporary staff at UNILESA and supported the training of 137 academic staff at the Osun State College of Technology and 1,120 health educators in collaboration with international organisations.
He also revived the indigenous bursary scheme, providing financial support to over 3,100 students and N105,000 to Osun indigenes in law schools across Nigeria.
Governor Adeleke’s approach to healthcare mirrors the precision and care found in Graham’s choreography. Upon taking office, he inherited a healthcare system in disarray. However, he quickly launched the Imole Surgical and Medical Outreach, which provided free medical treatment to over 50,000 residents across Osun, addressing a wide range of conditions from cataracts and hernias to diabetes, hypertension, and malaria.
On a long-term basis, Adeleke’s administration has focused on improving the state’s healthcare infrastructure. This includes the rehabilitation of 345 primary healthcare centres (PHCs), with 200 already upgraded to include 24/7 power and water facilities, while the remaining 145 centres are undergoing renovations.
His administration has also ensured a regular supply of medications to these centres and has partnered with development organisations to provide essential medical equipment. Governor Adeleke’s healthcare policies have expanded health insurance coverage to include informal sector workers and Osun’s senior citizens, ensuring comprehensive healthcare access for all, including persons with disabilities.
Infrastructure development has been another focal point of Adeleke’s leadership. Osun State’s infrastructure, particularly in the road sector, was in dire need of attention when he assumed office. In the past two years, his administration has constructed many roads and has embarked on additional projects to extend the state’s road network.
Notable projects include the Oke-Fia overhead bridge in Osogbo, the first-ever overhead bridge in Ile-Ife, and the Akoda-Baptist-Oke Gada dual carriageway in Ede. These projects are expected to improve traffic flow, ease transportation, and spur economic growth by connecting key areas of the state. Adeleke’s commitment to infrastructure extends beyond urban centres.
Under his leadership, Osun State has rejoined the Rural Access and Mobility Project (RAAMP-3), focusing on improving rural road networks. These improvements are vital for enhancing rural connectivity, facilitating trade, and providing essential access to health and education services in remote areas.
The Governor’s unwavering passion for the people of Osun is also evident in his economic policies, which are focused on stimulating local industries, attracting investment, and reducing unemployment. Like Martha Graham’s ability to tap into the emotional core of her dancers, Adeleke’s governance taps into the heart of Osun’s potential, nurturing the state’s resources, businesses, and talents.
Governor Adeleke is driving sustainable development in Osun State with initiatives that align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). At the heart of his work is the Senator Isiaka Adetunji Adeleke Estate, a development that balances modern infrastructure with the need for planned, resilient communities. Governor Adeleke’s vision is not just about physical structures—it extends into the human realm. In SDG 4 (Quality Education), he has created the Alternative School for Girls, offering education to those who would otherwise be left behind.
Perhaps most importantly, Governor Adeleke’s leadership is marked by a deep sense of inclusivity and unity. Just as a dance troupe requires each member to work in harmony for the performance to succeed, Adeleke has fostered a sense of collective purpose in Osun.
Governor Ademola Adeleke has brought a new rhythm to Osun State, one driven by passion, innovation, and an unwavering commitment to the welfare of the people. Much like Martha Graham’s transformative choreography, which changed the landscape of modern dance forever, Adeleke’s governance has redefined the landscape of leadership in Osun —one that promises progress, unity, and a brighter future for all its citizens.
Omishore, a proud son of Osun state, writes from Ile-Ife
Feature/OPED
Prepaid Debit Cards Can Enable Companies to Take Advantage of Increased Intra-African Trade
By Amber Thetford
As businesses seek to expand across African borders, cashless payment solutions offer a safer method of transferring money. One offering, prepaid debit cards, provides security while mitigating many infrastructure and regulatory challenges, writes Amber Thetford, the Chief Product Officer for Card Issuing and Processing at Onafriq.
As the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCTA) increasingly moves into the operational phase, it is becoming clearer that part of its success lies in ensuring that entrepreneurs and small businesses can effectively trade and receive payments across borders.
As the African Union has noted, the trade area will be the biggest since the World Trade Organization was formed in 1995. Africa’s population is currently 1.2 billion people, a figure that is expected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050.
South Africa took its first step in making AfCTA a reality, when the now-former Minister of Trade, Industry, and Competition, then Ebrahim Patel, launched the implementation of the start of preferential trade this year. The South African Revenue Service also certified two consignments to Ghana and Kenya.
Yet, with trade expected to grow among members from the current between 15% and 18%, a safe way of moving money is required given the risk that cash presents. Some nine-tenths of transactions in sub-Saharan Africa are, based on World Bank information, in cash.
The large amounts of cash involved in trade are also cumbersome and difficult to physically transport between markets. Card payments, part of the digital ecosystem, can enable efficient, secure, and transparent transactions that are essential for facilitating trade.
Card payments can eliminate the need for manual intervention and reconciliation when it comes to banking and bookkeeping. This, the World Bank states, makes them, on average, three times more cost-effective than conventional purchase order costs.
While mobile money payments have greatly improved Africa’s ability to make cross-border payments, they do not meet the full scope of needs of individuals or businesses. As the United Nations points out, there are regulatory bottlenecks, while a lack of interconnectivity among mobile transactions in some countries means that people cannot transfer money across borders. Moreover, limitations of infrastructure, accessibility, and interoperability make it difficult for their users to access the global digital economy. As a result, this type of cross-border payment can be limited.
There are solutions to these dilemmas. Prepaid cards can enable businesses and individuals to transact with global institutions and marketplaces without the need to own a bank account. This option removes a pain point for a business that would otherwise need to accept local alternative payment methods or cash. Navigating challenges like high fees, currency shocks and a lack of access to traditional banks can be simplified through prepaid cards. This makes them a pivotal instrument that enhances Africa’s connection to the global economy.
For example, one of our customers provides payroll solutions for seafarers and cruise ships, which frequently travel to different countries. Once the card is loaded, it is very convenient for a sailor to use it as one would a normal debit card and swipe to pay for purchases or transmit money across borders. The beauty of this option is that whoever is loading the card with money, can be based anywhere in the world, with the same also being true of the person holding the card.
Prepaid cards can also be used to manage expenses because they can be provided to managers of, for example, a bookstore, who can then make independent decisions about business-related purchases, but only up to a certain amount. This has the added advantage of speeding up operations as there are no lengthy delays across the company when it comes to acquiring stock, while it also goes some way towards eliminating fraud as the card has a set limit.
Larger companies with staff who travel extensively can also provide gratuities for their employees, who can then cover incidental expenses without having to dip into their pockets or bring back paperwork to be reimbursed.
A platform that simplifies a user’s ability to transfer money to cards brings the AfCTA dream closer to reality. The versatile power of prepaid cards can be used to promote free trade between countries and unite Africa’s fragmented payment landscape.
Prepaid solutions can aid businesses seeking to operate in other African countries to thrive – making AfCTA’s aim a reality and boosting economic growth for all.
Amber Thetford is the Chief Product Officer for Card Issuing and Processing at Onafriq
Feature/OPED
Examining Seyi Tinubu’s Potential Lagos Governorship Bid
By Kenechukwu Aguolu
The possibility of Seyi Tinubu, the son of the President of Nigeria, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu contesting for the Lagos State governorship in 2027 has become a significant topic of public discourse, raising important questions about the dynamics of political dynasties and democratic values in Nigeria. While his constitutional eligibility to vie for the position under Section 177 of the Nigerian Constitution is undisputed, the discussion brings to light broader issues of political inclusivity, leadership by merit, and the role of family legacy in modern democracy.
The Nigerian Constitution outlines clear qualifications for anyone aspiring to the office of governor. A candidate must be a citizen of Nigeria by birth, at least 35 years old, a member of a political party, and educated to at least the secondary school level or its equivalent. Based on these criteria, Seyi Tinubu, as a citizen by birth and meeting the age and educational requirements, is constitutionally qualified to run for the office, provided he secures the sponsorship of a political party.
Political dynasties are not exclusive to Nigeria; they are a global phenomenon that has influenced governance in many parts of the world. In the United States, for example, the Bush family has held significant political positions, including George H.W. Bush as the 41st President, George W. Bush as the 43rd President and former Governor of Texas, and Jeb Bush as the Governor of Florida. Similarly, the Kennedy family produced John F. Kennedy, the 35th President, and prominent figures like Robert Kennedy, a U.S. Senator and Attorney General, and Ted Kennedy, a long-serving U.S. Senator. The Clinton family also left its mark, with Bill Clinton serving as the 42nd President and Hillary Clinton as a Secretary of State and presidential candidate. These families earned their positions through electoral victories, reinforcing the importance of public trust and the democratic process.
If Seyi Tinubu decides to run, his candidacy will face considerable scrutiny. Questions about whether his aspirations are rooted in personal merit or familial advantage will dominate public discourse. In Nigeria, where perceptions of nepotism and concerns about equitable access to leadership persist, the candidacy of a high-profile figure like Seyi Tinubu will polarize opinions. To succeed in such an environment, he would need to present a compelling policy agenda and demonstrate his capability to govern effectively. His father’s legacy as a former Lagos governor and current president could either bolster his credibility or attract criticism, depending on public sentiment.
Ultimately, the decision rests with the electorate. Lagosians possess the constitutional authority to evaluate candidates based on their merits and to choose leaders who align with their aspirations for the state. Democracy thrives on the principle that leadership is determined by the people, not inherited by default. Seyi Tinubu’s constitutional right to contest for the governorship reflects the democratic ideals enshrined in Nigeria’s laws. However, his candidacy, like that of any other aspirant, must be judged on its merit, the policies he proposes, and the competence he demonstrates. In the end, the will of the people should guide leadership selection, ensuring that governance remains a reflection of collective choice rather than familial legacy.
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