Feature/OPED
Osun 2018 Runoff Election: Foretelling the Governor-Elect
By Omoshola Deji
Osun State is presently Nigeria’s political fireworks capital. The incumbent All Progressives Congress (APC) and the winning Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) are in a fierce battle for the control of the state after the September 22 governorship election ended inconclusive.
The PDP is determined to maintain its lead while the APC has vowed to overturn it. PDP’s Ademola Adeleke garnered 254,698 votes, which puts him in a 353 vote lead against APC’s Gboyega Oyetola who accrued 254,345 votes. Candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Iyiola Omisore earned 128,049 votes to come third.
You would recall that Nigeria’s ingenious political and public affairs analyst, Omoshola Deji foretold the outcome of the election and virtually everything he said came to pass. It is recommended that you Google and read the piece titled ‘Osun 2018 Governorship Election: Foretelling the Outcome’ before you digest this.
Adopting a different methodology as dictated by the situation in Osun, this piece takes a different turn by foretelling the outcome of the upcoming rerun election with the analysis of figures. The pundit would adopt a quantitative approach and use mathematics to solve politics. As you read on, please be aware that you may need to slow down at some point in order to accurately grasp the figure calculations and key into the analysis.
The official results released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will be used to examine the vote pattern in Osun. It will also be used to provide an insight on what the rerun scores may be. The subsisting results would likewise be used to evaluate the parties’ coalition strengths in places where the rerun elections would be conducted. Findings from all these inquires will be used to foretell who will most likely become the governor-elect in Osun State.
The rerun election is scheduled to hold on Thursday, September 27, 2018. The affected local government areas are Ife North (1 polling unit, 353 registered voters); Ife South (2 units, 1314 registered voters); Orolu (3 units, 947 registered voters); and Osogbo (1 unit, 884 registered voters). Evaluating the subsisting results in these areas will get you informed and prepare you for the discourse ahead.
During the first round of the election, the scores of the top five political parties in the four local governments where rerun would hold, in seven polling units, are:
Ife North: APC, 6527. PDP, 5486. SDP, 5158. ADP, 745 ADC, 94.
Ife South: APC, 7223. PDP, 4872. SDP, 6151. ADP, 561. ADC, 136.
Orolu: APC, 5442. PDP, 7776. SDP, 2043. ADP, 388. ADC, 79.
Osogbo: APC, 23379. PDP, 14499. SDP, 10188. ADP, 2478. ADC, 413.
The APC garnered the highest number of votes in the results above. This result would make politicians, depending on which divide they belong, rejoice or panic that the APC would defeat the PDP in the rerun election. APC is indeed formidable enough to triumph and the above results could tempt one to foretell her win. Nonetheless, before making a prediction, APC’s domination of the four local governments where rerun would be conducted, in seven units, must be tested to ascertain the party’s strength, especially after joining forces with Iyiola Omisore, the SDP governorship candidate. Both the APC and the PDP have been reaching out to other parties for support in order to increase their chance of winning the rerun.
ADC candidate, Fatai Akinbade would most likely support the PDP based on the ADC chieftains (ex-President Obasanjo and former Osun Governor Oyinlola’s, both ex-PDP members) frosty relationship with the APC and President Buhari. Moreover, Akinbade was recently a member of the PDP, but he dumped the party for the ADC when he lost the governorship ticket to Adeleke. The PDP made efforts to woo Omisore, but lost him to the APC. His announcement to support APC win is baffling. Omisore was once a senator and governorship aspirant under the PDP. Being in the third position, Omisore is a strong election winning determinant as 48% of the votes being contested are in Ife South and Ife North Local Government which are mainly his stronghold.
More to add, Omisore’s father, Oba David Omisore, is the king of Garage Olode, a town in Ife South, where election was cancelled in two units. But then, the PDP governorship candidate’s running mate, Albert Adeogun is an Ife indigene.
Moshood Adeoti of the ADP allegedly contested against his former party, the APC, because he was displeased that he lost the governorship ticket to Oyetola. Despite defecting, one may argue that Adeoti’s body, soul and spirit is APC, having served as the Secretary of Government in incumbent Governor Rauf Aregbesola’s administration for over seven years. Be that as it may, Adeoti may not just team up with the APC or the party has decide to run their race to victory without his input.
Having established that the SDP is teaming up with the APC and the ADC candidate would most likely work for the PDP, the voting strength of ADP’s Adeoti would be merged with that of the PDP. Leaving ADP, the fourth place occupant, out of the analysis, would be irrational. One may also argue that the APC’s decision to team up with Omisore instead of Adeoti is an indication that the party probably do not want to associate with Adeoti and his party, the ADP. At this juncture, it is essential to use the subsisting local governments’ results to evaluate the influence of political alignments on the winning chances of the APC and the PDP.
In Ife North the parties recently scored the following: APC, 6527. PDP, 5486. SDP, 5158. ADP, 745. ADC, 94.
Based on the scores, APC defeated the PDP with 1041 votes. A summation of APC and SDP’s votes would give us an idea of the effect of their vote earning strength in the rerun. APC’s 6527 + SDP’s 5158 votes equals to 11685. A summation of PDP, ADC and ADP’s votes would give us an idea of the effect of their strength, should they team up to work together during the rerun. PDP’s 5486 + ADP’s 745 and ADC’s 94 votes equals to 6325.
Weighing the APC+SDP coalition strength against that of the PDP+ADP+ADC in Ife North would give us a calculation: APC+SDP’s 11685 votes minus PDP+ADP+ADC 6325 votes equals to 5360. If the above party alignment plays out, APC’s Oyetola has about 5% edge over PDP’s Adeleke in Ife North.
In Ife South the political parties recently scored the following: APC, 7223. PDP, 4872. SDP, 6151. ADC, 136. ADP, 561.
APC defeated the PDP with 2351 votes. A summation of APC and SDP votes would give an idea of their strength if they unite against the PDP during the rerun. APC’s 7223 votes + SDP’s 6151 votes = 13374 votes.
A summation of PDP, ADC and ADP votes would also give an idea of their alliance strength. PDP’s 4872 votes + ADP’s 561 and ADC’s 136 votes = 5569 votes. Comparing the APC+SDP vote garnering strength against that of PDP+ADP+ADC is to simply minus 13374 from 5569. The result of that is 7805. The result shows that APC’s coalition with SDP will hike the former’s winning chance by about 8% in Ife South.
In Orolu local government, the five major contending parties’ results are: APC, 5442. PDP, 7776. SDP, 2043. ADC: 79. ADP: 388.
The PDP defeated the APC in Orolu with 2334 votes. A summation of APC and SDP’s votes (5442+2043) is 7485. In the same vein, an addition of PDP, ADC and ADP’s votes (7776+79+388) is 8243.
Comparing the APC+SDP coalition strength against that of the PDP+ADC+ADP (7485-8243) will give us 758 votes’ difference in favor of the PDP. This time around, the APC coalition with the SDP has no positive effect. PDP’s projected coalition hiked the party’s winning chance by a meagre 0.8% in the rerun polling units in Orolu.
In Osogbo the political parties recently scored the following: APC, 23379. PDP, 14499. SDP, 10188. ADC, 413. ADP 2478.
APC defeated the PDP with a remarkable 8880 votes in Osogbo. A sum of APC and SDP’s votes (23379+10188) is 33,567. Correspondingly, a sum of PDP, ADC and ADP’s votes (14499+413+2478) is 17390. Comparing the APC+SDP coalition strength against that of the PDP+ADC+ADP would give us (33567-17390) 16177 votes. The APC thus have a 16% earning-more-votes advantage over the PDP in Osogbo
The above political mathematics of election results in the four local governments controlling the polling units marked for rerun shows that APC has a substantial edge over the PDP. APC recently had the largest votes in the four local governments, and an assessment of the likely coalition of parties for the rerun shows that the APC will defeat the PDP. APC’s Oyetola have a 55% earning-more-votes advantage over the PDP’s Adeleke in Ife North, 8% in Ife South, and -0.8% in Orolu. The APC has over 16% advantage to earn more votes than the PDP in Osogbo.
Knowing the overall earning-more-votes advantage of the APC and PDP in the four local governments where the rerun polling units are located is also essential. In the four local governments, the parties have the following votes:
APC: 6527+7223+5442+23379 = 42571 votes.
PDP: 5486+4872+7776+14499 = 32633 votes.
SDP: 5158=6151=2043=10188 = 23540 votes.
ADP: 745+561+388+2478 = 4172 votes.
ADC: 94=136=79=413 = 722 votes.
In these four local governments, the total votes earned by the five parties is 103,638. Overall, APC defeated PDP with 9938 votes. A Summation of the APC and SDP votes equals to 66111. A summation of PDP, ADC and ADP votes equals to 37527. The difference between APC+SDP and PDP+ADC+ADP strength testing votes (66111-37527) equals to 28584 votes, in favor of the APC wing. This implies that if the party collaboration occurs as stated, APC’s Oyetola has about 30% advantage of earning more votes than PDP’s Adeleke in the rerun election.
Aside the political calculations, one crucial setback for APC’s Oyetola is the remarkable rise in Adeleke’s popularity after INEC declared a rerun in the polling units that their results were earlier cancelled. Adeleke’s popularity rose on the argument that he has already scored the highest votes as constitutionally required and should have been declared winner. People may decide to vote en masse for Adeleke in the rerun, if the tale that APC leaders allegedly compelled INEC to declare the election inconclusive in order to manipulate the process for Oyetola’s magnets public sympathy.
Then again, if Adeleke loses the election, there would be severe crisis in Osun State. Legal suits to nullify his candidacy and police decision to arraign him for alleged exam malpractice on the eve of the election has made people believe that INEC is also configured to rob Adeleke of his win. The unnecessary meddling of government agencies in political issues really needs to be checked.
After the in-depth analysis of votes to determine the expected political behavior of the Osun electorates and the parties’ coalition strengths, the pundit is left with no other option than to foretell the victory of APC’s Gboyega Oyetola in the upcoming rerun. The data and methodology employed to foretell the election outcome is scientific and beyond the pundit’s capacity to control or influence. The findings sincerely favors APC’s Oyetola.
This is one of the rare election prediction that the pundit is having a strong, unexplainable conviction that contradicts findings. The pundit is having a deep feeling that PDP’s Adeleke could emerge, but all the data evaluated does not point to him having a win. Adeleke would win, if Omisore’s public declaration of support for the APC turns out to be a deceit planned by him and Senate President Bukola Saraki. Omisore is one of the notable politicians that is extremely anti-APC and wants to end the party’s reign in Osun State. It is not impossible that Omisore would announce his support for the APC’s Oyetola and tell his supporters to vote PDP’s Adeleke.
Note: Foretelling an election outcome doesn’t mean the pundit have access to one sacred information or the election winning strategy of any candidate. Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of candidates to predict who’ll win is a common practice in developed nations. This doesn’t mean the pundits are compromising the electoral process or influencing the election results. Osun people have already decide who they’ll cast their votes for and nothing – not this piece – can easily change their minds. The pundit’s election prediction is made based on the expectation of a free, fair and credible election, not electoral fraud.
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
Feature/OPED
When Stability Matters: Gauging Gusau’s Quiet Wins for Nigerian Football
By Barr. Adefila Kamal
Football in Nigeria has never been just a sport. It is emotion, argument, nationalism, and sometimes heartbreak wrapped into ninety minutes. That passion is a gift, but it often comes with a tendency to shout down progress before it has the chance to grow. In the middle of this noise sits the Nigeria Football Federation under the leadership of Ibrahim Musa Gusau, a man who has chosen steady hands over loud speeches, structure over drama, and long-term rebuilding over chasing instant applause.
When Gusau took office in 2022, he understood one thing clearly: the only way to fix Nigerian football is to repair its foundations. He said it openly during the 2025 NNL monthly awards ceremony — you cannot build an edifice from the rooftop. And true to that conviction, his tenure has taken shape quietly through structural investments that don’t trend on social media but matter where the future of the game is built. The construction of a players’ hostel and modern training pitches at the Moshood Abiola Stadium is one of the clearest signs of this shift. Nigeria has gone decades without basic infrastructure for its national teams, especially youth and age-grade squads. Gusau’s administration broke that pattern by delivering the first dedicated national-team hostel in our history, a project that signals an understanding that success is not luck — it is preparation.
The same thread runs through grassroots football. The maiden edition of the FCT FA Women’s Inter-Area Councils Football Tournament emerged under this administration, giving young female players a structured platform instead of the token attention they usually receive. These initiatives are not flashy. They do not dominate headlines. But they form the bedrock of any footballing nation that wants to be taken seriously.
Gusau’s leadership has also focused on lifting the domestic leagues out of years of decline. The NFF has revamped professional and semi-professional competitions, working to create consistent scheduling, fair officiating, and marketable competition structures. The growing number of global broadcasting partnerships — something unheard of in the old NPFL era — has brought more eyes, more credibility and more opportunities for clubs and players. Monthly awards for players, coaches and referees have introduced a culture of performance and merit, something our domestic game has needed for years. These are reforms that reshape the culture of football far beyond one season.
Internationally, Nigeria regained a powerful seat at the table when Gusau was elected President of the West African Football Union (WAFU B). This is not a ceremonial achievement. In football politics, influence determines opportunities, hosting rights, development grants, international appointments and the respect with which nations are treated. For too long, Nigeria’s voice in the region was inconsistent. Gusau’s emergence changes that, and it places Nigeria in a position where its administrative competence cannot be dismissed.
His administration has also made it clear that women’s football, youth development and academy systems are no longer side projects. There is a renewed intention to repair the broken pathways that once produced global stars with almost predictable frequency. If Nigeria is going to remain a powerhouse, development must become a machine, not an afterthought.
Still, for many observers, none of this seems to matter because the yardstick is always a single match, a single tournament or a single disappointing moment. Public criticism often grows louder than the facts. Fans want instant results, and when they don’t come, the instinct is to blame whoever is in office at the moment. But this approach has repeatedly sabotaged Nigerian football. Constant leadership changes wipe out institutional memory and scatter reform efforts before they mature. No nation becomes great by resetting its football house every time tempers flare.
Gusau’s leadership is unfolding at a time when FIFA and CAF are tightening their expectations for professionalism, financial transparency and infrastructure. Nigeria cannot afford scandals, disarray or combative politics. We need the kind of administrative consistency that global football bodies can trust — and this is exactly the lane Gusau has chosen. He has not been perfect; no administrator is. But he has been consistent, measured and focused. In an ecosystem that often rewards noise, this is rare.
For progress to hold, Nigeria must shift from the culture of outrage to a culture of constructive contribution. The media, civil society, ex-players, club owners, fan groups — everyone has a role. The truth is that Nigerian football’s biggest enemy has never been the NFF president, whoever he might be at the time. The real enemies are impatience, instability and emotional decision-making. They derail strategy. They kill reforms. They weaken institutions. And they turn football — our greatest cultural asset — into a battlefield of blame.
Gusau’s effort to reposition the NFF is a reminder that real development is rarely glamorous. It is slow, disciplined and often misunderstood. But it is the only route that leads to the future we claim to want: a football system built on structure, modern governance, infrastructure, youth development and global influence. Nigeria will flourish when we start protecting our institutions instead of tearing them down after every misstep.
If we truly want Nigerian football to rise, we must recognise genuine work when we see it. We must support continuity when it is clearly producing a roadmap. And we must resist the temptation to substitute outrage for analysis. Ibrahim Musa Gusau’s tenure is not defined by noise. It is defined by groundwork — the kind that elevates nations long after the shouting stops.
Barr. Adefila Kamal is a legal practitioner and development specialist. He serves as the National President of the Civil Society Network for Good Governance (CSNGG), with a long-standing commitment to transparency, institutional reform and sports governance in Nigeria
Feature/OPED
Unlocking Capital for Infrastructure: The Case for Project Bonds in Nigeria
By Taiwo Olatunji, CFA
Nigeria’s infrastructure ambition is not constrained by vision, but by the financing architecture. The public sector balance sheet, which has been the primary source of financing, has become very tight, while financing from the private sector is available and increasing, with a focus on long-term, naira-denominated assets. Hence, the challenge lies in effectively connecting this capital to bankable projects at scale and with discipline. Project bonds, created, structured and distributed by investment banks, are the instruments required to bridge the country’s infrastructure needs.
The scale of the need is clear. Nigeria’s Revised NIIMP (2020–2043) estimates ~US$2.3 trillion, about US$100bn, a year is required annually for the next 30 years to lift infrastructure to 70% of GDP. Africa’s pensions, insurers and sovereign funds already hold over US$1.1 trillion that can be mobilised for this purpose, but they require new and innovative approaches to enhance their participation in addressing this challenge.
What is broken with the status quo?
Nigeria continues to finance inherently long-dated assets through the issuance of local currency public bonds, Sukuk and Eurobonds. This approach creates a heavy burden on the government’s balance sheet while sometimes causing refinancing risk and FX exposures, where naira cash flows service dollar liabilities. It has also led to the slow conversion of the pipeline of identified projects because many infrastructure projects have not been prepared, appraised and structured to attract the private sector.
Why project bonds and where they sit in the stack
Project bonds are debt securities issued by project SPVs and serviced from project cash flows, typically secured by concessions, offtake agreements, or availability payments. Unlike typical bonds (corporate or government), which are backed by the sponsor’s balance sheets, project bonds are backed by the cash flow generated by the financed project. They often have longer duration, are tradeable, aligned with the long operating life of infrastructure projects and best suited for pension and insurance investors.
Globally, this type of instrument has been used to finance major projects such as toll roads, power plants, and social infrastructure. For example, in Latin America, transportation and energy projects have been financed through project bonds from local and international investors, through the 144A market, a U.S. framework that allows companies to access large institutional investors without going through a full public offering. Similarly, in India, rupee-denominated project bonds have benefited from partial credit guarantees provided by institutions like Crédit Agricole Corporate and Investment Bank, which help lower investment risk and attract more investors.
In practice, project bonds can be structured in two ways: (i) as a take-out instrument, refinancing bank or DFI construction loans once an asset has reached operational stability; or (ii) as a bond issued from day one for brownfield or late-stage greenfield projects where revenue visibility is high, often supported by credit enhancements such as guarantees.
In both cases, the instrument achieves the same outcome: aligning long-term, project cash flows with the long-term liabilities of domestic institutional investors.
The enabling ecosystem is already emerging
1. Nigeria is not starting from zero. Regulatory infrastructure is already in place. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has issued detailed rules governing Project Bonds and Infrastructure Funds, creating standardized issuance structures aligned with global best practice and familiar to institutional investors. The SEC is also mulling the inclusion of the proposed rules on Credit Enhancement Service Providers in the existing rules of the Commission.
2. Market benchmarks are already available. The sovereign yield curve, published by the Debt Management Office (DMO) through its regular monthly auctions, provides a transparent reference point for pricing. This curve serves as the base risk-free rate, against which project bond spreads can be calibrated to reflect construction, operating, and sector-specific risks.
3. The National Pension Commission (PenCom) has revised its Regulation on the investment of Pension Fund Assets, increasing the amount of the country’s N25.9 trillion pension assets to be allocated to infrastructure.
4. InfraCredit has established a robust local-currency guarantee framework, supporting an aggregate guaranteed portfolio of approximately ₦270 billion. The portfolio carries a weighted average tenor of ~8 years, with demonstrated capacity to extend maturities up to 20 years. (InfraCredit 2025)
Why merchant banks should lead
Merchant banks sit at the nexus of origination, structuring, underwriting, and distribution, and they need to work with projects sponsors, financiers and government to develop a pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects. A pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects is important to attract investors as they prefer to invest in an economy with a recognizable pipeline. A pipeline also suggests that a structured and well-thought-out approach was adopted, and the projects would have identified all the major risks and the proposed mitigants to address the identified risks.
This “banks-as-catalysts” model, an economic framework that states banks can play an active and creative role in promoting industrialization and economic development, particularly in emerging markets, can be adopted to structure and mobilise domestic private finance into Infrastructure projects.
Coronation Merchant Bank’s role and vision
At Coronation, we believe the identification, structuring and testing of bankable infrastructure projects are the constraints to mobilization of private capital into the infrastructure space. We bring an integrated platform across Financial Advisory, Capital Mobilization, Commercial Debt, Private Debt and Alternative Financing to identify, structure, underwrite and distribute infrastructure debt into domestic institutions. The Bank works with DFIs, guarantee providers and other banks to scale issuance. Our franchise has supported infrastructure debt issuances via the capital markets, likewise Nigerian corporates and the Government.
From Insight to Execution
If you are considering the issuance of a project bond or you want to discuss pipeline readiness, kindly contact [email protected] or call 020-01279760.
Taiwo Olatunji, CFA is the Group Head of Investment Banking at Coronation Merchant Bank
Feature/OPED
Nigeria’s “Era of Renewed Stability” and the Truths the CBN Chooses to Overlook
By Blaise Udunze
At the Annual Bankers’ Dinner, when the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Yemi Cardoso, recently stated that Nigeria had “turned a decisive corner,” his remark aimed to convey assurance that inflation was decelerating with headline inflation eased to 16.05percent and food inflation retreating to 13.12 percent, the exchange rate was stabilizing, and foreign reserves ($46.7 billion) had climbed to a seven-year peak. However, beneath this announcement, a grimmer and conflicting economic situation challenges households, businesses, and investors daily.
Stability is not announced; it is felt. For millions of Nigerians, however, what they are facing instead are increasing difficulties, declining abilities, diminished buying power, and susceptibilities that dispute any assertion of a steady macroeconomic path.
The 303rd MPC gathering was the most significant in recent times, revealing policies and statements that prompt more questions than clarifications. It highlighted an economy striving to appear stable, in theory, while the actual sector struggles to breathe.
This narrative explores why Cardoso’s assertion of “restored stability” is based on a delicate and partial foundation, and why Nigeria continues to be distant from attaining economic robustness.
Manufacturing: The Core of Genuine Stability Remains Struggling to Survive
A strong economy is characterized by growth in production, increased investment, and competitive industries. Nigeria lacks all of these elements.
The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) expressed this clearly in its response to the MPC’s choice to keep the Monetary Policy Rate at 27 percent. MAN stated that elevated interest rates are now” hindering production, deterring investment, and weakening competitiveness.
Producers are presently taking loans at rates between 30-37 percent, an environment that renders growth unfeasible and survival challenging. MAN’s Director-General, Segun Ajayi-Kadir, emphasized that although stable exchange rates matter, no genuine industry can endure borrowing expenses to those charged by loan sharks.
The CBN’s choice to maintain elevated interest rates is based on drawing foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) to support the naira’s stability. However, FPIs are well-known for being short-term, speculative, and reactive to disturbances. They do not signify long-term stability. Do they represent genuine economic development?
Genuine stability demands assurance, in manufacturing beyond financial tightening. Manufacturers are expressing, clearly and persistently, that no progress has been made.
Oil Output and Revenue: The Engine Behind Nigeria’s Stability Is Misfiring
Nigeria’s oil sector, which is the backbone of its fiscal stability, is underperforming. The 2025 budget presumed:
- $75 per barrel oil price
- 2.06 million barrels per day production
Both objectives have fallen apart. Brent crude lingers near $62.56 under the benchmark. Contrary to the usual explanations, experts attribute the decline not mainly to external shocks but to poor reservoir management, outdated models, weak oversight, and delayed technical decisions.
Engineer Charles Deigh, a regarded expert in reservoir engineering, clearly expressed that Nigeria is experiencing production losses due to inadequate well monitoring, obsolete reservoir models, and technical choices lacking fundamental engineering precision. These shortcomings result directly in decreased revenue. By September 2025:
– Nigeria had accumulated N62.15 trillion from oil revenue
– instead of the N84.67 trillion budgeted.
– In September, the Federal Inland Revenue Service reported a startling 49.60 percent deficit in revenue from oil taxes.
A nation falling short of its main revenue goals by 50 percent cannot assert stability. Instead, it will take loans. Nigeria has taken loans.
A Stability Built on Debt, Not Productivity
Nigeria is now Africa’s largest borrower, and the world’s third-biggest borrower from the World Bank’s IDA, with $18.5 billion in commitments. By mid-2025, the total public debt amounts to N152.4 trillion, marking a 348.6 percent rise since 2023.
From July to October 2025, the government secured contracts for: $24.79 billion, €4 billion, ¥15 billion, N757 billion, and $500 million Sukuk loans. Nevertheless, in spite of these acquisitions, infrastructure continues to be manufacturing remains limited, and social welfare is still insufficient.
Uche Uwaleke, a finance and capital markets professor, cautions that Nigeria’s debt service ratio is “detrimental to growth.” Currently, the government spends one out of every four naira it earns on servicing debts. Taking on debt is not harmful in itself, provided it finances projects that pay for themselves. In Nigeria, it supports subsistence. A country funding today, through the labour of the future, cannot assert restored stability.
The Naira: A Currency Supported by Fragile Pillars
The CBN contends that elevated interest rates and enhanced market confidence have contributed to the naira’s stabilisation. However, this steadiness is based on grounds that cannot endure even the slightest global disturbance. The pillars of a stable currency are:
– Rising domestic production
– Expanding exports
– Reliable energy supply
– Strong security
– A thriving manufacturing base
None of these is Nigeria’s current reality. What Nigeria actually receives is capital from portfolio investors, and past events (2014, 2018, 2020, 2022) have demonstrated how rapidly these funds disappear.
Unemployment: “Stable” Figures Mask a Rising Youth Crisis
The CBN touts a reported unemployment rate of 4.3 percent. However, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), along with economists, cautions that the approach conceals more serious issues in the labour market.
Youth joblessness has increased to 6.5 percent, and the Nigerian Economic Summit Group cautions that Nigeria needs to generate 27 million formal employment opportunities by 2030 or else confront a disastrous labour crisis. The employment crisis is a ticking time bomb. A country cannot maintain stability when its youth are inactive, disheartened, and financially marginalized.
FDI Continues to Lag Despite CBN’s Positive Outlook
During the 2025 Nigerian Economic Summit, NESG Chairman, Niyi Yusuf stated that Nigeria’s efforts to attract direct investment (FDI) continue to be sluggish despite the implementation of reforms. FDI genuinely reflects investor trust, not portfolio inflows. FDI signifies enduring dedication, manufacturing plants, employment, and generating value. Nigeria does not have any of this as of now. An economy unable to draw long-term investments lacks stability.
139 Million Nigerians in Poverty: What Stability?
The recent development report from the World Bank estimates that 139 million Nigerians are living in poverty, and more than half of the population faces daily struggles. This is not stability. It is a humanitarian and economic crisis.
Food inflation continues to stay structurally high. The cost of a food basket has risen five times since 2019. Low-income families currently allocate much, as 70 percent of their earnings to food. A government cannot claim stability when its citizens go hungry.
A Fragile, Failing Power Sector
The power sector, another cornerstone of economic stability, is failing. Over 90 million Nigerians are without access to electricity, which is one of the highest figures globally. Even homes linked to the grid get 6.6 hours of electricity daily. Companies allocate funds to generators rather than to technology, innovation, or growth. Nigeria has now emerged as the biggest importer of solar panels in Africa, not due to environmental goals but because the national power grid is unreliable.
A country cannot achieve stability if it is unable to supply electricity to its residences, industrial plants, or medical centers.
Insecurity: The Silent Pillar Undermining All Economic Policy
Banditry, terrorism, abduction, and militant attacks persist in agriculture, manufacturing, logistics, and investment. Nigeria forfeits $15 billion each year due to insecurity and resources that might have fueled industrial development.
Food price increases are mainly caused by instability, and farmers are unable to cultivate, gather, or deliver their products. Nevertheless, the MPC approaches inflation predominantly as an issue of policy. In a country where insecurity fundamentally hinders the economy tightening policy cannot ensure stability.
Inflation Figures Under Suspicion
Questions have also emerged regarding the reliability of inflation data. Dr. Tilewa Adebajo, an economist, affirmed that the CBN might not entirely rely on the NBS inflation figures, highlighting increasing apprehension. A sharp decrease to 16 percent inflation clashes with market conditions.
Families are facing the food costs in two decades. Costs, for transport, housing rent, education fees, and necessary items keep increasing. Food prices cannot decline when farmers are abandoning their farmlands and fleeing for safety. If inflation figures are manipulated or partial, the stability story based on them becomes deceptive. There is, quite frankly, a significant disconnect between governance and the lived experience of ordinary Nigerians.
Foreign Reserves: A Story of Headlines vs Reality
Even Nigeria’s celebrated foreign reserves require scrutiny. The CBN reported $46.7 billion in reserves. However, a closer examination shows:
– Net usable reserves are only $23.11 billion
– The remainder is connected to commitments, swaps, and debts
Gross reserves make the news. Net reserves protect the currency. The difference is too large to assert that the naira is stable.
Nigeria’s Economic Contradiction: Stability at the Top, Volatility at the Bottom
In reality, Nigeria is caught between official proclamations of stability and lived experiences of volatility. The disparity between the CBN’s account and the actual experiences of Nigerians highlights a reality:
– Macroeconomic changes have failed to convert into improvements in human well-being.
– Nigeria might appear stable officially. Its citizens are experiencing instability in truth.
– Taking on debt is increasing
– Poverty is worsening
– Manufacturing is contracting
– Jobs are scarce
– Authority is breaking down
– Feelings of insecurity are growing stronger
– Inflation is undermining dignity
– Companies are struggling to breathe
– Capital is escaping
– Misery, among humans, is expanding
A strong economy is one where advancement is experienced, not announced.
What Genuine Stability Demands
To move from paper stability to real stability, Nigeria must:
- Support domestic production. Cut interest rates for manufacturers, reduce borrowing costs, and provide targeted credit.
- Fix oil production technically. Revamp reservoir engineering, implement surveillance. Allocate resources to adequate technical oversight.
- Prioritize security. Secure farmlands, highways, and industrial corridors.
- Reform the power sector. Invest in grid reliability, renewable integration, and private-sector-led transmission.
- Attract real FDI. Streamline rules, enhance the framework, and maintain consistent policy guidance.
- Anchor debt on productive projects. Take loans exclusively for infrastructure projects that produce income.
- Prioritize reforms in welfare. Adopt crisis-responsive, domestically funded safety nets.
- Improve transparency. Ensure inflation, employment, and reserve data reflect reality.
Stability Is Not Given; It Has to Be Achieved
The CBN Governor’s statement of “renewed stability” is hopeful. It remains unproven. The inconsistencies are glaring, the statistics too. The real-world experiences are too harsh. Nigerians require outcomes, not slogans. Stability is gauged not through statements on policy but by whether:
– Manufacturing plants are creating (factories operate at full capacity),
– Food is affordable,
– Young people have jobs
– The naira is strong without artificial props,
– Electricity is reliable,
– Security is assured,
– Poverty rates are decreasing.
Unless these conditions are met, Nigeria is not experiencing a period of restored stability. Instead, it is going through a phase of recovery, one that will collapse if the actual economy keeps worsening while decision-makers prematurely applaud their successes. The CBN must rethink its approach. Nigeria needs productive stability, not statistical stability.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]
-
Feature/OPED6 years agoDavos was Different this year
-
Travel/Tourism9 years ago
Lagos Seals Western Lodge Hotel In Ikorodu
-
Showbiz3 years agoEstranged Lover Releases Videos of Empress Njamah Bathing
-
Banking7 years agoSort Codes of GTBank Branches in Nigeria
-
Economy2 years agoSubsidy Removal: CNG at N130 Per Litre Cheaper Than Petrol—IPMAN
-
Banking3 years agoFirst Bank Announces Planned Downtime
-
Banking3 years agoSort Codes of UBA Branches in Nigeria
-
Sports3 years agoHighest Paid Nigerian Footballer – How Much Do Nigerian Footballers Earn












