Feature/OPED
The True Story Of My Arrest By EFCC
By Abubakar ‘Abusidiq’ Usman
Shortly after the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) released me from detention last week Tuesday, I said I was going to tell the story of my arrest especially against the backdrop of the claim by the anti-graft agency that I was arrested on ‘’offences bordering on cyber stalking.’’ Today, I am keeping to that pledge and stating details of all that transpired from my arrest, detention, eventual release and what lies ahead.
How It All Began
At about 7.30am on Monday, 8th August, 2016 I heard a knock on the door of my residence in Kubwa, Abuja. I was actually still in bed at the time, so my wife had to attend to the door. Moments later, she came to the bedroom to tell me that there are two men at the front door asking to see me. She also stated that she was unsettled by their disposition. As my wife and two children were in the house, I had no other option than to go to the door and see what the men wanted.
Initially, I moved to the Living Room, and attempted to speak to them through the window closest to the door. “Who are you?” and “What can I do for you?” I asked. The men responded saying that they wanted to see the documents for the Toyota Corrolla car that was parked outside my house. They claimed that there were issues with the car. At this point, I noticed that one of the men had crept to the back of the house – seemingly to ensure that I did not escape. This immediately led me to believe that this unwelcome visitation had nothing to do with the car.
Thinking about my next steps, I went back into the room, asked my wife to get the car documents, then I called my next-door neighbour to inform him of the development and the presence of the at-the-time yet-to-be identified men that were in front of my house. I asked him to please come and serve as a witness, as I did not believe their story. Unbeknownst to me, he was already observing the events, as he had noticed the men creeping around the house for quite some time. My neighbour then came out of the house, which made me feel safe enough to do the same.
It was at this point that the men revealed their identities as police officers on the trail of a stolen Toyota Corrolla car. They said a man had claimed ownership of the car, and they wanted to verify his claim. We were in the middle of this discussion when a Toyota Hilux truck with Police numbering and carrying two heavily armed policemen drove into the compound.
When my wife came out of the house with the original car papers, one of the police officers flipped through the pages, stepped aside to place a phone call to a person that he claimed was his ‘Oga’, then came back into the compound to tell me that the car owner was on his way with his own original documents. We all agreed to wait to verify which of the ‘original’ documents were in fact ‘original’.
A few minutes later, a white Bus with two armed policemen and two men in casual dressing drove into the premises and told the other officers that they could now start their work. While we were still at this, one of my neighbours informed me that there was another armed officer stationed outside the compound. It was also at this point that I got to know that some of the men present were in fact EFCC operatives who had passed the night in a nearby estate – simply to ensure that they kept a close tab on my activities. Another of the men had earlier revealed to me that they had been on my trail describing the car I drove, the clothes that I wore and the places I visited three days preceding my arrest. They actually stalked me for several days prior to my arrest.
At this point, I requested that the men formally identify themselves, and one of them told me that he was an EFCC operative with a search warrant to look around my house. He also added that I was under arrest. A basic perusal of the warrant showed that I was being arrested for ‘Offensive Publications’ against the EFCC and its staff.
Before I allowed the men to execute the search warrant, I demand that the three operatives that were elected to conduct the search were first searched – in order to ensure that they did not plan any incriminating evidence in my home.
During the search, the men turned my entire house upside down and searched every nook and cranny. All this happened in the presence of the neighbour, whom I had requested to be present. While this search was going on, the armed policemen who accompanied the EFCC operatives positioned themselves at every corner outside my house and within the premises, leaving my neighbours wondering what could have been my offence.
At the end of the search, the operatives confiscated my two phones, my laptop, my mobile internet device (mifi), the complimentary cards in my possession, and other items that were clearly unrelated to the spurious offence that they were charging me with. The operatives then took a record of all the items that they had confiscated, hauled me into the Toyota bus, and took me to the EFCC Headquarters in Wuse 2, Abuja.
My Alleged Offence
When the men first came to knock on my door, they alleged that the Toyota Corrola car which belongs to my wife was a stolen car. This changed to what they called ‘offensive publication’ as indicated in the search warrant they produced, but when they eventually released a press statement on the same day of my arrest, they said I was being held for ‘Cyber Stalking.’
It is important to note that in all these, the EFCC failed to specify who or what I was ‘stalking.’ They didn’t even explain to me the details of the ‘cyber stalking’ allegation and what the specific crimes were and till this day, nobody has said anything to me in clear terms what my offence is. It was only at the moment they showed me the search warrant that I was able to deduce that my arrest was in regards to some publications that I had made on my blog abusidiqu.com particularly about the head of the anti-graft commission. The search warrant said ‘offensive publications against EFCC and its staff, but this is clearly not true. They were Ibrahim Lamorde and Ibrahim Magu who incidentally headed or heads the EFCC.
Since 2015, long before the current chairman, Ibrahim Magu was appointed to head the commission in acting capacity, abusidiqu.com published several articles bordering on alleged corruption and complaints by EFCC staff amongst many others. This information were very much in the public space and was not peculiar to abusidiqu.com alone. The searchlight beamed on Lamorde was also beamed on Magu and according to the persons who authored the publications, they saw the need to inform the public of what was happening under the Magu-led leadership of the commission. Contrary to the erroneous impression they may have tried to create, the publications were never about EFCC as an institution neither were they against the staff of the commission. They were about Lamorde and Magu in their individual capacity as heads of the commission.
What is even of more concern is that the EFCC knows that I did not author these publications. They know and have sufficient proofs of who the authors were. I only provided them the platform as a blogger to enable them air their concerns, the same way I have done to so many others including those who have written positively about Lamorde, Magu and the EFCC. Thankfully, one of the authors has come out boldly to say that she authored the articles.
I have asked times without number why Magu feels he should be a judge in his own case by using the EFCC to want to intimidate and harass people because he heads the commission. What has the EFCC got to do with publications that is about him as an individual? At best, the EFCC’s involvement should simply have been to investigate the issues raised by the authors in the articles that I published. If the organization is supposed to be acting on information provided by whistle blowers, is this not a perfect opportunity for the EFCC to investigate Magu, not minding that he is the head the commission? If these publications were to be about a junior staff of EFCC for example, will the commission also be the one to effect arrest on behalf the junior officer? For me, this is just a clear case of using privileged position for the purpose of harassment and intimidation.
My Stay In EFCC Detention
I spent about 36 hours in the custody of the EFCC. The better part of this time was spent during interrogation. They were practically asking me questions they already have answers to. They asked to know if the publications mostly dating back to 2015 were published on abusidiqu.com. They also showed me print outs of the emails which contained the information the authors of the publications sent to me requesting for publishing space. If they already know all this, then what was my arrest for? Perhaps, they wanted something more, reason why they are still keeping all the items they confiscated from my house. As I write this, the EFCC is still holding onto my phones, laptops, internet device and other unrelated documents. They told me clearly that they are going to subject them to forensic analysis which I believe is in breach of my privacy.
What Next
From the above narration, it is clear to me that Magu’s EFCC is in clear violation of the law. Aside granting me bail, they refused to say anything else and have continued to keep possession of my properties many of which contains my private information. So I proceeded to the court for the enforcement of my Fundamental Rights which the EFCC is in clear breach of. My lawyers have informed me that the commission has been duly served and we are now awaiting the court to commence the case.
Abubakar ‘Abusidiq’ Usman
Feature/OPED
Nigeria’s Mining Reforms: Unlocking Investment and Growth

Over the past two years, Nigeria has implemented key policies and reforms to revitalize its mining industry, attract investment and strengthen the sector’s contribution to GDP.
Recent government-led initiatives have streamlined licensing processes, removed bottlenecks and simplified market entry for international investors, enhancing production across the country’s 44 solid mineral types.
As Africa’s premier mining investment event, African Mining Week (AMW) 2025 will convene Nigerian and African stakeholders with global investors and industry leaders to drive deal-making and accelerate sector growth.
Launch of Mineral Resources Decision Support System
In May 2024, the Nigerian Geological Survey Agency unveiled the Mineral Resources Decision Support System to provide global investors with easy access to geological and policy data.
The platform markets Nigeria’s vast mineral resources and critical infrastructure, assisting investors in making informed decisions about the country’s mining sector. By enhancing data transparency and accessibility, the system aims to streamline investment processes and boost investor confidence in Nigeria’s mining industry.
Restructuring of Ministry
To improve efficiency, Nigeria restructured the Ministry of Mines and Steel Development in August 2023, creating two separate entities. The Ministry of Solid Minerals Development focuses on upstream activities and investment facilitation, while the Ministry of Steel Development oversees the development of steel and metallic resources to drive industrial growth. This restructuring aims to enhance sector-specific governance, attract targeted investments and accelerate the country’s mineral and steel value chain development.
Approval of Nigerian Minerals & Mining Bill
Approved in April 2023 and currently under public review, the Nigerian Minerals & Mining Bill aims to introduce incentives for foreign investors while strengthening local content requirements. Once enacted, it will become the sector’s primary legal framework, enhancing transparency and investor confidence.
The bill is also expected to modernize regulatory oversight, ensuring sustainable resource management and aligning Nigeria’s mining sector with global best practices.
Implementation of Nigeria Mineral Value Chain Regulations
Implemented in July 2021, the Nigeria Mineral Value Chain Regulations mandates local processing of raw minerals such as gold and lithium, encouraging downstream investment.
Following this policy, China’s Avatar Energy Materials Company launched a 4,000-ton-per-annum lithium processing facility in Nasarawa State in May 2024, while Ming Xin Mineral Separation Nig Ltd. is developing a lithium processing plant in Kaduna State to support EV e battery production.
These investments mark a significant step toward positioning Nigeria as a key player in the global critical minerals supply chain. Against this backdrop, AMW 2025 will provide a platform for industry leaders to explore Nigeria’s evolving mining landscape and engage with global investors.
Feature/OPED
Natashagate: Suspension in the Eyes of Court Ruling

Abba Dukawa
Despite the position of the Court of Appeal in the case of the Speaker of Bauchi State House of Assembly Vs Hon Rifkatu Samson Danna (2017) 49 W.R.N that a lawmaker is a representative of his people whose membership of the House is guaranteed by the Constitution and not by any other person or persons, the Senate and its leadership have continued to use suspension as an instrument to oppress, intimidate and whip lawmakers into line.
Sadly, the National Assembly has continued to ignore the position of the courts on suspension of lawmakers as the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions recommended a six-month suspension for the lawmaker representing Kogi Central Senatorial District, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, over her dispute with the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio, following her alleged violation of the Senate’s rules.
A few hours after the committee submitted its report, the Senate quickly adopted the recommendations and slammed a six-month suspension on the lawmaker, depriving her senatorial zone representation in the Red Chamber, in violation of the Constitution, which guarantees that each of the 109 senatorial districts in the country shall be represented in the upper legislative chamber.
Her suspension for six months has raised legal issues as it is also in breach of various court judgments in the previous cases involving Senators Ali Ndume and Ovie Omo-Agege, as well as Dino Melaye and 10 other members of the House of Representatives, as well as Bauchi and Ondo states’ lawmakers.
When the Senate on March 30, 2017, suspended Senator Ndume for 90 legislative days for not “conducting due diligence” before filing a petition against the then Senate President, Dr Bukola Saraki, Justice Babatunde Quadri of the Federal High Court in Abuja nullified his suspension, declaring the action illegal, unlawful and unconstitutional. Delivering judgment in the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/551/2017, which Ndume filed, the judge said the suspension was in violation of Sections 68 and 69 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and Article 13(1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act CAP A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
The judge consequently ordered the Senate to pay the plaintiff his outstanding salaries and allowances. Again, Justice Nnamdi Dimgba of the Federal High Court in Abuja nullified the suspension, saying that while the National Assembly has the power to discipline its erring members, a legislator could not be suspended for more than 14 days.
A recent scandal involving Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio has raised questions about the integrity of Nigeria’s National Assembly. The controversy began when Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Akpabio of sexual harassment during an interview with Arise Television, alleging that he made inappropriate advances towards her at his residence in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, in December.
Between February 28 and March 5, several senators publicly defended Senate President Godswill Akpabio, dismissing Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations of sexual harassment. Senator Neda Imasuen, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions, was among those who defended Akpabio.
Undeterred, Akpoti-Uduaghan formalized her accusations by submitting a petition to the Senate on March 5, urging her colleagues to investigate her claims. However, the Senate swiftly dismissed the petition, citing a rule that prohibits senators from submitting petitions signed by them. Chairman Imasuen declared the petition “dead on arrival,” referencing Order 40, Subsection 4 of the Senate Standing Orders. The next day, the Senate voted to suspend Akpoti-Uduaghan for six months, citing misconduct and actions that allegedly brought the institution into disrepute. Akpoti-Uduaghan has rejected the Senate’s decision, vowing to continue representing her constituents.
In a statement, she condemned the move, saying: “Against the culture of silence, intimidation, and victim-shaming, my unjust suspension invalidates the principles of natural justice, fairness, and equity.” Akpoti-Uduaghan emphasized that her suspension does not withdraw her legitimacy as a senator and that she will continue to serve her constituents and the country until 2027 and beyond.
Former Senate President Bukola Saraki has called for a transparent investigation into the matter, emphasizing the need to safeguard the Senate’s integrity. However, the Senate’s decision to suspend Akpoti-Uduaghan for six months without investigating her allegations has sparked widespread criticism.
The Nigerian Bar Association Women Forum (NBAWF) Chairperson, Barrister Huwaila Ibrahim, has urged Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Diaspora, to undergo a transparent and open investigation into allegations of misconduct involving both parties.
According to Ibrahim, an investigation would allow Senator Akpabio to clear his name and Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan to substantiate her claims.
Additionally, Ambassador Zainab Mohammed, spokesperson for the Coalition of Women in Governance (CWIG), has called for Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s recall following her six-month suspension, citing concerns that the suspension constitutes an assault on democracy and a betrayal of collective values
After she dropped the bomb, a flurry of activities ensued. Senator Ireti Kingibe, a serving female senator, and two former female senators, Senator Abiodun Olujimi and Senator Florence Ita-Giwa, were invited to share their views. However, their submissions were met with widespread disappointment. While arguing for adherence to rules is valid, it’s essential to recognize that rules should be applied fairly and without bias, especially in institutions of great importance.
It was clear that Senator Natasha felt beleaguered, believing the Senate President had a score to settle with her. If this was the case, I expected the three senators to support a process that would allow Senator Natasha to shed light on her serious allegations of sexual harassment, beyond national television, and for the Senate President to defend himself transparently.
To people’s horror, none of the female senators stood up for another woman. Even if they thought Senator Natasha was misguided, she was still entitled to have her fears and concerns heard. It’s painful that they missed the opportunity to address the constant intimidation, gas-lighting, and belittling women in leadership positions face.
To women who have publicly opposed Senator Natasha, there is news for you: you’re not fighting the same battle as most male senators or men who have aired their views. You’re not on the same page; you’re not even reading the same book.
If this was just about Senator Natasha following rules and not disrupting the space for women in politics, the problem could be easily fixed. Familiarizing herself with Senate rules and proceedings would make her work more productive.
However, this is not what’s at play. What’s happening is a full-scale war on women in public life, with clear lines drawn. Women need to wake up! We need to battle powerful forces that want women to remain silent in the face of provocation and abuse.
People don’t have to like Senator Natasha Uduaghan, but she deserves respect, to be heard, and allowed justice. The silence of feminist organizations and women’s rights advocates is deafening. The controversy has ignited a national debate, with many Nigerians demanding a thorough investigation into the allegations and an end to the culture of silence and intimidation.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano can be reached via abbahydukawa@gmail.com
Feature/OPED
How GoodApp Plans to Formalise South Africa’s Informal Service Sector

By Shaheen Price
South Africa continues to grapple with a crippling unemployment crisis resulting in the highest income inequality in the world, evidenced by a 2023 Gini coefficient of 0.63. Unlike comparable emerging economies like Brazil, South Africa’s high barriers to entry into the informal sector and the difficulties informal businesses face to transition to formal business create a significant economic bottleneck.
While the formal economy struggles to absorb the nation’s workforce, the informal sector, estimated at 7.5 million participants, represents untapped potential.
According to a working paper from the Center for International Development at Harvard University, South Africa’s informal economy has the potential to provide an entry point into the labour market for many unemployed South Africans.
The paper argues that the country has traditionally placed too little emphasis on policy intervention and policy change to give “more oxygen” to the informal economy. It cites research providing evidence that grants, for example, increase business assets by 57%, work hours by 17% and earnings by 38%. Informal businesses that were able to formalise provide even more advantages, typically ending up hiring more staff and paying taxes which add to the country’s fiscus.
Despite its potential, the informal sector, predominantly located in townships, faces persistent challenges: an ability to access finance, an entrepreneurial skills gaps, market access barriers and inadequate infrastructure.
The Institute of Business Advisors Southern Africa (IBASA) says that the two types of businesses that can benefit most from formalising are those that are operating as informal, non-registered businesses and those that are registered businesses, but which lack well-structured processes. Once a business has been formalised, it is able to build up a track record, secure funding and scale operations.
The Harvard paper advocates for deregulating the management and oversight of the informal sector in the longer term with immediate policy interventions including lowering, removing or changing the conditions of licensing and registration costs of – and stipulations to – informal trading as a starting point to realising the potential of the informal sector. This, says the paper, would unleash the informal sector’s power to generate meaningful income opportunities.
The recently launched GoodApp is a pioneering online platform designed to bridge the gap between consumers and a diverse network of home service providers in the informal sector including electricians, plumbers, hairdressers, beauticians, make-up artists, nail technicians, massage therapists, handymen, painters, carpet cleaners, window cleaning services, swimming pool maintenance providers, movers and packers, and cleaners, amongst others. By prioritising professionalism, trust and reliability, the platform aims to bring informal economy service providers into the formal economy.
What sets GoodApp apart is a rigorous verification process which ensures that every service provider undergoes comprehensive background checks, security clearances and certification verification while continuous performance monitoring ensures consistent professionalism and reliability. In addition, customers can access detailed reviews and ratings prior to booking a service provider.
GoodApp offers enormous potential for township service providers in terms of servicing consumers living in suburbia as well as in townships. There is a growing awareness that township communities are not peripheral players in the economy but are instead essential engines of South African consumer power with an estimated spending capacity of R900 billion, according to the latest Township Customer Experience Report.
Nearly half of survey respondents said they were directing more than a quarter of their income towards purchases within their township, highlighting an increasing shift towards hyper-local economic activity.
Amongst the most significant findings of the latest report is the need for transparency and reliable verification. Not only do consumers want to support brands that resonate and understand them, but they also want customer service that is responsive, empathetic and attentive – all traits that help build trust and brand loyalty in a community-driven market.
GoodApp addresses this demand by providing a platform for verified, trustworthy and professional service providers, accessible at the customer’s convenience. By formalising and legitimising informal service providers, GoodApp empowers them to thrive while providing consumers with confidence and peace of mind, ultimately contributing to a more inclusive and equitable South African economy.
Shaheen Price is the Co-Founder of The Good App
-
Feature/OPED5 years ago
Davos was Different this year
-
Travel/Tourism9 years ago
Lagos Seals Western Lodge Hotel In Ikorodu
-
Showbiz2 years ago
Estranged Lover Releases Videos of Empress Njamah Bathing
-
Banking7 years ago
Sort Codes of GTBank Branches in Nigeria
-
Economy2 years ago
Subsidy Removal: CNG at N130 Per Litre Cheaper Than Petrol—IPMAN
-
Banking2 years ago
First Bank Announces Planned Downtime
-
Sports2 years ago
Highest Paid Nigerian Footballer – How Much Do Nigerian Footballers Earn
-
Technology4 years ago
How To Link Your MTN, Airtel, Glo, 9mobile Lines to NIN