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ISOPADEC: NULGE, Opiah, Irona and Many Unanswered Questions

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gerald Irona imo state

By Walter Duru, Ph.D

Last week, the Imo State branch of the National Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE), while addressing journalists in Owerri, called for the arrest and prosecution of the immediate past Deputy Governor of Imo State, Engr. Gerald Irona.

The group centred its call on what it described as alleged mismanagement of funds belonging to the Imo State Oil Producing Areas Development Commission (ISOPADEC).

Similarly, Special Adviser to the Governor of Imo State on Oil and Gas, Mr Goodluck Opiah, added his voice to the call by NULGE in the state.

According to him, “things started getting bad from 2011, and during the time of Mr Gerald Irona as the Deputy Governor, there was nothing to show from ISOPADEC because it became a conduit pipe for looting. It became a place to enrich themselves, cronies and families.”

Mr Opiah alleged that the commission started witnessing misappropriation of funds since 2011, noting that “it became worst during the tenure of Ihedioha who appointed his former deputy to head the place.”

I have been searching the books to see when the former Deputy Governor, Engr. Gerald Irona was appointed head of ISOPADEC and cannot see.

No records – past and present suggest same; or is this part of the political witch hunt? Should we just call a dog a bad name in order to hang it? If the former Speaker of the Imo State House of Assembly has advanced in age, one may have been tempted to consider his position as the product of senility.

I have also carefully studied the law establishing ISOPADEC but find no part thereof that suggests that the Deputy Governor of Imo State should head ISOPADEC.

From all indications, the NULGE press briefing was clearly sponsored, as part of a broader campaign, just to malign the person of the immediate past Deputy Governor. Who really is afraid of Mr Irona? Or, is this all about the 2023 elections?

By the way, what really does NULGE represent? What is Imo NULGE’s raison d’être, apart from the vow of its present leadership to sabotage the collective interests and abrogate the rights of Local Government workers in the state, for a fee.

When one considers that NULGE (national) is uniquely positioned as an umbrella organization that champions the cause, welfare and interest of all workers employed in local government areas in Nigeria, can anyone in all fairness rightly say that the Imo State branch of the union has not lost its way?

In Imo State today, Local Government workers are being owed several months of salary arrears, and still counting. Up till this moment, NULGE in the state has not said a word in defence or support of her beleaguered members, some of whom are dying of hunger.

The fate of our senior citizens that retired from the local government service is even more pitiable, with some of them owed arrears of pension ranging from four to six months, with no respite on the horizon.

Pensioners in the state have been protesting the non-payment of their entitlements. Many of them are dying of hunger, lack and disease, yet NULGE in the state has refused to say a word in solidarity.

At a period of dire stress, compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, while majority of the local government employees in Imo State lament over government’s insensitivity and insincerity, a few of the members of the state executive of the NULGE continue to luxuriate in the patronage of some members of Imo state executive council, executing a range of hatchet jobs on their behalf, while showing zero remorse for the betrayal of the trust reposed in them by their hapless members. Is it not a case of slaves being in love with their chains?

Where on earth does a chicken take issue with the cooking pot, while carefully exculpating the knife that slit its throat? Should a labour union that ought to be fully focused on holding the government to account, while fighting for a better welfare package for her members; instead concern itself with receiving peanuts from the same government officials responsible for the impoverishment. How does Imo State NULGE’s current preoccupation differ from that of a receiver of blood money?

As we speak, available reports show that at least two different audit exercises have been conducted in ISOPADEC in the last four months with none indicting the administration of Chief Emeka Ihedioha.

Instead, it’s being reported, on good authority that the Ihedioha/Irona administration mainstreamed transparency in public service in the state. That enviable legacy is one of the touchstones that certain persons who are not friends of the citizens are struggling to tarnish, or ultimately destroy.

During that short period of that administration, communities in Ohaji/Egbema and Oguta that had been cut off from the national electric power grid for over 10 years were reconnected.

Some other communities that had never witnessed electricity since the creation of the world suddenly became drafted onto the power map, with quick-fire electrification projects commenced and underway in their areas.

The perennial security challenges in those same areas were equally addressed. Stakeholders in the oil-rich areas confessed that they never had it that good.

I recall vividly the exact words of former Commissioner representing Imo State on the Board of the Niger Delta Development Commission, His Royal Highness Eze Emmanuel Assor, during one of the former Deputy Governor’s consultative meetings with stakeholders on the electrification project of Awarra Court Area.

He said and I quote: “We are excited that we are no longer invited to meetings for, and over killings in our area. We are now invited to discuss developmental projects in our area.”

More so, practical steps were taken to ensure that thousands of youth from oil producing communities in the state were put on the path to attaining sustainable sources of livelihood.

This is unlike in the past, where ISOPADEC funds were diverted to private purses while phantom empowerment programmes were fervently promoted.

Those turning history on its head refused to tell the world the pioneering role Engr. Gerald Irona played in birthing ISOPADEC. At least, Dr. Goddy Esom Obodo is still alive. Thank God that history never dies.

Meanwhile, an elaborate audit was conducted on the affairs of the Commission by the Hon. Ihedioha-led administration, which revealed colossal looting and mismanagement of the Commission’s finances. Incidentally, one of those calling for the head of Engr. Irona today was indicted in the audit report. This is a story for another day.

There is no doubt that the main sin of the former Deputy Governor, Engr. Gerald Irona is that he ensured that ISOPADEC funds were no longer shared by a few persons, but were used in working for the people of Oil Producing communities of the state. Sadly, ISOPADEC is back to the dark days.

To make matters worse, ISOPADEC’s allocation from FAAC in the last five months totaling more than three billion naira (N3bn) cannot be accounted for.

Why is no one talking about it? Where is the forty percent (40%) of the state’s 13% allocation statutorily meant for ISOPADEC? Why is AUPCTRE, the staff union of ISOPADEC silent over this, or have they succeeded in cowing everyone? Or, did they hire NULGE to speak for them? What are the youth of the oil producing communities of the state doing? What of Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta/Oru West league of professionals?

Why has ISOPADEC’s Board not been constituted, five months into the life of the present administration in the State? Where is the One Hundred and Fourteen million (N114m) paid by Waltersmith Petroleum for the electrification of Awarra Court Area which the Ihedioha administration left in the United Bank for Africa – UBA Plc account of ISOPADEC? What about the over One Hundred and Eighty million (N180m) left in ISOPADEC account in UBA Plc by the Ihedioha administration? On the 14th of August 2020, the Governor Uzodinma-led administration in Imo State will be seven months old and Imo people will be able to compare between the present and the Ihedioha-led government in the state.

As Dietrich Bonhoeffer puts it, “silence in the face of evil is itself evil: God will not hold us guiltless.” Those who earn their livelihood fron suppressing the people are out once again, in typical fashion, to distract stakeholders with false claims, using a few persons that have no business whatsoever with ISOPADEC. Every true patriot must speak out at this point. We must refuse to be distracted, but ask questions about why ISOPADEC funds are no longer used in working for the people. Staff of the Commission are owed for about four months now, yet, the Commission’s funds that run into billions cannot be accounted for. Who, really is a friend of the people, bearing in mind that while the Emeka Ihedioha-led administration was in place, Imo workers, including those of ISOPADEC were paid regularly?

As for NULGE, there is no doubt that the union’s present leadership in the state is a complete disaster. They have betrayed the confidence reposed in them.

They have completely derailed and have no business remaining in office as representatives of local government employees in the state. Their best bet is to resign from service and join the ruling All Progressives Congress in the state, instead of masquerading as union leaders.

More so, both the individuals that authored, and those acting the anti-Irona script must realize that no one has monopoly of mischief making. We are presently studying previous reports on ISOPADEC, including those covering the era 2007 to 2011 and will make our findings known soon.

A word is enough for the wise!

Dr Walter Duru is a Communication expert and a Public Affairs analyst. He can be reached on: [email protected]

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Dangote, Monopoly Power, and Political Economy of Failure

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Dangote monopoly Political Economy of Failure

By Blaise Udunze

Nigeria’s refining crisis is one of the country’s most enduring economic contradictions. Africa’s largest crude oil producer, strategically located on the Atlantic coast and home to over 200 million people, has for decades depended on imported refined petroleum products. This illogicality has drained foreign exchange, weakened the naira, distorted investment incentives, and hollowed out state institutions. Instead of catalysing industrialisation, Nigeria’s oil wealth became a mechanism for capital flight, rent-seeking, and institutional decay.

With the challenges surrounding the refining of crude oil, the establishment of Dangote Refinery signifies an important historic moment. The refinery promises to reduce fuel imports to a bare minimum, sustain foreign exchange growth, ensure there is constant fuel domestically, and strategically position Nigeria as a regional exporter of refined oil products if functioned at full capacity. Dangote Refinery symbolises what private capital, technology, and ambition can achieve in Africa following years of fuel queues, subsidy scandals, and global embarrassment.

Nigerians must have a rethink in the cause of celebration. Nigeria’s refining problem is not simply about capacity; it is about systems. Without addressing the policy failures and institutional weaknesses that made Dangote an exception rather than the rule, the country risks replacing one failure with another, this time cloaked in private-sector success.

For a fact, Nigeria desperately needs the emergence of Dangote refinery, and its success is in the national interest. Hence, this is not an argument against the Dangote Refinery. But history warns that structural failures are not solved by scale alone. Over the year, situations have shown that without competition and strong institutions, concentrated market power, whether public or private, can undermine price stability, energy security, and consumer welfare.

The Long Silence of Refinery Investments

Perhaps the most troubling question in Nigeria’s oil history is why none of the global oil majors like Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, Total, or Agip has built a major refinery in Nigeria for over four decades. These companies operated profitably in Nigeria, extracted their crude, and sold refined products back to the country, yet never committed capital to domestic refining.

Over the period, it has been shown that policy incoherence has been the cause, not a matter of technical incapacity, such as price controls, resistant licensing processes, subsidy arrears, frequent regulatory changes, and political interference, which made refining an unattractive investment. Importation, by contrast, offered quick returns, lower political risk, and guaranteed margins, often backed by government subsidies.

Nigeria carelessly designed a system that rather rewarded importers and punished refiners. Dangote did not succeed because the system improved; he succeeded despite it. His refinery exists largely because of the concessions from the government, exceptional financial capacity, political access, and a willingness to absorb risks that institutions should ordinarily mitigate. This raises a deeper concern; when institutions fail, progress becomes dependent on extraordinary individuals rather than predictable systems.

The Tragedy of NNPC Refineries

If private investors stayed away, Nigeria’s state-owned refineries should have filled the gap. Instead, the Port Harcourt, Warri, and Kaduna refineries became monuments to mismanagement. Records have shown that between 2010 and 2025, Nigeria reportedly wasted between $18 billion and $25 billion, over N11 trillion, just for Turn Around Maintenance and rehabilitation. Kaduna Refinery alone is estimated to have consumed over N2.2 trillion in a decade.

Despite these expenditures, output remained negligible. This was not merely a technical failure but a governance one. Contracts were poorly monitored, accountability was absent, and consequences were nonexistent. In functional systems, such outcomes trigger investigations, sanctions, and reforms. In Nigeria, the cycle simply repeated itself, eroding public trust and deepening dependence on imports.

Where Is BUA?

Dangote is not the only Nigerian conglomerate to announce refinery ambitions. In 2020, BUA Group unveiled plans for a 200,000-barrels-per-day refinery. Years later, progress remains unclear, timelines have shifted, and execution appears stalled.

This pattern is revealing. When multiple large investors struggle to translate plans into reality, the issue is not ambition but environment. Refinery projects in Nigeria appear viable only at a massive scale and with extraordinary political leverage. Smaller or mid-sized players are effectively crowded out, not by market forces, but by systemic dysfunction.

Policy Failure and the Singapore Comparison

Nigeria often aspires to emulate Singapore’s refining and petrochemical success. The comparison is instructive. Singapore has no crude oil, yet built one of the world’s most sophisticated refining hubs through consistent policy, investor protection, infrastructure planning, and regulatory certainty.

Nigeria chose a different path: price controls, subsidies, weak contract enforcement, and politically motivated policy reversals. Refineries became tools of patronage rather than productivity. Capital exited, infrastructure decayed, and import dependence deepened. The outcome was predictable.

The Cost of Import Dependence

For years, Nigeria spent billions of dollars annually importing petrol, diesel, and aviation fuel. This placed constant pressure on foreign reserves and the naira. Petrol subsidies alone were estimated at N4-N6 trillion per year, often exceeding national spending on health, education, or infrastructure.

Even after subsidy removal, legacy costs remain: distorted consumption patterns, weakened public finances, and entrenched interests built around importation. These interests did not disappear quietly.

Who Really Benefited from the Subsidy?

Although framed as pro-poor, fuel subsidies disproportionately benefited importers, traders, shipping firms, depot owners, financiers, and politically connected intermediaries. Smuggling across borders meant Nigerians subsidised fuel consumption in neighbouring countries.

Ordinary citizens received marginal relief at the pump but paid far more through inflation, deteriorating infrastructure, and underfunded public services. The subsidy system functioned less as social protection and more as elite redistribution.

The Traders’ Dilemma

Why did major fuel marketers like Oando invest in refineries abroad but not in Nigeria? Again, incentives explain behaviour. Importation offered faster returns, lower capital requirements, and political insulation. Domestic refining demanded long-term investment under unstable rules.

In an irrational system, rational actors optimise accordingly. Importation thrived not because it was efficient, but because policy made it so.

FDI and the Confidence Problem

Sustainable Foreign Direct Investment follows domestic confidence. When local investors, who best understand political and regulatory risks, avoid long-term industrial projects, foreign investors take note. Capital flows to environments with predictable pricing, rule of law, and policy consistency.

Nigeria’s challenge is not attracting speculative capital, but building conditions for patient, productive investment.

Dangote and the Monopoly Question

Dangote Refinery deserves credit. But scale brings power, and power demands oversight. If importers exit and no competing refineries emerge, Dangote could dominate refining, pricing, and supply. Nigeria’s experience with cement, where domestic production rose but prices soared due to limited competition, offers a cautionary tale.

Markets function best with competition. Without it, price manipulation, supply risks, and weakened energy security become real dangers, especially in countries with fragile regulatory institutions.

The Way Forward: Competition, Not Replacement

Nigeria does not need to weaken Dangote; it needs to multiply Dangotes. The goal should be a competitive refining ecosystem, not a replacement of a public monopoly with a private monopoly.

This requires transparent crude allocation, open access to pipelines and storage, fair pricing mechanisms, and strong antitrust enforcement. State refineries must either be professionally concessional or decisively restructured. Stalled projects like BUA’s should be unblocked, and modular refineries should be supported.

The Litmus Test

Nigeria’s refining crisis was decades in the making and cannot be solved by one refinery, however large. Dangote Refinery is a turning point, but only if embedded within systemic reform. Otherwise, Nigeria risks trading one form of dependency for another.

The true test is not whether Nigeria can refine fuel, but whether it can build fair, open, and resilient institutions that serve the public interest. In refining, as in democracy, excessive concentration of power is dangerous. Competition remains the strongest safeguard.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]

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How AI Levels the Playing Field for SMEs

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A! in SMEs

By Linda Saunders

Intro: In many small businesses, the owner often starts out as the bookkeeper, the customer-service desk, the IT technician and the person who steps in when a delivery goes wrong. With so many balls up in the air – and such little room for error – one dropped ball can derail the entire day and trigger a chain of problems that’s hard to recover from. Unlike larger companies that have the luxury of spreading the load across dedicated teams and systems, SMEs carry it all on a few shoulders.

South Africa’s SME sector carries significant weight, contributing around 19% of GDP and a third of formal employment, according to the latest available Trade & Industrial Policy Strategies (TIPS) 2024 review. That is causing persistent constraints, including tight margins, erratic demand, high administrative load, and limited internal capacity.

This is not unique to South Africa. Many smaller businesses across the continent still rely on manual processes. It is common to find sales records kept separately from customer notes, or inventory data that is updated only occasionally. The result is slow turnaround times, duplicated effort and a lack of visibility across the business. Given that SMEs have such a huge influence on national economies, accounting for over 90% of all businesses, between 20-40% of GDP in some African countries, and a major source of employment, providing around 80% of jobs, these operational constraints have a broad impact on economies.

What has changed in recent years is that digital tools once seen as the preserve of larger companies have become more attainable for smaller operators. They do not remove the structural challenges SMEs face, but they can ease the load. Better systems do not replace judgement, experience or customer relationships; they simply give small companies more room to work with.

Cloud-based systems, automation and integrated customer-management tools have become more affordable and easier to deploy. They do not remove the structural pressures facing small businesses, but they can ease the operational load and create more space for productive work.

Doing more with the teams SMEs already have

Small teams often end up wearing several hats. One person might take customer calls, update stock records, handle service issues and manage follow-ups. When demand rises, these manual processes become harder to sustain. Local surveys regularly point to this strain, showing that smaller companies spend significant portions of the week on paperwork, compliance and routine administrative tasks – work that adds little value but cannot be ignored.

This is where automation is proving useful. Routine tasks such as onboarding new customers, checking documents, routing queries to the right person, logging interactions and sending follow-ups can now run quietly in the background. In larger companies, whole departments handle this work. In small businesses, the same burden has traditionally fallen on one or two people. When these processes run reliably without constant attention, a business with 10 employees can manage busier periods without rushed outsourcing or slipping service standards.

The point is not to replace staff, but to reduce the operational drag that limits what small teams can deliver. Structured workflows give SMEs a level of steadiness they have rarely had the time or money to build themselves.

Using better data to make better decisions

A second constraint facing SMEs is disorganised information. When customer details are lost in email, sales notes in chat groups, stock figures in spreadsheets and queries in separate systems, decisions depend on whatever information happens to be at hand. Forecasting becomes guesswork, and early warning signs are easy to miss.

Putting all this information in a single place changes the quality of decision-making. When sales, service and stock data can be viewed together, patterns become easier to spot: which products are moving, which customers are becoming less active, where delays tend to occur, and which periods consistently drive higher demand.

Importantly, SMEs do not need corporate analytics teams for this. Modern CRM platforms can organise information automatically and surface basic trends. For retailers preparing for 2026, this can help avoid over – or under – stocking. For service businesses, it can highlight customers who may be at risk of leaving, prompting earlier intervention. In competitive markets, having clearer information is a practical advantage.

Building a foundation before the pressure arrives

Rapid growth can be as destabilising for SMEs as an economic downturn. When orders increase, manual processes quickly reach their limit. Errors are more likely, staff become overwhelmed and the customer experience suffers. Many small businesses only upgrade their systems once these problems appear, by which time the cost, both financial and reputational, is already significant.

Putting basic workflow tools and a unified customer record in place early provides a useful buffer. Tasks follow the same steps every time, reducing inconsistency. Customers reach the right person more quickly. Staff spend less time checking or re-entering information and more time on work that matters. These small operational gains compound over time, especially during busy periods.

This is not about chasing every new technology. It is about avoiding a common pattern in the SME sector: when demand rises, systems buckle, and growth becomes more difficult.

Confidence matters as much as capability

Smaller companies understandably worry about risk when adopting new systems. Data protection, monitoring, and compliance can feel daunting without an IT department. The advantage of modern platforms is that many of these protections, like encryption, audit trails, and event monitoring, are built in. Transparent design also helps SMEs understand how automated decisions are made and how customer data is handled.

This reassurance is important because SMEs should not have to choose between improving their operations and protecting their customers’ information.

2026 will reward readiness

Technology will not replace the qualities that give SMEs their edge: personal service, flexibility, and the ability to respond quickly to customer needs. What it can do is relieve the administrative load that prevents those strengths from being fully used.

SMEs that invest in simple automation and better data practices now will enter 2026 with greater capacity and clearer insight. They won’t be competing with larger companies by matching their resources, but by removing the disadvantages that have traditionally held them back.

In the year ahead, the most competitive businesses will not be the biggest; they’ll be the ones that prepared early for the year ahead.

Linda Saunders is the Country Manager & Senior Director Solution Engineering for Africa at Salesforce

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Why Africa Requires Homegrown Trade Finance to Boost Economic Integration

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Cyprian Rono Ecobank Kenya

By Cyprian Rono

Africa’s quest to trade with itself has never been more urgent. With the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) gaining momentum, governments are working to deepen intra-African commerce. The idea of “One African Market” is no longer aspirational; it is emerging as a strategic pathway for economic growth, job creation, and industrial competitiveness. Yet even as infrastructure and regulatory reforms advance, one fundamental question remains; how will Africa finance its cross-border trade, across markets with diverse currencies, regulations, and standards?

Today, only 15 to 18 percent of Africa’s internal trade happens within the continent, compared to 68 percent in Europe and 59 percent in Asia. Closing this gap is essential if AfCFTA is to deliver prosperity to Africa’s 1.3 billion people.

A major constraint is the continent’s huge trade finance deficit, which exceeds USD 81 billion annually, according to the African Development Bank. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which provide more than 80 percent of the continent’s jobs, are the most affected. Many struggle with insufficient collateral, stringent risk profiling and compliance requirements that mirror international banking standards rather than the realities of African business.

To build integrated value chains, exporters and importers must operate within trusted, predictable, and interconnected financial systems. This requires strong pan-African financial institutions with both local knowledge and continental reach.

Homegrown trade finance is therefore indispensable. Pan-African banks combine deep domestic roots with extensive regional reach, making them the most credible engines for financing trade integration. By retaining financial activity within the continent, homegrown lenders reduce exposure to external shocks and keep liquidity circulating locally. They also strengthen existing regional payment infrastructure such as the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS), developed by the Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) and backed by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, enabling faster, cheaper and seamless cross-border payments across the continent.

Digital transformation amplifies this advantage. Real-time payments, seamless Know-Your-Customer (KYC) verification, automated credit scoring and consistent service delivery across markets are essential for intra-African trade. Institutions such as Ecobank, operating in 34 African countries with integrated core banking systems, demonstrate how such digital ecosystems can enable continent-wide commerce.

Platforms such as Ecobank’s Omni, Rapidtransfer and RapidCollect, together with digital account-opening services, make it much easier for traders to operate across borders. Rapidtransfer enables instant, secure payments across Ecobank’s 34-country network, reducing delays in regional trade, while RapidCollect gives cross-border enterprises the ability to receive payments from multiple African countries into a single account with real-time confirmation and automated reconciliation. Together, these solutions create an integrated digital ecosystem that lowers friction, accelerates payments, and strengthens intra-African commerce.

Trust, however, remains a significant barrier. Cross-border commerce depends on the confidence that partners will honour contracts, deliver goods as promised, pay on time, and present authentic documentation. Traders often lack reliable information on potential partners, operate under different regulatory regimes, and exchange documents that are difficult to verify across borders. This heightens the risk of fraud, non-payment, and contractual disputes, discouraging businesss from expanding beyond familiar markets.

Technology is closing this trust gap. Artificial Intelligence enables lenders to assess risk using alternative data for SMEs without formal credit histories. Distributed ledger tools make shipping documents, certificates of origin, and inspection reports tamper-proof. In addition, supply-chain visibility platforms enable real-time tracking of goods and cross-border digital KYC ensures that both buyers and sellers are verified before any transaction occurs.

Ecobank’s Single Trade Hub embodies this trust infrastructure by offering a secure digital marketplace where buyers and sellers can trade with confidence, even in markets where no prior relationships exist. The platform’s Trade Intelligence suite provides customers instant access to market data from customs information and product classification tools across 133 countries.

Through its unique features such as the classification of best import/export markets, over 25,000 market and industry reports, customs duty calculators, and local and universal customs classification codes, businesses can accurately assess market opportunities, anticipate trends, reduce compliance risks, and optimise supply chains, ultimately helping them compete and grow in regional and global markets.

SMEs need more than financing. Many operate in cash-heavy cycles where suppliers and logistics providers require upfront payment. Lenders can support these businesses with advisory services, business intelligence, compliance guidance, and platforms for secure partner verification, contract negotiation, and secure settlement of payments. Trade fairs, industry forums, and partnerships with chambers of commerce further build the trust networks needed for cross-border trade.

Ultimately, Africa’s path toward meaningful trade integration begins with financial integration. AfCFTA’s promise will only be realised when enterprises can trade with confidence, knowing that payments will be honoured, partners verified, and disputes resolved. This requires collaboration between banks, regulators, and trade institutions, alongside harmonised financial regulations, interoperable payment systems, and continent-wide verification networks.

Africa can no longer rely on external actors to finance its trade. Its economic transformation depends on strong, trusted, and digitally enabled African financial institutions that understand Africa’s unique risks and opportunities. By building an African-led trade finance ecosystem, the continent can unlock liquidity, reduce dependence on external currencies, empower SMEs, and retain more value locally. Africa’s trade revolution will accelerate when its financing is driven by African institutions, African systems, and African ambition.

Cyprian Rono is the Director of Corporate and Investment Banking for Kenya and EAC at Ecobank Kenya

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