Economy
What Nigeria’s Signing of OECD’s Multilateral Instrument Means for Taxpayers
By Seun Adu and Olanrewaju Alabi
Consider this puzzle. It takes 5 machines 5 minutes to manufacture 5 widgets. How many minutes will it take 100 machines to manufacture 100 widgets? If you answered this in a hurry, you probably said 100. This is wrong. The correct answer is 5. But what does this have to do with the Multilateral Instrument (MLI)? I will come back to this in a bit.
When the international community agreed there was a need to fix the international tax rules through the BEPS project, one of the problems they had to address was how to ensure that the recommendations from the project could be quickly implemented by everyone that was involved.
Implementing the BEPS recommendations would require countries to make several changes to (a) their local tax legislation; and (b) the avoidance of double taxation agreements (DTA) that they had with other countries. Making changes to DTAs was clearly the more challenging issue because of the time and resources required to do so.
Participants in the BEPS project realized that if the old way of updating DTAs was used to implement the BEPS actions, it would take many years before the BEPS recommendations would become fully effective in most countries. This would defeat the purpose of the project.
The Multilateral Instrument (MLI) was developed to deal with this challenge.
What is the MLI?
In its full form, it is called the OECD’s Multilateral Convention to Implement Tax Treaty Related Measures to Prevent Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (Multilateral Instrument or MLI). The MLI is a single agreement between many countries. It allows a country to make concurrent changes to all or some of the DTAs that it has with other countries.
Quick overview of DTAs
Countries that do a lot of trade with one another usually sign agreements for the avoidance of double taxation to ensure that tax, in particular double taxation, does not become an obstacle to their trade activities. DTAs help to reduce the incidence of double taxation in several ways including: specifying which country has a right to tax a certain type of income, providing for reduced taxes on certain categories of income, etc.
DTAs usually follow a standard template or model. The two most used models are the OECD and UN models developed by the OECD and UN respectively. These models were first developed in the 1920s and are updated from time-to-time to deal with new tax issues.
Whenever a model is updated to address a particular tax issue, countries that follow the model try to make the changes to each of their DTAs to ensure that they can also address the issue.
Updating DTAs is not easy
The process of negotiating DTAs and ratifying them into law is usually long and difficult. Even after an agreement has been reached, it can still take many years before it takes full effect. For instance, the DTA between Nigeria and South Africa only came into force in 2008 even though the original agreement was signed in April 2000.
Negotiations for updating DTAs would typically not take as long as the negotiations for new agreements, but they still take a lot of time and resources. As a result of this, many countries do not update their DTAs as often as they should. This means that many DTAs are outdated.
For the BEPS project to be successful it was necessary to overcome this challenge since implementing the recommendations would require each country to update all of its DTAs. If countries followed the old way of having one-on-one negotiations with their existing treaty partners it would take many years for all the negotiations to be concluded and many more years for the agreements to be ratified by each country.
Such a delay would defeat the whole purpose of the BEPS project.
How the MLI solves the problem
The MLI removes the need for treaty partners to renegotiate the terms of existing DTAs one after the other making it possible to update the provisions of several double tax treaties with the relevant BEPS updates at the same time. It also makes it possible to pursue the domestication of the changes to all the treaties at once.
This is possible because the changes to be adopted through the MLI were based on collective negotiations between the countries that developed the instrument.
Some of the treaty changes are compulsory (these are the minimum standards) for all parties to the MLI while others are optional. Both the compulsory and optional changes have been standardized. The good thing about this is that the areas that will require one-on-one negotiations are not so many and these negotiations will be limited to choosing between several standardized options.
The process requires each country to submit an MLI position to the OECD. The MLI position is a document that contains details of the changes (based on the provisions of the MLI) that a particular country would like to make to each of its DTAs. This is then compared to the MLI positions of its other treaty partners.
Where the MLI positions of the parties to a particular treaty are the same, it means that an agreement has been reached on the specific provisions that match. The parties can then engage each other to discuss and agree on any positions that are different.
The effect is that a country can potentially renegotiate and ratify many of its tax treaties in almost the same time that it would normally have taken to re-negotiate one agreement. If I go back to my earlier puzzle for a second, the reason it takes only 5 minutes for the 100 machines to manufacture the 100 widgets is because they work simultaneously. This is pretty much how the MLI works.
What has Nigeria done so far?
Nigeria signed the MLI on 17 August 2017. Nigeria has also submitted its MLI position. This means that it is already possible to tell the changes that Nigeria plans to make to all of its existing double tax treaties.
In its MLI position, Nigeria listed DTAs with 19 treaty partners for amendment. These include the agreements that are already in force and those that are not yet in force (e.g. DTAs with Korea, Mauritius, United Arab Emirates etc.)
Also, of the 19 agreements, 13 treaty partners (including Belgium, Canada, China, Netherlands, and the United Kingdom) have all listed their DTAs with Nigeria for amendment under the MLI. This means that one can already check what treaty positions match and tell the changes that will likely be made to these DTAs.
The next steps will be for Nigeria and its treaty partners to agree on any parts of their proposals that do not match. Subsequent to this, each partner will then need to undertake the local domestication process to ensure that the changes become law. All of this could happen a lot quicker than we are used to.
Final thoughts
These are some of the changes that taxpayers need to be aware of due to the potential implications for their tax affairs. One of the changes is the introduction of the Principal Purpose Test (PPT) for tackling treaty shopping. Another important one is the amendments to the definition of Permanent Establishments in the treaties.
Nigerian resident taxpayers who currently enjoy treaty benefits should consider how the MLI will affect them. In addition, companies who plan to set up new structures that will allow them get treaty benefits will need to be mindful that the MLI could reduce the effectiveness of those structures.
Although the MLI position submitted by Nigeria on August 17 is provisional and subject to change, there is already a lot that one can deduce about how taxpayers will be impacted when the proposals finally become law.
Seun Adu is an Associate Director and Transfer Pricing Leader at PwC Nigeria. He is a regular writer and public speaker on tax and transfer pricing matters.
Olanrewaju Alabi is a Senior Associate with PwC Nigeria’s Transfer Pricing practice.
Economy
Nigerian Stock Market Rebounds 2.30% Amid Cautious Trading
By Dipo Olowookere
The Nigerian Exchange (NGX) Limited returned to winning ways on Tuesday after it closed higher by 2.30 per cent amid cautious trading.
Yesterday, investor sentiment at the Nigerian stock market was weak after finishing with 37 price gainers and 40 price losers, indicating a negative market breadth index.
It was observed that the industrial goods sector rose by 4.86 per cent, the energy index appreciated by 4.66 per cent, and the consumer goods segment soared by 2.74 per cent. They offset the 1.38 per cent loss recorded by the banking counter and the 0.20 per cent decline printed by the insurance sector.
At the close of business, the All-Share Index (ASI) was up by 5,137.90 points to 228,740.19 points from 223,602.29 points, and the market capitalisation went up by N3.308 trillion to N147.278 trillion from N143.970 trillion.
The trio of FTN Cocoa, Industrial and Medical Gases, and Lafarge Africa gained 10.00 per cent each to sell for N5.50, N39.60, and N324.50, respectively, while Austin Laz grew by 9.71 per cent to N3.73, and Aradel Holdings jumped 9.52 per cent to N1,840.00.
On the flip side, UBA lost 10.00 per cent trade at N44.55, Trans-Nationwide Express slipped by 9.99 per cent to N6.40, NASCON crashed by 9.18 per cent to N187.90, Jaiz Bank depreciated by 8.93 per cent to N8.01, and Berger Paints crumbled by 8.66 per cent to N68.00.
Yesterday, market participants traded 908.0 million equities valued at N68.2 billion in 72,886 deals compared with the 678.2 million equities worth N44.1 billion transacted in 82,838 deals on Monday, showing a drop in the number of deals by 12.01 per cent, and a spike in the trading volume and value by 33.88 per cent and 54.65 per cent, respectively.
Economy
Nigeria Records Five-Year Peak in Oil Output at 1.71mbpd
By Adedapo Adesanya
Nigeria’s oil production recorded a five-year high of 1.71 million barrels per day, marking a significant rebound for the country’s upstream sector amid renewed efforts to restore output and improve operational stability.
The latest figure, released by Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited, covers the period from April 2025 to April 2026 and underscores a steady recovery in crude production after years of disruptions caused by theft, pipeline vandalism and underinvestment.
According to the chief executive of the national oil company, Mr Bayo Ojulari, the performance reflects measurable progress across the company’s upstream, gas and downstream operations, with production gains supported by improved asset management and stronger field performance.
Within its exploration and production business, NNPC recorded a peak daily output of 365,000 barrels in December 2025, the highest level ever achieved by its upstream subsidiary. The company also advanced key contractual reforms, including revised production-sharing terms for deepwater assets aimed at unlocking additional gas reserves.
Nigeria’s gas ambitions are also gaining traction. Gas supply rose to 7.5 billion standard cubic feet per day in 2025, driven by major infrastructure milestones such as the River Niger crossing on the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline and the commissioning of the Assa North-Ohaji South gas processing plant.
These investments are beginning to strengthen domestic gas utilisation. New supply agreements with major industrial consumers, including Dangote Refinery, Dangote Fertiliser and Dangote Cement, are expected to deepen gas penetration across manufacturing and power generation.
On the downstream front, NNPC has continued crude supply to Dangote Refinery under the crude-for-naira arrangement, a policy designed to reduce foreign exchange demand, support local refining and improve fuel market stability. The company also reaffirmed its 7.25 per cent equity stake in the refinery as part of its long-term energy security strategy.
Financially, the national oil company said it has resumed full monthly remittances to the Federation Account since July 2025. It has also reinstated regular performance reporting and held its first earnings call, moves widely seen as part of a broader push towards greater transparency and corporate accountability.
Despite the progress, challenges remain. Crude theft, pipeline outages and infrastructure bottlenecks continue to threaten production stability. Sustaining this recovery will depend on stronger security, reliable infrastructure and policy consistency as Nigeria seeks to maximise the benefits of rising domestic refining capacity.
Economy
UAE to Leave OPEC May 1
By Adedapo Adesanya
The United Arab Emirates has announced its decision to quit the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to focus on national interests.
This dealt a heavy blow to the oil-exporting group at a time when the US-Israel war on Iran had caused a historic energy shock and rattled the global economy.
The move, which will take effect on May 1, 2026, reflects “the UAE’s long-term strategic and economic vision and evolving energy profile”, a statement carried by state media said on Tuesday.
“During our time in the organisation, we made significant contributions and even greater sacrifices for the benefit of all,” it added. “However, the time has come to focus our efforts on what our national interest dictates.”
The loss of the UAE, a longstanding OPEC member, could create disarray and weaken the oil cartel, which has usually sought to show a united front despite internal disagreements over a range of issues from geopolitics to production quotas.
UAE Energy Minister Suhail Mohamed al-Mazrouei said the decision was taken after a careful look at the regional power’s energy strategies.
“This is a policy decision. It has been done after a careful look at current and future policies related to the level of production,” the minister said.
OPEC’s Gulf producers have already been struggling to ship exports through the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint between Iran and Oman through which a fifth of the world’s crude oil and liquefied natural gas supplies normally pass, because of threats and attacks against vessels during the war.
The UAE had been a member of OPEC first through its emirate of Abu Dhabi in 1967 and later when it became its own country in 1971.
The oil cartel, based in Vienna, has seen some of its market power wane as the US has increased its production of crude oil in recent years.
Additionally, the UAE and Saudi Arabia have increasingly competed over economic issues and regional politics, particularly in the Red Sea area.
The two countries had joined a coalition to fight against Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthis in 2015. However, that coalition broke down into recriminations in late December when Saudi Arabia bombed what it described as a weapons shipment bound for Yemeni separatists backed by the UAE.
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