World
A Shifting Landscape: Is ECOWAS Awakening to Regional Economic and Security Realities?
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Given the multidimensional difficulties facing the the regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the most delicate being forging indivisible regional security which, at least, constitutes the basis for economic integration and development. The highly anticipated decision made by Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to quit the organization poses challenges and resolving these fragile questions lead to instability.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have common historical and political backgrounds, as former French colonies struggled to maintain some kind of democracy and improve the economic situation for 80% impoverished population. However, the political leadership were unsuccessful in achieving their election pledges combined with multiple internal ethnic conflicts, deep-seated corruption and worse, poor strategic development policies.
In addition, rights abuse and cultural practices, to a considerable extent, negatively affect the current state of sub-standard development. While it remains largely underdeveloped and the greater part of the population impoverished, terrorist organizations are operating and have contributed to the frequent violence, extremism and instability in this vast region.
This resulted in military coup d’états as we have seen and heard all these years. Reports show that Burkina Faso has had several military coup d’états, the latest took place in Jan. 2022. The case of Mali (May 24, 2021) and Niger (July 26, 2023) witnessed similar political trends, and the three are now under military administration and share startling critical accusations of corruption and malfunctioning of state governance against previous governments. But the finger-end points concretely to France and generally to the European Union for gross under-development and large-scale exploitation of the countries in the West African region.
As part of their political initiatives, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger exited the anti-Islamist force in early December 2023, and withdraw from the international force known as the G5 that was set up to fight Islamists in the Sahel region. Now Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have formed their mutual defence pact. Their so-called Alliance of Sahel States (AES) was signed back in September.
Chad and Mauritania were part of the G5 force which was supposed to be made up of about 5,000 soldiers. The military-led interim governments of Burkina Faso and Niger vehemently criticized the G5 force for failing to make the Sahel region safer and consistently continued undermining the force as serving foreign interests instead of aiming for greater local independence and dignity. Later Niger scrapped all the European Union Civilian Capacity-Building Mission that was established in 2012, and that created growing political tensions between Niger and the EU after the July coup.
Meanwhile, Russia sees an excellent potential strategic commercial interest there – Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali and Niger have appeared on its radar as a possible gateway into the entire Sahel region in Africa. The Russian Foreign Ministry has explained in a statement posted on its website, that its military-technical cooperation with African countries is primarily directed at settling regional conflicts and possibly halting the spread of terrorist threats and fighting the growing terrorism in the continent. Its strategy on Africa is reportedly looking into building military bases in the continent. In December 2023, Nigerien Prime Minister, Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine, had already asked for the creation of a Russian military base during his working visit to discuss military and economic ties in the Kremlin.
Political Correctness
On January 30, the African Union (AU) issued an official notice, posted to its website, calling for dialogue between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and three member countries – Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. The AU, supporting ECOWAS endeavours to restore democracy, expressed deep regret about the withdrawal announcement and emphasized the need for collaborative efforts to preserve ECOWAS unity and strengthen African solidarity.
On the flip side, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger’s foreign ministries formally notified the ECOWAS Commission of their decisions to leave the bloc in written notices dated Jan. 29. According to the bloc’s treaty, member states wishing to withdraw must give a written one-year notice. So the move to quit the 15-member bloc could yet take time to implement, opening a door for negotiations.
In an official statement posted to its website, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, called for an intensified dialogue between ECOWAS leadership and the three countries. He conveyed the AU’s readiness to assist in the process. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger formally notified the ECOWAS Commission of their decisions to withdraw on January 29. According to ECOWAS treaty provisions, member states desiring to withdraw must provide a one-year written notice. This implies that the actual departure from the 15-member bloc could take some time, allowing room for negotiations.
The skyline willingness of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to dismember the organization underscored the prevailing instability in the region, where military forces are grappling with challenges posed by Islamist militants, especially following power seizures in various countries. The AU’s call for dialogue signals a diplomatic effort to address the situation and maintain regional cooperation despite the setbacks.
In response, however, the Authority of Heads of State and Government, its highest decision-making organ of ECOWAS, says it remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.
The statement says it has been “working assiduously with these countries for the restoration of constitutional order. Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali remain important members of the Community and the Authority remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.”
That however the rhetorical arguments in several media reports said ECOWAS insisted they remain as members. “The ECOWAS Commission remains seized with the development and shall make further pronouncements as the situation evolves,” the statement said.
The three countries – founding members of the bloc in 1975 – were suspended from ECOWAS with Niger and Mali facing heavy sanctions as the bloc tried to push for the early return of civilian governments with elections. Burkina Faso and Mali were scheduled to hold elections this year, according to agreements with ECOWAS, while talks with Niger have yet to start.
In September 2023, the three countries hardened their positions in recent months and joined forces in an “Alliance of Sahel States” and the regional bloc noted they were “under the influence of foreign powers, betraying its founding principles, has become a threat to member states and peoples.”
Reactions and Economic Impact
Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali’s withdrawal from the bloc has sparked knee-jerk reactions and discussions. The bloc has imposed stringent sanctions, finding a peaceful solution to the deepening crisis, yielded little with no clarity on the next steps. Dialogue over restoring constitutional order has failed, as the situation stands, especially the English against the French, it could burst into a sharp regional destabilization as a whole.
Despite the most intractable conflicts which attract political sympathy, the withdrawal has inflicted considerable damage on the bloc’s image. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, are unprepared to dialogue (negotiate) and often disparage both the regional and continental organizations, but are seemingly tackling their security, political and economic visions in starkly different directions. Scholars have published critical reviews in the context of the emerging alternative world system, further emphasising the need to cooperate and bridge the widening gap, especially with the regional bloc. Some have questioned whether the 15-member West African organization can survive the split and the crippling attitudes of the interim military leaders.
Narratives further described ECOWAS’ poor coordination and weaknesses in handling appropriate issues relating the regional integration, security and economic development. Throughout these several years, ECOWAS has failed the entire West African region. It is manipulated by external powers and ordered by Washington and what is more executing instructions and directives from imperialist-minded powers who have, so far, imposed their own rules.
Leadership and Economic Transformation As the Way Forward
The way forward should not be invading these French-speaking countries as the Commissioner for Politics, Peace and Security at the ECOWAS had initially wanted. Strict sanctions may not also be the way out, rather invasion and sanctions would jeopardize the organization’s status, and unity in West Africa. Prioritizing militarization over economic growth is dangerously short-sighted. On the other side of the argument, the ambitions of leaders completely demonstrate utter disrespect for ECOWAS. This further threatened the continental unity and for which was established the African Union.
In turning around to soliciting foreign military assistance and forging closer partnerships with external players have to largely address development-oriented questions. On cultural levels, abandoning French as an official language is a trivial approach to existing challenges in the region. Succumbing to external pressures and measures is also incredibly daunting. Therefore, it is however crucial, within saying “African Problems, African Solutions” to portray the highest respect for sovereignty and the pursuit of peace. The fundamental issue here also connects the raising the welfare of the citizens through modern agriculture directed at ensuring food security, transforming the industrial sector. Both systematically create employment opportunities for the teeming youth. Improving transport infrastructure also supports the envisioned single continental free trade, allowing easier movement of people, goods and services.
West Africa has huge natural resources and human capital. Reviewing the economic and trade aspects of post-colonial relations with external powers is important now. An emerging multipolar world implies integration and a fairer system of relations, partners are treated as equals, rather than posing as beggars and a whimsical approach towards accepting free grains. With contradictions and complexities of the geopolitical changes offer more investment opportunities to capitalize on. Requesting for needed investment would ensure food security generate employment for the youth, and ultimately consolidate the economy.
As of 2023, Burkina Faso is currently suspended from ECOWAS and the African Union has an estimated population of 20.5 million. Its natural resources include gold, manganese, limestone, marble and phosphates. The vast arable land, yet to adopt mechanized agriculture, can completely ensure food self-sufficiency for the country. Mali and Niger were dismembered from ECOWAS and the African Union. Mali is the eighth-largest country in Africa, population of about 21.9 million, while Niger has a comparatively slightly bigger population of 22.5 million.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, considered among the poorest countries in the world, are landlocked. This constitutes one of the greatest disadvantages, that ECOWAS strengthening its sanctions, this time, ordering the close of neighbouring air routes in addition to borders to get them to observe and respect ECOWAS protocols.
Mali’s key industry is agriculture. Cotton is the country’s largest crop export and is exported west throughout Senegal and Ivory Coast. It previously relaxed the enforcement of mining codes which led to renewed foreign interest and investment in the mining industry. In addition, Gold is mined in the southern region and Mali has the third highest gold production in Africa (after South Africa and Ghana).
Niger borders Nigeria and Benin to the south, Burkina Faso and Mali to the west, and then Chad, Libya and Algeria. An overview shows the same features in Burkina Faso and Mali. The average population is 22.5 million. Niger pursues a moderate foreign policy and maintains friendly relations with the West and the Islamic world as well as non-aligned countries. Until last year, it maintained a special relationship with former colonial power France. The economy of Niger centres on subsistence crops, livestock, and some of the world’s largest uranium deposits. In 2021, Niger was the main supplier of uranium to the EU, followed by Kazakhstan and Russia.
Landlocked Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali are located within the Sahel-Sahara, the vast semi-arid region of Africa separating the Sahara Desert to the north and tropical savannas to the south. It is as huge a land of opportunities as it is full of environmental headaches. It has abundant human and natural resources and indisputably offers tremendous potential for rapid growth, but there are also deep-rooted challenges – political and security – that are adversely affecting prosperity and peace. These countries, in a nutshell, need a well-constituted political structure and good strategic development policies together with modern technology to accelerate the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as stipulated in the African Union Agenda 2063.
World
Russia Investing in Developing Africa’s Transport Networks
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
At the plenary session under the theme “Development Through Access to Global Markets” organised during the first International Transport and Logistics Forum held in St. Petersburg, both Russian and African speakers have acknowledged, in their high-quality presentations, the importance of fostering understanding of transport innovations, shifting investment and the possibility of addressing current infrastructure challenges for economic growth.
In promoting comprehensive cooperation in the transport and logistics sphere, Deputy Minister of Transport of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Zverev, stressed that the African continent is one of the fastest-growing regions of the world, demonstrating an average GDP growth rate of 4.5% per year.
According to expert projections, by 2050, Africa’s population will reach 2.5 billion people. To ensure logistical links, it is necessary to build a clear and understandable dialogue with partners, working simultaneously at two levels: at the level of governments, through intergovernmental agreements, and at the level of co-business partnerships. Russian transport corridors guarantee the stability of supplies. Today, there are issues of food security, fertiliser supply and formation of new chains, and other emerging geopolitical challenges facing Africa.
As the guest/main speaker, Zverev explained that Russian companies such as FESCO, RZD, GLONASS and Avtodor are actively involved in this process. This is a unique experience sharing technology and infrastructure solutions in significant volumes. “And frankly, that’s an important image distinction of Russia: we’re not just exporting or selling something – we’re offering technologies and cooperation. Together with technologies, we provide training and prepare national personnel who will work on their transport infrastructure in the future,” asserted Zverev.
Minister of Energy and Infrastructure of the United Arab Emirates, Suhail Mohammed Al Mazrouei, spoke of his country’s decision to invest significant money in the development of its railway infrastructure, with work already underway to connect to Oman by rail and open up new opportunities for freight transportation to Africa and Asia.
“We continue to invest in the development of our country’s logistics network and alternative routes. Russia is an important exporter of raw materials, and development in its regions will contribute to economic growth across the globe. Central Asia is also emerging as a key player, and we are investing in the region’s infrastructure and connecting China to the global economy through Russia and the Middle East,” he said.
Minister Delegate for Maritime Economy of the Ministry of Maritime Economy, Fisheries, and Coastal Protection of the Togolese Republic, Kokou Edem Tengue, spoke of the importance of understanding the African perspective on changing maritime routes as the situation around the Suez Canal and the Strait of Hormuz creates new opportunities for West Africa.
The Port of Lomé, the largest container port in Sub-Saharan Africa, handles approximately 30 million tonnes of goods annually, and its importance for the region is difficult to overstate. “We are actively working with Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger; the Port of Lomé is a key logistics hub for the landlocked nations of the Sahel,” he said. “It should be noted that Africa relies on chemical fertilisers and grain produced in Russia. We believe that the Port of Lomé could be a part of new sea routes between Africa and Russia.”
In his speech, Minister of Transport of the United Republic of Tanzania, Makame Mnyaa Mbarawa, reported on the active modernisation of the Dar es Salaam port. Previously, the depth of the water was 9–12 meters; now it has increased to 12–15 meters. An increase in the number of operators operating in the port is planned. Thanks to these measures, cargo turnover increased significantly, and ship handling times decreased from 10 days to 2–3. This is an important achievement, after all, speed is a key factor for investors.
However, the port cannot function in isolation; it needs modern rail infrastructure. Tanzania’s government is leading the construction of a new railway to Kigoma, and then into Burundi and south, creating a reliable transportation artery. Dar es Salaam will become a gateway to Burundi, Rwanda, Malawi and Zambia, which depend on cargo flow through this port. Therefore, the development of the port and associated railway is of strategic importance in the region.
“In parallel, the modernisation of the TAZARA railway is going on – a historic artery that requires an upgrade. The private sector is actively involved in this work. After revitalisation, this line will become a key link between Dar es Salaam port and Zambia, he stated. The Government of Tanzania will make every effort to implement these projects and will work closely with the private sector. We invite Russian companies – both state and private – to participate in logistics projects and port infrastructure modernisation.”
As far as road safety in Niger is concerned, the country is facing various challenges that require finding ways to improve the situation, according to the Speaker from Niger, Abdurakhaman Amadou. Within the framework of the discussion, he also noted that an important step was to upgrade the car park and road network. As Niger has no access to the sea, the emphasis is on road traffic to ensure the country’s supply.
“We have access to the port of Lome in the Togolese Republic, which remains neutral towards us. However, the Caton port is closed for us, which created serious difficulties as 80% of our exports and imports passed through it. Recently, the situation has started to improve due to the construction of a railway by Nigeria, which will provide us with access to its ports,” Abdurakhaman informed.
In addition, diplomatic relations with Algeria have been restored after a long hiatus, which opens an exit to the Mediterranean. The conference of Islamic states confirmed the intention to build a grand railway linking Dakar and Djibouti across the entire continent from west to east. This railway will partially pass through Niger, which will be an important step in the development of the region’s transportation infrastructure.
President Vladimir Putin, in a message to participants, organisers, and attendees of the International Transport and Logistics Forum, says that Russia is ready to share its experience through joint science and technology programmes and, of course, by training specialists able to ensure the development of transport and logistics in the 21st century, using a new technological foundation. The Transport and Logistics forum was held for the first time on April 1-3 in St. Petersburg, the second-largest city in the Russian Federation.
World
How Russia’s Multifaceted Relations Changing Egypt
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Arab Republic of Egypt, a country spanning the northeast corner of Africa and the southwest corner of Asia, has a highly strategic location and attracts multifaceted interests of foreign players. For decades, Russia has established diplomatic relations with Egypt and has consistently sustained diverse ties with this country. It is no secret that Russia’s lust for the region is primarily due to the strategic importance of the Mediterranean Sea for investment and economic cooperation with the Maghreb region.
Determined to strengthen, particularly, economic cooperation, Russian President Vladimir Putin has maintained regular contacts with his colleague, President of Egypt, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, mostly discussing both bilateral cooperation and broader regional developments. The current world’s geopolitical development, for instance, the United States-Israeli war on Iran in the Middle East, constitutes one theme both leaders frequently review, attempting to find long-term solutions.
On April 2, Putin met with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration, and Egyptian Expatriates of the Arab Republic of Egypt, Badr Abdelatty, in the Kremlin – the seat of Russia’s presidency. In attendance during the official talks on the Russian side were Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Presidential Aide Yury Ushakov, while Egypt was represented by Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Russian Federation Hamdy Shaaban. Ultimately, there is no need to overstate the importance of this meeting.
Russia’s footprints are expanding in Egypt, highlighting the growing industrial investment and the strengthening of bilateral manufacturing ties by undertaking projects to ensure energy security. At the same time, maintaining regular dialogue remains very important for both leaders.
Putin, speaking with the three-member delegation in the Kremlin, underlined the fact that there are many promising initiatives underway, many of which are already being implemented. He has previously spoken in detail about the construction of a nuclear power plant and the construction of an industrial zone, and over ten major Russian companies have expressed interest in participating in this project.
Nuclear Plants in El-Dabaa, Egypt
The construction of nuclear plants in the city of El-Dabaa, about 320 kilometres northwest of Cairo, the capital of Egypt. It is the first nuclear power plant in Egypt, and will have four VVER-1200 reactors, making Egypt the only country in the region to have a Generation III+ reactor. On November 19, 2015, Egypt and Russia signed an initial agreement, under which Russia agreed to build and finance Egypt’s first nuclear power plant. These are now being carried out, not as a charity project, but with a loan of $28 billion. According to reports, Russia will finance 85% as a state loan of $25 billion, and Egypt will provide the remaining 15% in the form of instalments. The Russian loan has a repayment period of 22 years, with an annual interest rate of 3%.
At the meeting, Putin also raised the construction of an industrial zone in Egypt. There are many appealing and related opportunities in this, regarding having an industrial zone to be located on the banks of the Suez Canal. The industrial zone is also entering a new phase, as Russian auto-manufacturing enterprises are advancing distinctive plans to expand local vehicle production, reinforcing the country’s role as a regional manufacturing hub. The move reflects broader economic linkages between Russia and Africa, particularly in industrial development and supply chain integration.
Conveying Greetings and Reviewing the Middle East Situation
Naturally, the situation in the region remains a shared concern, according to Putin, and further hope that the ongoing conflict will be promptly resolved. “As you know, President Trump also addressed this issue yesterday. Let me reiterate that we are prepared to make every effort to help stabilise the situation and, as they say in such cases, return it to normal,” he stressed during the meeting. In this context, it is particularly important to know Egypt’s assessment as a key country in the Middle East.
Putin reminded the delegation of another Russia-Africa summit, which is planned for October 2026. With high hopes that Egypt will be represented by a strong, high-level delegation. Should the Egyptian President’s schedule allow, he would, of course, ahead of the summit, be very pleased to welcome him to Moscow. Jointly chaired by Vladimir Putin and Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the first Russia-Africa summit, an important acute phase of the developments with Africa, under the motto of ‘For Peace, Security and Development’, was held for the first time in October 2019, in Sochi, a city located on the Black Sea coast. The idea to hold a Russia-Africa forum was initiated by President Putin at the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit in Johannesburg in July 2018.
The head of the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, as traditionally expected, conveyed greetings from President El-Sisi to the Russian president and handed over a written message. President el-Sisi places great value on all aspects of the bilateral cooperation, and is extremely grateful for constructive collaboration on the El Dabaa Nuclear Power Plant, which represents a key milestone in the partnership. Despite the challenges, it is evident that the project is moving forward and will be completed by 2028.
In summary, as Egypt and Russia are reliable and time-tested partners, Putin plans to promote strategic projects, particularly in trade, economics, energy, and food security. With over 107 million inhabitants, Egypt is the most populous country in the Arab world, the third-most populous country in Africa, and the 15th-most populous in the world.
World
US-Israeli War on Iran: Africa’s Reactions Through the Prism of the Global South
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In an interview, Senator Mushahid Hussain, President of Pakistan-Africa Institute for Development and Research (PAIDR), explicitly offers a few important insights into the US-Israeli war on Iran and its implications for BRICS+ and Africa. Here are the interview excerpts:
What’s your interpretation of the US-Israel war on Iran, in the context of developments in the Middle East region?
The US-Israel illegal and unwarranted war on Iran was spearheaded by [Benjamin] Netanyahu (Prime Minister of Israel) and actively supported by [Donald] Trump (President of USA) as a Joint Operation with three fundamental goals: a) decimate the Islamic Revolutionary Regime; b) reshape the Middle East as part of Zionism’s ‘Greater Israel’ Project; c) preclude any possibility of establishing a Palestinian State with Jerusalem as its capital.
What is your assessment of Iran’s joining BRICS+ in 2025, China’s and Russia’s roles as members of this association, in this US-Israel war with Iran?
China and Russia have played, by and large, a low-key diplomatic role in supporting Iran but without any active political initiatives. BRICS is divided from within, as India is keen to curry favour with the USA and avoids close association with BRICS since the time that Trump attacked BRICS last year. But China & Russia are clear political beneficiaries of the war as American prestige is at an all-time low, having got entangled in an unwinnable war, resulting in weakening of the US ‘sole superpower’ image.
As an Asian expert, how would you characterise Africa’s reactions? And do you think that reactions were objectively authentic, basing perspectives broadly on Arab and Middle East contributions to Africa’s development?
Africa’s reactions to the war are primarily through the prism of the Global South, viewing Iran as resisting American-Israeli hegemonic designs, as, for example, manifested in two examples: South Africa’s rejection of American pressures to wean South Africa away from its support for Iran. Plus, Somalia joined Pakistan and China in supporting the Russian resolution in the UN Security Council seeking an immediate ceasefire and negotiations to halt the War, despite strident Western/US opposition to the Russian resolution.
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