By Adedapo Adesanya

Nigerian billionaire businessman, Mr Aliko Dangote, has signed an  agreement with the Ethiopian government to build a $2.5 billion fertiliser plant in the latest move to expand his empire.

The new plant, which will take about 40 months to complete, is expected to produce 3 million tons of fertiliser annually, and will be linked by pipeline to the Calub and Hilala natural gas fields in the southeast.

Signed in the capital city of Addis Ababa on Thursday, Mr Dangote will own 60 per cent of the facility under the agreement, while the remaining 40 per cent will be held by the state-owned Ethiopian Investment Holdings (EIH).

The project will be located in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region.

EIH noted that the project would significantly cut Ethiopia’s dependence on fertiliser imports, providing a reliable local supply and reducing foreign exchange pressures.

Speaking at the signing, the country’s Prime Minister, Mr Abiy Ahmed, described the deal as a landmark for Ethiopia’s food security ambitions.

“This project will create jobs locally, ensure a reliable fertiliser supply for our farmers who have long faced challenges, and mark a decisive step in our path to food sovereignty,” he said in a statement.

Dangote Industries already operates cement businesses in 10 African countries and runs a 3 million-ton fertiliser hub in Nigeria that began operations three years ago.

“This partnership with Ethiopian Investment Holdings represents a pivotal moment in our shared vision to industrialise Africa and achieve food security across the continent,” Mr Dangote said.

Mr Dangote already has business investments across diverse sectors including cement manufacturing, sugar refining, salt and seasoning production, fertilizer manufacturing, and oil and gas (notably the 650,000 barrels per day Dangote Refinery), among others. He has also disclosed plans to play in other sectors including power generation and steel manufacturing, but some of these haven’t materialised yet due to allegations of monopoly.

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

In an interview (Q&A) in mid-August 2025, Ms Tandiwe Thelma Mgxwati, Minister Plenipotentiary and Charge d’Affaires a.i. at the South African Embassy, discussed South Africa’s presidency of G20 and its influence on Africa, in the context of geopolitical changes. Tandiwe Mgxwati further underlined the African Union’s full membership in the G20 as an important organisational instrument through which to seriously seek G20’s support for infrastructure development, digital transformation, industrialisation, and innovation ecosystems—key elements of both Agenda 2063 and national development plans. Here are the interview excerpts:

What is the significance of South Africa’s presidency of the G20 in 2025?

South Africa’s presidency of the G20 in 2025 is of profound historical and geopolitical significance. It marks the first time an African country leads the G20 at Summit level since its inception in 1999, and it coincides with the African Union’s recent inclusion as a permanent G20 member in 2023. The South African presidency symbolises a growing recognition of Africa’s role in the global economy and affirms the need for more inclusive and representative international governance frameworks. For South Africa, the presidency is a platform to assert the voice of the Global South and demonstrate leadership in shaping multilateral responses to shared challenges including inequality, climate change, debt, and technology governance.

In institutional terms, South Africa’s presidency strengthens Africa’s ability to influence G20 policy outcomes and reform debates, particularly regarding the international financial architecture. It also consolidates South Africa’s profile as a credible bridge-builder between developed and developing economies. With the G20 Johannesburg Summit scheduled for 22-23 November 2025, this presidency presents an opportunity for Africa to shape global discussions on sustainable development and resilience in a time of polycrisis, while promoting solidarity between emerging economies and major powers. For the very same reasons, we are taking our G20 presidency to the African continent in three separate events planned for Egypt (on Food Security), Ethiopia (on the Compact with Africa) and Nigeria (on Industrialisation and Agriculture) later this year.

How does South Africa plan to push its own and that of Africa’s development ambitions within the context of the G20?

South Africa has defined the overarching theme of its presidency as “Solidarity, Equality, Sustainability”, capturing the urgent need to address historical development imbalances, promote inclusive growth, and respond to existential threats such as climate change. The country has identified three core Task Forces in the following fields : (1) Inclusive economic growth, industrialisation, and employment creation; (2) Food security (a critical issue for Africa); and (3) The governance and application of artificial intelligence and innovation for sustainable development. These priorities are fully aligned with the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

To ensure alignment with African development objectives, South Africa has established a structured engagement process with the African Union Commission and African institutions such as the African Development Bank. The G20 Africa Advisory Group, revitalised under South African leadership, serves as a platform for advancing African priorities within the G20 Sherpa Track. Furthermore, South Africa is promoting coordination with BRICS partners, G77 members, and regional economic communities of Africa  to build a unified voice on key issues including debt restructuring, concessional finance, and technology transfer. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is also being mainstreamed into G20 trade and investment discussions under South Africa’s chairmanship.

In the Finance track, we have also established a team to work on the Review of the Cost of Capital – a very important issue that needs special attention due to the heavy load carried by so many African countries when it comes to debt and the cost of serving it.

What are your assessment on the questions relating to G20 members boosting economic partnership with Africa?

There is growing recognition within the G20 that Africa must be seen as a partner for mutual prosperity rather than a passive recipient of aid. South Africa strongly supports the evolution of G20–Africa economic relations toward long-term, transformative partnerships that deliver industrial capacity, human capital development, and infrastructure integration. South Africa advocates for increased investment in regional value chains, climate-resilient agriculture, and sustainable energy systems, while pushing for fairer access to capital for African economies through multilateral development banks and reformed global rating systems.

In its role as G20 president, South Africa is actively encouraging G20 members to deepen their engagement with Africa by focusing on co-investment models, risk-sharing mechanisms, and blended finance arrangements that crowd in private capital. Africa’s demographic dividend and natural resource base present long-term opportunities for strategic economic partnerships. The Compact with Africa (CwA) initiative, launched under Germany’s G20 presidency in 2017, is being reviewed and revitalised under South African leadership to ensure it better aligns with African-led priorities and supports AfCFTA implementation. In this regard, we aim to further boost the CwA when we host a G20 event in Addis Ababa during the first week of September to focus exclusively on boosting the CwA work and membership of African countries in the Compact.

Do you think there is the possibility of tackling Africa’s challenges under South Africa’s G20 presidency?

Yes, some of the answers above already address this question.  South Africa’s presidency is expressly designed to address structural challenges faced by African countries and other developing nations. These include limited access to affordable long-term finance, vulnerability to climate and disaster shocks, constrained industrial development, and exclusion from global technology governance. Through both the Sherpa and Finance Tracks, South Africa is placing these issues at the centre of G20 deliberations and calling for stronger coordination with the United Nations, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and regional institutions.

Specifically, the South African presidency is pushing for tangible G20 outcomes in areas such as debt relief for low-income countries, increased concessional climate finance, and support for developing countries in leveraging critical minerals for sustainable growth. The inclusion of digital public infrastructure and AI governance in the G20 agenda is another innovation, allowing for African perspectives on ethical technology development to be reflected. These efforts are being anchored through a G20-Africa Action Plan that sets clear deliverables and timelines.

What are Africa’s expectations from G20 members?

Africa’s expectations are based on principles of fairness, equity, and mutual interest. African countries expect G20 members to support reform of the international financial architecture, particularly around voting rights in Bretton Woods institutions, sovereign debt restructuring, and access to concessional finance. In addition, Africa seeks increased support for infrastructure development, digital transformation, industrialisation, and innovation ecosystems—key elements of both Agenda 2063 and national development plans.

There is also a strong expectation that G20 members will enhance investment in Africa’s energy transition, including natural gas as a transitional fuel, and provide resources for climate adaptation and resilience. The continent expects partnerships that create jobs, enable local value addition, and facilitate integration into global supply chains. Africa’s voice in setting international rules—whether in trade, AI, climate, or finance—must be amplified, and the African Union’s full membership in the G20 must now translate into institutional reforms that deliver concrete results.

Do you think the changing South Africa–United States diplomacy will influence these expectations?

South Africa’s foreign policy remains grounded in constitutional values, respect for sovereignty, multilateralism, and a commitment to global equity. While the current United States administration under President Donald Trump has adopted a more protectionist stance—including the imposition of 30% tariffs on selected South African exports—South Africa continues to engage constructively with all G20 partners, including the United States, through diplomatic, trade, and multilateral channels. The participation of the USA in our G20 calendar of events remain important to us as we believe that the entire G20 family should take ownership of the work and outcomes of our presidency, in addition, the USA will take over the G20 presidency from us and hence we need to have them onboard.

The South African government has taken note of the Trump administration’s critical rhetoric toward South Africa, particularly on domestic policies related to land reform, BRICS cooperation, and its posture on global geopolitical issues. However, these differences do not alter the continent’s structural development needs or the core agenda South Africa is advancing through the G20 and other formations such as BRICS and IBSA. Africa’s expectations—such as fairer trade rules, access to concessional finance, value addition in the supply chain processes, climate adaptation support, and inclusive technology governance—are long-standing and are shaped by collective African positions, not bilateral tensions. As G20 president, South Africa is committed to building consensus across ideological divides and ensuring that global economic governance delivers balanced outcomes, even amidst evolving bilateral dynamics. We believe that in this challenging geo-political climate, South Africa is the best country to lead the G20 group at this stage, our experience in shaping an inclusive democratic society in the early 1990’s is now serving us well.

By Adedapo Adesanya

Nigeria will bear a 15 per cent tariff as President Donald Trump looks to enforce tariffs on countries trading with the United States.

President Trump has set a baseline tariff of 10 per cent on all imports to the United States, as well as additional duties on certain products or countries.

The American President says tariffs will encourage US consumers to buy more American-made goods, increase the amount of tax raised and boost investment.

So, Nigerian companies that bring goods into the US have to pay the tax to the government.

However, they may pass some or all of the extra cost on to customers.

Countries and Tariffs

Here is a list of targeted tariffs he has implemented or threatened to put in place.

Afghanistan – 15 per cent

Algeria – 30 per cent

Angola – 15 per cent

Bangladesh – 20 per cent

Bolivia – 15 per cent

Bosnia and Herzegovina – 30 per cent

Botswana – 15 per cent

Brazil – 50 per cent, with lower levels for sectors such as aircraft, energy and orange juice

Brunei – 25 per cent

Cambodia – 19 per cent

Cameroon – 15 per cent

Canada – 10 per cent on energy products, 35 per cent for other products not covered by the US-Canada-Mexico Agreement

Chad – 15 per cent

China – 30 per cent, with additional tariffs on some products. This agreement, which was due to expire on August 12, has been extended for another 90 days through an executive order, according to a White House official.

Costa Rica – 15 per cent

Cote d’Ivoire – 15 per cent

Democratic Republic of the Congo – 15 per cent

Ecuador – 15 per cent

Equatorial Guinea – 15 per cent

European Union – 15 per cent on most goods

Falkland Islands – 10 per cent

Fiji – 15 per cent

Ghana – 15 per cent

Guyana – 15 per cent

Iceland – 15 per cent

India – 25 per cent, additional 25 per cent threatened to take effect August 28

Indonesia – 19 per cent

Iraq – 35 per cent

Israel – 15 per cent

Japan – 15 per cent

Jordan – 15 per cent

Kazakhstan – 25 per cent

Laos – 40 per cent

Lesotho – 15 per cent

Libya – 30 per cent

Liechtenstein – 15 per cent

Madagascar – 15 per cent

Malawi – 15 per cent

Malaysia – 19 per cent

Mauritius – 15 per cent

Mexico – 25 per cent for products not covered by USMCA

Moldova – 25 per cent

Mozambique – 15 per cent

Myanmar – 40 per cent

Namibia – 15 per cent

Nauru – 15 per cent

New Zealand – 15 per cent

Nicaragua – 18 per cent

Nigeria – 15 per cent

North Macedonia – 15 per cent

Norway – 15 per cent

Pakistan – 19 per cent

Papua New Guinea – 15 per cent

Philippines – 19 per cent

Serbia – 35 per cent

South Africa – 30 per cent

South Korea – 15 per cent

Sri Lanka – 20 per cent

Switzerland – 39 per cent

Syria – 41 per cent

Taiwan – 20 per cent

Thailand – 19 per cent

Trinidad and Tobago – 15 per cent

Tunisia – 25 per cent

Turkey – 15 per cent

Uganda – 15 per cent

United Kingdom – 10 per cent, with some auto and metal imports exempt from higher global rates.