World
Multiple Prospects of Russian-African Partnership
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In an increasingly struggle for Russia’s influence in Africa, including political, economic and humanitarian spheres, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov started 2026 with a pack of invitations for African foreign ministers, strategically as part of preliminary preparations for the next Russia-Africa summit. Armed with Russia’s policy intentions in Africa (Strategic Action Plan 2023-2026), Lavrov interacted with the same group of foreign ministers in December 2025, in Cairo, the capital of Egypt.
In pursuit of strengthening ‘political dialogue’ which features prominently, Lavrov’s high-ranking guests since the beginning of this year included the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso, Karamoko Traore, with whom several bilateral documents were signed in February. In the same month, Tanzania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Mahmoud Thabit Kombo, visited with a special focus on expanding cooperation in trade, economic, and investment spheres.
On January 14, the Minister of International Relations and Trade of the Republic of Namibia, Selma Ashipala-Musavyi, went on a working visit to Russia, held comprehensive discussions raising bilateral relations. Ashipala-Musavyi, who serves as Co-Chair of the Intergovernmental Russian-Namibian Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation, was received by Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation and Plenipotentiary Presidential Envoy to the Far Eastern Federal District Yury Trutnev, who heads the Russian side of the IGC. The conversation focused primarily on the substantive content of the 11th IGC meeting in Windhoek.
Firstly, Russia is one of the world’s largest grain producers. And developing the port infrastructure of the Far East and the Arctic is a potential window for supplies to African countries. Secondly, with the application of state support measures, private investors are creating new large-scale fertiliser production plants. One such enterprise is the Nakhodka Mineral Fertiliser Plant in Primorye Territory, which is scheduled to reach its design capacity in 2027.
“Namibia has rich marine resources and a strategic location. Russia has the fleet, technology and experience. Together, we could maximise catch levels and expand processing. At the same time, Russian companies strive for responsible fishing, paying close attention to marine ecology and the reproduction of key fish stocks,” Zapryagayev said at the business forum that was held in mid-March, as part of the 11th meeting of the Russian-Namibian intergovernmental commission on trade and economic cooperation.
Updated Russia-Kenya’s Experiences
On March 16, Foreign Minister Lavrov held talks with the Prime Cabinet Secretary and Cabinet Secretary for Foreign and Diaspora Affairs of the Republic of Kenya, Mudavadi, who was in Moscow on a working visit on March 15-18. There were detailed discussions on the current state and prospects for Russia–Kenya relations, while both parties outlined practical steps to strengthen political dialogue, and determine pathways for expanding mutually beneficial partnership in trade and the broad economic areas.
An engaged exchange of views resulted in signing a multitude of documents, updated policy interest in Russia’s experience in developing painstaking initiative projects in Kenya. It was described as being in the framework context of Russian foreign policy. In a speech boosting relations, Lavrov, with unrestrained rhetoric, underlined sectors such as energy, including nuclear, telecommunications, geological prospecting, mineral resources mining and high technologies, including space exploration, as promising areas.
Lavrov foresaw Russia’s delay in cooperating with Kenya and suggested speeding up preparations of the agreement on the establishment of a bilateral commission on economic cooperation, an instrument through which to implement economic projects. “We agreed today to expedite the work carried out for rather a long time thus far on preparation of the intergovernmental agreement for the establishment of the Russian-Kenyan commission for economic cooperation,” the minister said.
The visit of Kenya’s foreign minister to Moscow gives a new impetus to the political dialogue between the two parties and makes it possible to outline the path for further deepening of trade and economic relations, agreeing on further conscious efforts in the promising area of bilateral cooperation, at least, as a summary result after Lavrov’s talks with his Kenyan counterpart, Mudavadi.
For now, prospects remain on the table, as Russia shows readiness to offer partnership at a qualitatively new level with Kenya, so also with many African countries. The demand for Russian university education is high in the East African nation. Besides education and training, both Kenyan and Russian officials highly recognise the great potential for increasing trade and economic cooperation, which has not been realised yet. Plans to establish an intergovernmental commission to deal with these matters were announced during Lavrov’s visit to Kenya in 2023. The issue was brought up once again at a meeting between Georgy Karasin, the chairman of the Russian Federation Council’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Kathuri Murungi, the Deputy Speaker of Kenya’s Senate.
Notably, the Africa Centre for the Study of Russia (ACSOR), aimed at strengthening scientific, cultural and political ties between Russia and Kenya, opened at the University of Nairobi on February 25, according to local Russian media reports. Western-trained dominates African politics. Russia has under-leveraged its Russian-trained African professionals and specialists, compared to the extent to which the United States and China support theirs in employment structures.
Far ahead of the arrival of the Kenya delegation, Dr. Peter Mutuku Mathuki, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Kenya in the Russian Federation, told this article author that Russia’s multifaceted cooperation with Kenya has, steadily, taken on a new dimension, emphasizing the two countries look forward to concluding trade agreements under negotiation, which will open up more economic opportunities both at public and private sector levels. Kenya’s priority in the Russian Federation is to implement the objectives of our foreign policy hinged on deepening the Kenya-Russia bilateral relations across the board. However, Kenya’s economic presence in the Russian Federation is currently minimal, as manifested by a limited range of export products to the market in the Russian Federation.
Incredible Lessons from Summits
Nonetheless, before the 2019 summit, trade volume between Russia and Kenya was $397 million in 2018, compared to $625 million in 2023 and $638 million in 2024. Russia still has an opportunity to leverage the untapped potential in the continent to drive sustainable development. Investors can benefit from the diverse government incentives existing across Africa. As Africa is indiscriminately open for business, so in May 2026, Kenya will hold an investment summit for France, to position Africa as a key partner in global innovation and economic development while strengthening bilateral ties with France and advancing Africa’s collective agenda on the international stage.
Today, Russia’s engagement is largely noticeable in politics, while there is little impact on Africa’s economy, except reaping huge revenues from military and weaponry sales to African countries in persistent and endless conflicts, and raising exports of agricultural products such as grains to the continent. In addition, African leaders are excited about the emotional solidarity and harbour nostalgic Soviet-style romanticism. Over the years, African leaders’ negotiations have been one-sided, only considering Russia’s investment in Africa. Thus, until today, Africa’s economic presence is extremely low in the Russian Federation.
Policy experts and academic researchers review the current Russia-Africa relations, portraying it as a threat to Africa’s sovereignty or an opportunity to exploit resources. In the French-Speaking African countries, Russia’s agreements seek uninterrupted access to natural resources in exchange for military cooperation, maintaining security and even providing security guards to African leaders, such as in the Central African Republic (CAR). Since 2017, when Russia operated in CAR, it has hardly undertaken any infrastructure projects or invested in any productive sectors in that country, headed by Faustin-Archange Touadéra.
Russia to Study Africa’s Investment Landscape
Perhaps, and precisely, the Director of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor Irina Abramova, described Russia’s connectivity with Africa explicitly, in her interview with local media African Initiative in February, first pointing to the historical fact that after the collapse of the Soviet era, Russia slammed the door on Africa. She further argued that Russia’s policy is currently full of symbolism, highly-toned rhetoric and little action on implementing agreements signed with several African countries. For now, Africa opens up the broadest economic opportunities for any external player—primarily the Chinese, followed by Indians, and now players from the Arab Gulf region, who picked up this “baton” and are strategically active on the continent.
That, however, simply means Russia has to study the investment landscape. But, constantly referring to reasons such as the lack of money is an ineffective way to deal with Africa, according to Professor Abramova. She suggested to ministry officials to “discard reciting administrative rules and regulations; make way for flexibility. And finally, the most important thing is coordination.”
But in reality, if Russia had built a normal new financial mechanism, it would not have cared. In practical terms, Russia has little foresight. Russia, simply, lacks interconnectedness with Africa and with Africans. That is, elements of psychology and elements of faith are involved. And this is an absolutely new phenomenon that is spreading across the entire world.
For approximately 15 years, Professor Abramova has reiterated that Africa must be approached in a comprehensive and coordinated way. Coordination is the most important thing. First and foremost, it is people, because personnel decide everything. Africans’ attitude towards Russia is, generally, very positive. This is genuinely felt when travelling a great deal around Africa.
Focus on Security over Development
According to researched academic reports, Russia’s weak economic presence in Africa has become research topic in educational institutions, with the Federal Committee on Economic Policy, Association of Economic Cooperation with African States (AECAS) established under the auspices of the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum (RAPF) and the Coordinating Committee on Economic Cooperation with Africa, pointing to conditions of pressure from sanctions imposed by United States. Finding excuses to cover policy weaknesses. This sole reason has prominently featured in official reports since the start of the Russia-Ukraine crisis in late February 2022. With renewed rising interests in Africa, experts also cited Russia’s weak structures in establishing effective ways of entry into the huge continent full of opportunities.
Russia has only 1% of its direct investment, due to limited financial resources, a lack of investment mechanisms, and severe competition from Chinese and Western investors. Russia focuses on arms and the export of grains to generate revenue for its budget. While Russia has forgotten billions, over 30 years ago, in Soviet-era debts to foster goodwill, this often links to new arms deals, which do not absolutely build diversified, sustainable economic integration in Africa.
Against the backdrop of intensifying relations with Africa, the percentage of collective influence (politics, economy and social, combined) varies: China holds 65%, the US – 53%, the EU – 49%, India – 38% and Russia – 29%. Trade with Africa also varies largely: China has now offered zero-tariff treatment to 52 African countries, and its trade has already reached $348 billion in 2025. India has $58 billion, and the United States has extended its AGOA agreement with Africa. Russia has nothing; at least the trade preferences that were promised over the years have remained meaningless for Africa.
A Few Significant Steps Forward
In this analysis, Russia and Africa have historically come a long way. One significant step forward is to seriously prioritise its policy architecture and turn over a new page in the history of mutually beneficial cooperation, with special attention on the development of corporate business, technology and agro-industrial complex. It has placed concrete emphasis on the importance of the active participation of Russian companies in the implementation of infrastructure projects on the African continent. Building modern distribution centres, developing port complexes and organising joint logistics solutions will be key areas of cooperation.
These ambitious steps will allow us to strengthen Russia’s ultimate position on the market, further outlining practical measures to boost dialogue in economic, trade and other fields, and to establish stable economic relations with African countries. Together, Russia will be able to realise the potential of both regions and ensure the prosperity of Africa and its people.
For multilateralism, and what Foreign Minister Lavrov has frequently mentioned, in the framework of multipolar architecture, Africa has to, without discrimination, interact and hold regular meetings with any external states it seriously considers important for its development. In practical terms, Russia has to demonstrate its preparedness to engage Africa. One fact is clear—Africa, as of today, remains a critical arena for key global powers, balancing the great-power competition and rivalry. African leaders are prepared for this so long as these players truly have adequate funds to invest, not just political rhetoric and a show of symbolism. In a continental context, that is broadly referred to as Africa’s Agenda 2063.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
At the 12th Primakov Readings conference held in Moscow on June 24, Russia’s Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, categorically emphasised that BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has suspended its future ambitions of expansion, citing divergences and rising perceptions over emerging geopolitical changes between members of the BRICS association. BRICS has experienced tectonic appreciation for its latest expansion from five to ten members, and for creating ‘partner membership’ status for 13 countries. While this was considered a significant achievement under Russia’s chairmanship in 2024, it has now turned into an obstacle confronting BRICS.
Lavrov acknowledged this key obstacle, sharp differences and disputes, as tarnishing the image and hindering, to some degree, the progress of the BRICS association. Primakov Readings was held to underline one of its aspirations, that is, to advance the growing question of multipolarity. In order to make a noticeable headway in establishing a new world order, it is necessary to rope in the East and the Global South to denounce the “rules-based order” and hegemony of the United States and Europe. BRICS, thus, conveniently, provides a platform for these countries to raise their voice and interaction in multilateral institutions and organisations. Acting collectively, they could considerably participate and expectedly rise to the global stage.
In his speech, Lavrov reiterated that the United States and the West in general have not accepted the objective reality of an emerging multipolar world order. They prefer propping up their weakening positions by forcing others to side with them, imposing sanctions, enacting bans, issuing threats and taking other illegitimate measures to force the Global Majority to play their game.
Lavrov, however, raised his genuine criticism: The West persists in its refusal to abide by the universally recognised international norms as outlined in the UN Charter, and has never fully respected them, in fact, even if everyone signing and ratifying the Charter undertakes to fully comply with its norms in their entirety and interconnection. This includes the sovereign equality of states and non-interference in domestic affairs, as well as respecting and guaranteeing human rights regardless of race, sex, language, or religion, to quote the UN Charter.
To unlock the potential of new powerhouses in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a comprehensive agreement was initiated between China and Russia, as staunch driving forces behind BRICS, to increase its numerical strength by proposing new membership for BRICS. It all started with a pretext by inviting South Africa to join BRICS in 2010, then, under Russia’s presidency in 2024, the association moved from five to ten, by total membership.
Nevertheless, after only a couple of years, the planned ‘membership drive’ ultimately proved to be an obstacle to be managed within the current framework of BRICS. For China and Russia, this is a matter of regulatory principle – apparently, it will certainly not produce any positive results. In the end, to logically suspend BRICS’ future expansion. Without mincing words, Lavrov noted this point clearly: “We continue to comprehensively develop them while trying to stimulate the trilateral RIC – Russia-India-China – group. That format was shaped about 30 years ago at the initiative of Yevgeny Primakov and formed the core of BRICS. In our associations, cooperation is based on mutual respect and readiness to search for consensus solutions even when this is a challenging task. These things happen, and quite often. But the solutions we eventually find are guaranteed to serve common interests. That is why the number of countries willing to join the operations of BRICS and the SCO keeps growing, namely, in Central and Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Lavrov said.
Mentioning BRICS during the Primakov Readings forum in late June 2026 was quite important, as Yevgeny Primakov anticipated the evolutionary social development trends during his time. After the collapse of the Soviet era in 1991, we can see that the number of BRICS member states has almost doubled. While explaining these latest developments, that the number of full members has increased from five to ten, Lavrov further pointed out that “this is not how it happened when BRIC accepted South Africa, and the addition of one country posed questions that needed to be clarified to ensure forward movement. When BRICS turned into a group of ten, it was decided to give the new members time to adjust to each other. I believe that it is a correct decision.”
During the meeting of the BRICS Council of Foreign Ministers in India, discussions were held, in practical terms, a difficult conversation between Iranian and Emirati members. This happened in the hottest period of the Gulf confrontation, but eventually, it was managed to coordinate a joint document, despite the highly emotional opinions expressed by both sides. This was one case in point.
But, according to Lavrov’s explanation, other examples go deeper, to clashing economic interests. That is why it has been decided against pushing for further expansion for a few years. But the partner countries attend these events, which is creating grounds for giving BRICS a more universal dimension.
As for the agenda, BRICS is not an organisation, but rather an informal association. This is its strong side, because it would be wrong to create a rigid structure, at least at the current stage, especially a global structure rather than a continental or regional one. Many find this confusing. At least Russia won’t propose formalising BRICS, with the same structural status as the United Nations (UN).
Interesting to note and remind here, in an interview with Sky News Arabia on September 20, 2024, Lavrov expressed scepticism but was straight to the point about the strategic expansion of BRICS. Under Russia’s BRICS presidency, five countries – Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates became the second wave of the newest members to join BRICS.
Tracking down the history, operations and achievements, Lavrov acknowledged, in his interview, that BRICS is consolidating its positions and cooperating with some countries. At the same time, this association is facing serious challenges. It is necessary to promote collaboration based on a balance of interests, and most importantly, BRICS functions based on consensus. The consensus principle primarily aims at finding agreements that reflect the mutual accord of all participants. In practical terms, the more partners, the harder it is to search for accord. It takes more time to finalise any consensus-based agreement than a vote-based solution.
According to Lavrov, BRICS expansion has sparked debates and discussions over the past several years. The foreign minister indicated, and repeatedly explained, the “suspension” of membership in BRICS was primarily due to internal differences, perceptions and approach to geopolitical changes. As stipulated by the guidelines, there are no concrete criteria or rules for admission except using the flexible term “consensus” – a general agreement at summits, which was utilised in the selection process.
At the Primakov Readings, previously held in June 2024, the key point was an announcement by Sergey Lavrov over the ‘suspension’ of new membership. Then, in mid-June 2024, Lavrov hosted the BRICS Foreign Ministers Council in Russia’s Nizhny Novgorod. The BRICS Foreign Ministers decided to suspend admission of new members, and this step was reflected in the final documents.
At present, the annual agenda is determined by the rotating presidency of BRICS. However, practice shows that every successive presiding country strives to ensure continuity. For example, during India’s presidency, BRICS members have been actively working to implement the initiatives which Russia presented during the Kazan summit in autumn 2024. Therefore, it is true that many countries are willing to join the group, which is an inspiring fact. However, BRICS looks for new forms of partner engagement and will, most probably, expand the informal association again.
As a show of indivisible and close-partnered bilateral relationship, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping, without the least hesitancy, underlined this final decision to postpone BRICS expansion, at the summit in Kazan, capital of the autonomous Tatarstan Republic of the Russian Federation.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
For the first time in its history, the World Public Summit will be held on the African continent. On 29–30 July 2026, Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, will host the World Public Summit. Africa — “A New World: Africa in Shaping a Shared Future.”
The Summit is organised by the World Peoples Assembly in cooperation with African partner organisations. It will bring together leaders of public diplomacy, representatives of international intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, academics, experts, representatives of the education and cultural sectors, youth leaders, socially responsible businesses, media professionals, and civil society institutions from across Africa and other regions of the world.
The World Public Summit. Africa continues the work initiated during the First World Public Assembly “A New World of Conscious Unity,” held in Moscow in September 2025, and serves as one of the key milestones in preparation for the Second World Public Assembly “A New World: Values That Unite,” which will take place in Moscow on 18–19 September 2026.
Today, Africa is emerging as one of the principal centres of global development. Rapid demographic growth, expanding entrepreneurship, strengthening regional integration, rich cultural heritage, and the growing role of civil society institutions make the continent an increasingly important contributor to the future architecture of international cooperation.
The Summit will focus on issues of genuine sovereignty and sustainable development, public diplomacy, preservation of cultural and historical heritage, international cooperation in education and science, youth engagement, innovation-driven development, creative industries, and the formation of new partnerships among countries and peoples.
The main business programme of the Summit will take place on 30 July 2026 at the headquarters of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) in Addis Ababa. Holding the Summit at UNECA highlights its pan-African dimension and creates opportunities for broad international dialogue on humanitarian cooperation and public diplomacy.
The programme will include plenary sessions, strategic dialogues, and expert panels dedicated to values-based development, education, culture, youth leadership, innovation, and international cooperation.
Participation has already been confirmed by Professor Saidou Madougou, Director of the Department of Education, Science, Technology and Innovation of the African Union; Rita Bissoonauth, Director of the UNESCO Liaison Office to the African Union and UNECA in Addis Ababa; Zuzana Schwidrowski, Director of the Macroeconomics, Finance and Governance Division of UNECA, as well as ministers, leaders of public organisations, and representatives of the business community from a number of African countries.
On the same day, the ADWA Victory Memorial Museum—Ethiopia’s national memorial complex dedicated to the Victory of Adwa and an important centre for preserving the historical memory of the Ethiopian people—will host the award ceremony of the regional stage of the V International Competition “Leader of Public Diplomacy”, followed by a large-scale cultural programme.
One of the key outcomes of the Summit will be the adoption of the African Communiqué, reflecting proposals and recommendations aimed at strengthening humanitarian, educational, cultural, and public cooperation between African countries and other regions of the world.
The outcomes, initiatives, and recommendations were developed during the World Public Summit. Africa will be presented at the Second World Public Assembly “A New World: Values That Unite”, to be held in Moscow on 18–19 September 2026.
According to Andrey Belyaninov, General Secretary of the World Peoples Assembly, “the Addis Ababa Summit is an important step toward building a new world founded on mutual respect, cultural diversity, dialogue and sustainable development.”
By Adedapo Adesanya
The United Kingdom will get its seventh Prime Minister in 10 years as Mr Keir Starmer announced his resignation on Monday.
The Minister said he is stepping down as leader of the governing Labour Party and will leave office within weeks, scarcely two years after being elected in a landslide.
Mr Starmer says he will remain caretaker prime minister until a new Labour leader is chosen by the party.
Mr Starmer made the announcement after facing growing pressure to hand over to a new leader who can try to revive the government’s flagging fortunes.
He led Labour to a landslide election victory in July 2024, but since then, his popularity and that of the party have plummeted.
His departure was triggered by the victory of Mr Andy Burnham in a special election last week. The popular ex-mayor of Greater Manchester planned to challenge the existing PM for the Labour leadership.
Mr Starmer made the announcement outside the prime minister’s 10 Downing St. residence with a brief statement on Monday.
“The question my party is asking now is whether I am best placed to lead us into the next general election,” Mr Starmer said. “I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to that question, and I accept that answer with good grace.
Mr Starmer is the sixth prime minister in a decade to stand outside 10 Downing Street and announce a premature departure.
It comes the day before Britain marks the 10th anniversary of its vote to leave the European Union, a decision that still affects the country’s economy and politics.
Over the past decade, 10 Downing Street has had six occupants, including Mr David Cameron, who left office in 2016 after the Brexit referendum and was succeeded by Ms Theresa May. She was followed by Mr Boris Johnson, whose tenure covered Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic. After Mr Johnson came Ms Liz Truss, whose 49-day premiership was the shortest in British history. Mr Rishi Sunak then took office before being succeeded by Mr Starmer, the outgoing occupant of Number 10.
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