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A Shifting Landscape: Is ECOWAS Awakening to Regional Economic and Security Realities?

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ECOWAS Regional Economic and Security Realities

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Given the multidimensional difficulties facing the the regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the most delicate being forging indivisible regional security which, at least, constitutes the basis for economic integration and development. The highly anticipated decision made by Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to quit the organization poses challenges and resolving these fragile questions lead to instability.

Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have common historical and political backgrounds, as former French colonies struggled to maintain some kind of democracy and improve the economic situation for 80% impoverished population. However, the political leadership were unsuccessful in achieving their election pledges combined with multiple internal ethnic conflicts, deep-seated corruption and worse, poor strategic development policies.

In addition, rights abuse and cultural practices, to a considerable extent, negatively affect the current state of sub-standard development. While it remains largely underdeveloped and the greater part of the population impoverished, terrorist organizations are operating and have contributed to the frequent violence, extremism and instability in this vast region.

This resulted in military coup d’états as we have seen and heard all these years. Reports show that Burkina Faso has had several military coup d’états, the latest took place in Jan. 2022. The case of Mali (May 24, 2021) and Niger (July 26, 2023) witnessed similar political trends, and the three are now under military administration and share startling critical accusations of corruption and malfunctioning of state governance against previous governments. But the finger-end points concretely to France and generally to the European Union for gross under-development and large-scale exploitation of the countries in the West African region.

As part of their political initiatives, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger exited the anti-Islamist force in early December 2023, and withdraw from the international force known as the G5 that was set up to fight Islamists in the Sahel region. Now Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have formed their mutual defence pact. Their so-called Alliance of Sahel States (AES) was signed back in September.

Chad and Mauritania were part of the G5 force which was supposed to be made up of about 5,000 soldiers. The military-led interim governments of Burkina Faso and Niger vehemently criticized the G5 force for failing to make the Sahel region safer and consistently continued undermining the force as serving foreign interests instead of aiming for greater local independence and dignity. Later Niger scrapped all the European Union Civilian Capacity-Building Mission that was established in 2012, and that created growing political tensions between Niger and the EU after the July coup.

Meanwhile, Russia sees an excellent potential strategic commercial interest there – Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali and Niger have appeared on its radar as a possible gateway into the entire Sahel region in Africa. The Russian Foreign Ministry has explained in a statement posted on its website, that its military-technical cooperation with African countries is primarily directed at settling regional conflicts and possibly halting the spread of terrorist threats and fighting the growing terrorism in the continent. Its strategy on Africa is reportedly looking into building military bases in the continent. In December 2023, Nigerien Prime Minister, Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine, had already asked for the creation of a Russian military base during his working visit to discuss military and economic ties in the Kremlin.

Political Correctness

On January 30, the African Union (AU) issued an official notice, posted to its website, calling for dialogue between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and three member countries – Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. The AU, supporting ECOWAS endeavours to restore democracy, expressed deep regret about the withdrawal announcement and emphasized the need for collaborative efforts to preserve ECOWAS unity and strengthen African solidarity.

On the flip side, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger’s foreign ministries formally notified the ECOWAS Commission of their decisions to leave the bloc in written notices dated Jan. 29. According to the bloc’s treaty, member states wishing to withdraw must give a written one-year notice. So the move to quit the 15-member bloc could yet take time to implement, opening a door for negotiations.

In an official statement posted to its website, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, called for an intensified dialogue between ECOWAS leadership and the three countries. He conveyed the AU’s readiness to assist in the process. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger formally notified the ECOWAS Commission of their decisions to withdraw on January 29. According to ECOWAS treaty provisions, member states desiring to withdraw must provide a one-year written notice. This implies that the actual departure from the 15-member bloc could take some time, allowing room for negotiations.

The skyline willingness of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to dismember the organization underscored the prevailing instability in the region, where military forces are grappling with challenges posed by Islamist militants, especially following power seizures in various countries. The AU’s call for dialogue signals a diplomatic effort to address the situation and maintain regional cooperation despite the setbacks.

In response, however, the Authority of Heads of State and Government, its highest decision-making organ of ECOWAS, says it remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.

The statement says it has been “working assiduously with these countries for the restoration of constitutional order. Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali remain important members of the Community and the Authority remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.”

That however the rhetorical arguments in several media reports said ECOWAS insisted they remain as members. “The ECOWAS Commission remains seized with the development and shall make further pronouncements as the situation evolves,” the statement said.

The three countries – founding members of the bloc in 1975 – were suspended from ECOWAS with Niger and Mali facing heavy sanctions as the bloc tried to push for the early return of civilian governments with elections. Burkina Faso and Mali were scheduled to hold elections this year, according to agreements with ECOWAS, while talks with Niger have yet to start.

In September 2023, the three countries hardened their positions in recent months and joined forces in an “Alliance of Sahel States” and the regional bloc noted they were “under the influence of foreign powers, betraying its founding principles, has become a threat to member states and peoples.”

Reactions and Economic Impact

Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali’s withdrawal from the bloc has sparked knee-jerk reactions and discussions. The bloc has imposed stringent sanctions, finding a peaceful solution to the deepening crisis, yielded little with no clarity on the next steps. Dialogue over restoring constitutional order has failed, as the situation stands, especially the English against the French, it could burst into a sharp regional destabilization as a whole.

Despite the most intractable conflicts which attract political sympathy, the withdrawal has inflicted considerable damage on the bloc’s image. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, are unprepared to dialogue (negotiate) and often disparage both the regional and continental organizations, but are seemingly tackling their security, political and economic visions in starkly different directions. Scholars have published critical reviews in the context of the emerging alternative world system, further emphasising the need to cooperate and bridge the widening gap, especially with the regional bloc. Some have questioned whether the 15-member West African organization can survive the split and the crippling attitudes of the interim military leaders.

Narratives further described ECOWAS’ poor coordination and weaknesses in handling appropriate issues relating the regional integration, security and economic development. Throughout these several years, ECOWAS has failed the entire West African region. It is manipulated by external powers and ordered by Washington and what is more executing instructions and directives from imperialist-minded powers who have, so far, imposed their own rules.

Leadership and Economic Transformation As the Way Forward

The way forward should not be invading these French-speaking countries as the Commissioner for Politics, Peace and Security at the ECOWAS had initially wanted. Strict sanctions may not also be the way out, rather invasion and sanctions would jeopardize the organization’s status, and unity in West Africa. Prioritizing militarization over economic growth is dangerously short-sighted. On the other side of the argument, the ambitions of leaders completely demonstrate utter disrespect for ECOWAS. This further threatened the continental unity and for which was established the African Union.

In turning around to soliciting foreign military assistance and forging closer partnerships with external players have to largely address development-oriented questions. On cultural levels, abandoning French as an official language is a trivial approach to existing challenges in the region. Succumbing to external pressures and measures is also incredibly daunting. Therefore, it is however crucial, within saying “African Problems, African Solutions” to portray the highest respect for sovereignty and the pursuit of peace. The fundamental issue here also connects the raising the welfare of the citizens through modern agriculture directed at ensuring food security, transforming the industrial sector. Both systematically create employment opportunities for the teeming youth. Improving transport infrastructure also supports the envisioned single continental free trade, allowing easier movement of people, goods and services.

West Africa has huge natural resources and human capital. Reviewing the economic and trade aspects of post-colonial relations with external powers is important now. An emerging multipolar world implies integration and a fairer system of relations, partners are treated as equals, rather than posing as beggars and a whimsical approach towards accepting free grains. With contradictions and complexities of the geopolitical changes offer more investment opportunities to capitalize on. Requesting for needed investment would ensure food security generate employment for the youth, and ultimately consolidate the economy.

As of 2023, Burkina Faso is currently suspended from ECOWAS and the African Union has an estimated population of 20.5 million. Its natural resources include gold, manganese, limestone, marble and phosphates. The vast arable land, yet to adopt mechanized agriculture, can completely ensure food self-sufficiency for the country. Mali and Niger were dismembered from ECOWAS and the African Union.  Mali is the eighth-largest country in Africa, population of about 21.9 million, while Niger has a comparatively slightly bigger population of 22.5 million.

Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, considered among the poorest countries in the world, are landlocked. This constitutes one of the greatest disadvantages, that ECOWAS strengthening its sanctions, this time, ordering the close of neighbouring air routes in addition to borders to get them to observe and respect ECOWAS protocols.

Mali’s key industry is agriculture. Cotton is the country’s largest crop export and is exported west throughout Senegal and Ivory Coast. It previously relaxed the enforcement of mining codes which led to renewed foreign interest and investment in the mining industry. In addition,  Gold is mined in the southern region and Mali has the third highest gold production in Africa (after South Africa and Ghana).

Niger borders Nigeria and Benin to the south, Burkina Faso and Mali to the west, and then Chad, Libya and Algeria. An overview shows the same features in Burkina Faso and Mali. The average population is 22.5 million. Niger pursues a moderate foreign policy and maintains friendly relations with the West and the Islamic world as well as non-aligned countries. Until last year, it maintained a special relationship with former colonial power France. The economy of Niger centres on subsistence crops, livestock, and some of the world’s largest uranium deposits. In 2021, Niger was the main supplier of uranium to the EU, followed by Kazakhstan and Russia.

Landlocked Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali are located within the Sahel-Sahara, the vast semi-arid region of Africa separating the Sahara Desert to the north and tropical savannas to the south. It is as huge a land of opportunities as it is full of environmental headaches. It has abundant human and natural resources and indisputably offers tremendous potential for rapid growth, but there are also deep-rooted challenges – political and security – that are adversely affecting prosperity and peace. These countries, in a nutshell, need a well-constituted political structure and good strategic development policies together with modern technology to accelerate the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as stipulated in the African Union Agenda 2063.

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Essent Slashes Contact Centre Technology Costs by 50%

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Essent Energy provider

By Modupe Gbadeyanka

The Netherlands’ largest energy provider, Essent, has cut the technology costs of its contact centre infrastructure by half.

The organisation, which serves 2.5 million customers, recorded zero critical incidents post-migration and improved agent workplace satisfaction by 36 per cent.

The migration was delivered in partnership with AI-first customer experience transformation specialists, Sabio Group, and was completed in under 12 weeks for an operation spanning over 1,000 agents across two locations.

Agents were forced to juggle multiple disconnected screens simultaneously — a workflow that was as inefficient as it was stressful.

“Our agents were constantly working with different screens — multiple chat instances open at once, multiple agent desktop instances. It was messy, and in some cases, quite stressful,” SAFe Product Manager for Customer Interaction, Omnichannel and Digital Transformation at Essent, Michiel Kouijzer, stated.

“A lot of colleagues were saying I was mad for even suggesting this approach. It kind of feels like a victory on a personal level that it did work out. You just have to be a little ambitious — and have the right expert partner who can make it work,” Kouijzer added.

With stable cloud infrastructure now firmly in place, Essent is turning its attention to the capabilities that were impossible in its legacy environment: AI-powered call summarisation, agentic customer self-service, and next-generation workforce optimisation.

Rather than a reckless ‘big bang’ cutover that could have affected service to millions of households, Sabio engineered a phased migration strategy — beginning with Essent’s SME segment to validate technical readiness before scaling to the full enterprise operation.

“This project showcases Sabio’s unique position in the contact centre technology landscape. We’re not just moving Essent to the cloud — we’re establishing a foundation for continuous improvement in their customer experience delivery,” the Country Manager for Sabio Group Benelux, Wouter Bakker, commented.

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Africa: A New Market for Russian Business

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New Market for Russian Business

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

On April 11, the presentation of the book “Africa: a new market for Russian business” took place, which aroused lively diverse interests among business representatives, entrepreneurs and employees of federal structures of Russia. The event was dedicated to discussing the prospects of Russian companies entering the African market and became a platform for the exchange of views and experiences.

Participating guests, packed in the small hall, included:

– representatives of business circles,

– entrepreneurs interested in new directions of development,

– employees of federal agencies curating foreign economic activity.

The presentation was held in a constructive and friendly atmosphere. The author of the book, Serge Fokas Odunlami, detailed the key ideas and conclusions presented in the publication. Particular attention was paid to the practical aspects of operating in the African market, as well as the analysis of opportunities and risks for Russian companies.

During the lively discussion, participants asked questions, shared their experiences and made suggestions for developing cooperation with African countries. This format allowed not only to get acquainted with the content of the book, but also to discuss topical issues of expanding business relations.

Meaning of the book: The publication, “Africa: a new market for Russian business” offers readers not only analytical, but also practical recommendations on investment and market trends, and how to enter the African market. The book will be a useful tool for those considering Africa as a promising destination for investment and business development.

The presentation of the book became a significant event for the Russian business community interested in expanding cooperation with Africa. Serge Fokas Odunlami introduced the participants to the new edition, which is a comprehensive business guide that gives an impetus for dialogue and implementation of joint entrepreneurial projects and corporate initiatives across Africa.

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Ryan Collyer Reveals Reasons Behind Africa’s Significant Energy Deficit

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Ryan Collyer Rosatom CEO

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Perhaps Russia’s state nuclear corporation, Rosatom, is at the frontline, shaping Africa’s energy security. And African countries are also accelerating coordinated efforts to build nuclear power plants primarily to supply their energy, which will drive industrialisation and boost power capacity for domestic utilisation.

Energy experts say adopting nuclear can further support a diverse energy mix, reduce reliance on fossil fuels, and help across the continent. Over the past two decades, Russia has been collaborating with African countries, adopting energy initiatives to provide power to approximately half the continent’s population, and making it an important component of Africa’s future energy strategy and solutions. At this point, however, it is necessary to underline the irreversible fact that Russia’s ultimate goal is to ensure long-term African energy security.

In this interview, Rosatom’s Chief Executive Director for Central and Southern Africa, Ryan Collyer, reiterates the strategic importance of Russia-Africa’s energy cooperation through strengthening bilateral agreements on collaboration on the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Collyer explains that the Russian approach is its ability to offer an integrated solution, from technology and financing to training and localisation. According to him, partnerships must be built on mutual benefit and on the principle of transparency. Here follows the interview excerpts:

What are the expectations, specifically in the nuclear energy sphere, for Africa during the forthcoming Russia–Africa Summit scheduled for 2026?

The expectation is a clear shift from dialogue to delivery. Over the past few years, we have built a strong foundation through agreements, feasibility discussions and partnerships. The 2026 Russia–Africa Summit is an opportunity to demonstrate tangible progress.

In practical terms, I would expect greater focus on implementation readiness. That includes regulatory development, human capital, financing models and localisation strategies. We also expect to see more structured cooperation in areas like small modular reactors, which are particularly relevant for many African grids, as well as stronger emphasis on education and training partnerships. Ultimately, the success of the Summit will be measured by how many initiatives move from concept to execution.

Why, despite many bilateral agreements, is Africa still experiencing a significant energy deficit?

Africa’s energy deficit is not a result of a lack of ambition or agreements. It is primarily a question of scale, financing and infrastructure readiness. Energy projects, especially large-scale ones, require long-term investment, stable policy frameworks and strong institutional capacity. Many countries are working under fiscal constraints, and at the same time, demand is growing rapidly due to population growth and urbanisation. So, even when progress is made, it can be outpaced by rising demand.

It is also important to understand that many agreements are not meant to deliver immediate infrastructure. They are part of a longer preparation cycle, including feasibility studies, regulatory development and workforce training. Nuclear projects in particular are long-term by nature, and while this can be perceived as slow progress, it is actually a reflection of the level of diligence required.

How do you assess the contribution of nuclear energy to climate change mitigation and technological development in Africa?

Nuclear energy plays a dual role in Africa’s development, both as a clean energy source and as a driver of technological advancement. From a climate perspective, nuclear provides reliable, low-carbon electricity at scale. Africa needs a significant expansion of its energy capacity to support economic growth, and this growth must be both stable and sustainable.

Nuclear allows countries to increase power generation without increasing emissions, while ensuring a consistent baseload supply. At the same time, its impact goes beyond electricity. Nuclear technologies support medicine, agriculture, water management and industrial processes. Across Africa, they are already used in areas such as cancer treatment, food preservation and environmental monitoring, making nuclear a broader platform for sustainable development.

In this context, Rosatom offers integrated solutions across the full nuclear value chain. This includes large-scale and small modular reactors, as well as advanced non-power applications such as nuclear medicine and irradiation technologies. Our focus is on delivering practical, tailored solutions that support long-term development and local capacity building.

Is Africa unprepared to deal with nuclear waste, as some critics suggest?

I would say that preparedness varies across countries, but it would be inaccurate to suggest that the issue is being ignored. Responsible nuclear programmes require a comprehensive approach to waste management from the very beginning. This includes legal frameworks, regulatory oversight, storage solutions and long-term planning. These elements are part of international best practice and are supported by organisations such as the IAEA. What is true is that this topic is often undercommunicated in the public space. It should be discussed more openly, because transparency builds trust.

Countries that are serious about nuclear energy understand that waste management is not optional. It is a core component of the programme, and it is addressed in parallel with all other aspects of development. Rosatom offers comprehensive solutions for spent fuel and radioactive waste management. These include technologies for safe storage, transportation, reprocessing and recycling of nuclear materials. In fact, advanced reprocessing solutions allow for the reuse of valuable components of spent fuel, significantly reducing the volume of waste and improving the overall sustainability of the nuclear cycle.

Nuclear power remains controversial. Why do you believe it is important for Africa, and what role does it play in the energy mix?

Africa needs a balanced and pragmatic energy strategy. The conversation should not be about choosing one technology over another, but about building an energy mix that is reliable, affordable and sustainable. Renewables will play a critical role and are already expanding rapidly. However, they are variable by nature. For industrialisation, countries also need stable, continuous power that is baseload. This is where nuclear can make a meaningful contribution. A diversified energy mix that includes renewables, nuclear, hydropower and other sources allows countries to reduce risk, improve energy security and support long-term economic growth.

Nuclear is not the only solution, but it is an important part of a resilient system, especially for countries with growing industrial ambitions. In this context, Rosatom is able to support countries with integrated energy solutions that combine reliability, sustainability and long-term partnership models, tailored to national development priorities.

How can we shift public perception, given the legacy of Chornobyl and Fukushima?

We cannot rewrite history, and we should not try to. Events like Chornobyl and Fukushima shaped public perception for a reason. The starting point is respect for those concerns, not dismissal. At the same time, what is often missing in the conversation is what happened after those events. Chornobyl, in particular, fundamentally reshaped the entire philosophy of nuclear safety. It led to a complete rethinking of reactor design, emergency response, and regulatory oversight. Independent regulators were strengthened, safety responsibilities were clearly separated from operators, and safety culture became not just a principle but a legal requirement supported by continuous drills and probabilistic risk assessments.

Technologically, the industry also changed dramatically. Modern reactors are designed to withstand even worst-case scenarios, with multi-layered “defence-in-depth” systems, core melt traps, and passive safety mechanisms that rely on natural physical processes rather than human intervention. These are not incremental improvements. They are the direct result of lessons learned at a very high cost. But facts alone do not change perception. People do not build trust through reports. They build it through experience and transparency. That is why our approach in Africa is deliberately open.

We create opportunities for students, young professionals and journalists to visit nuclear facilities, research centres and training programmes. When people can see how systems operate, how safety is managed, and how seriously it is taken, the conversation becomes more grounded and less abstract. There is also an important human dimension that is often overlooked.

The history of Chornobyl is not only a story of tragedy. It is also a story of professionalism, responsibility and the people who managed the crisis and generated the knowledge that made today’s safety standards possible. Acknowledging that the full picture helps move the discussion away from fear alone toward understanding. At the same time, we need to broaden the narrative. Nuclear is not only about power generation. It is about cancer treatment, food security, water management and high-skilled employment. When communities begin to connect nuclear technology with real benefits in their own lives, it stops being an abstract risk and starts becoming a practical solution. Ultimately, perception does not change through persuasion. It changes through consistency. Through transparency, long-term engagement, and real-world impact.

What are your final thoughts on Russia’s preparedness to support Africa’s nuclear ambitions?

Russia has demonstrated that it is committed to long-term partnerships in Africa, particularly in the nuclear sector. We are already seeing concrete examples of cooperation in areas such as project development, education and skills transfer. The key strength of the Russian approach is its ability to offer an integrated solution, from technology and financing to training and localisation. Partnerships must be built on mutual benefit and transparency. Africa’s priorities are clear: energy security, economic development and local capacity building. Any partner that is ready to contribute to these goals consistently and practically will have a meaningful role to play. If we look country by country, the picture becomes even more interesting.

Take Ethiopia. This is a country thinking long-term about energy security and industrialisation. It has strong hydropower, but also understands the need to diversify. Ethiopia is prepared to take a big step towards nuclear energy. In Rwanda, the approach is different. It is focused on innovation and speed. There is a strong interest in small and flexible nuclear technologies, alongside active use of nuclear science in healthcare and agriculture. What stands out is the clarity of vision and pace of implementation.

Then, there is Namibia. As a major uranium producer, the question is how to move up the value chain. Partnerships can help connect resources to technology, skills and future energy applications. So, Russia’s role is not one-size-fits-all.

The real strength lies in adapting to each country’s strategy. If that continues, nuclear cooperation becomes not just about energy, but about shaping long-term technological development. Rosatom is one of the few global players capable of delivering the entire nuclear value chain. This includes reactor technologies, fuel supply, waste management solutions, including reprocessing, as well as long-term operational support and human capital development. This comprehensive capability is what allows us to move projects from concept to reality in a structured and sustainable way.

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