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2023: Delta State Deputy Governorship and Christopher Ochor’s Competency

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Christopher Ochor

By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi

It is no longer news that the Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, Sheriff Oborevwori, has emerged as the gubernatorial candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state.

It is equally relevant to the present discourse to underline that Oborevwori, who is also the National Deputy Chairman of the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria, displayed uncommon resilience to clinch the ticket and presently celebrates his landslide victory with a call on Deltans to ensure they all have their Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) before the 2023 general elections.

Expectedly, his victory has elicited reactions from stakeholders and the general public. The boundaries between both spheres/reactions have shifted back and forth for some days.

While some hailed his emergence, others are particularly not against but are of the view that looking at the re-boost working relationship that exists currently between Oborevwori and Deputy Speaker, Christopher Ochor Ochor, both should be encouraged/allowed to run on a joint ticket as Governor and Deputy Governor respectively.

Aside from the time-honoured belief that one needs not to change a winning team, the present argument is predicated on the seamless and mutual relationship evidently demonstrated in the last three years and enjoyed by the duo working as Speaker and Deputy Speaker.

Instead of allowing this relationship by these public office holders turned brothers to go with political winds, the Oborevwori/Ochor joint ticket should be encouraged and gainfully harnessed for the greater gain of the PDP, the state and for the greater good of Deltans, they concluded.

Indeed, the above argument, in the opinion of this piece, may not be wrong considering the fact that Oborevwori/Ochor co-existence and healthy relationship, which many see as not just a departure from the old order in the state, but a major factor and actor responsible for the sustainable peace the state House of Assembly and its members presently enjoy and by extension, sets the stage for a rancour-free relationship between the state executive and the legislature.

At about the same time, many have peripherally raised the question as to if Ochor is truly laced with the capacity needed to occupy and function at the level of Deputy Governor of Delta State? Does he really understand the meaning and requirement of being a deputy governor of a complex state like Delta or aware that it requires intensive efforts to keep the people of the state together? Is he ready to mix and interact with people of different types and classes in the state to benefit from their experience?

Does Ochor have the right temperament, positive mindset, flexible attitude and enterprise spirit to work hard with a concentration on the business of governance? Is he aware that as a state deputy governor, he needs to have detailed knowledge and sound experience before assuming such a sensitive position? Is he ready to gain adequate knowledge and experience with patience before May 29, 2023? Is he capped with patience, humility, tolerance and responsiveness to undergo this important phase of learning and experience? Is he cost and labour conscious? Is he aware that he is required to understand and follow public leadership rules, regulations and other restrictions and then conduct the business of governance each time his principal is not around?

Without a doubt, these are not just important questions but objective concerns.

However, while this piece is too short a space to establish whether Ochor understands or better still recognizes the fact that it takes prolonged efforts to govern the people well, it is spaced enough to underline fundamental factors that may not only work in favour of Ochor if chosen but more than anything else makes him the best man for the job.

Aside from the awareness that Ochor, current House Member Representing, Ukwuani constituency in the Delta State House of Assembly, will never be a liability to the Governor or the state as he is a certified teacher and graduate of Agriculture from Delta State University, with varying experiences in public service, there are indeed more sincere and applied reasons why he should be considered the best man for the job.

First is his experience which stands him out and sets him miles apart from the bunch of politicians angling for the position. Evidence abounds that in the early years of the 4th Republic, he occupied various positions among which are, Special Assistant to the Governor on Youth Matters and Special Adviser to the Governor on Youth Matters.

In the same, as a brief member of the Delta State House of Assembly between 2007 and 2008, he sponsored a bill targeted at the protection of public properties, while at the same time attracting government attention to his constituency, especially in health and road constructions. As a Commissioner for Special Duties between 2008 and 2010, his performance was not only remarkable but outstandingly glaring.

Equity and fairness consideration is the second very essential reason why Ochor must be considered for the position. There is no doubt that Ndokwa people, going by available records, have been active in socio-economic and political affairs since the days of Western and Mid-Western regions, Bendel State and now Delta State. In view of this spiralling fact, equity and justice should be the defining approach to the present political season/electioneering period.

If the above argument is considered and given a favourable consideration, Ochor, without fear of contradiction, remains one of the most visible and relevant politicians from the area with impeccable experience and records to benefit from such an arrangement.

Away from the support given to other ethnic groups to produce state governors at different times and places, the Ijaw ethnic nationality, the Deputy Speaker has represented his people well and, therefore, should be rewarded with a higher office as it is a known adage that the reward for good work is more work.

This claim on performance is evidence-based and speaks for it.

He facilitated the construction and equipping of the Umutu Magistrate Court to ensure persons don’t have to travel far to seek justice in the law court, amongst other economic contributions to the lives of the people of Ukwuani, such as the construction of the Drainage to check the erosion at the mouth of the source of River Ethiope.

Between 2012 and 2014, he was the Transition Chairman of the Ukwuani Local Government Area Council. His tenure as Chairman of the Council hallmarked his beliefs that security is the bedrock upon which development can be achieved through peace.

On assumption of office, Ochor inherited an area infested with rampant kidnapping, intra and inter-communal rift, cultism, youth restiveness and ritual related killings. Day and nightlife were a nightmare. Security report on the Local Government Area was debilitating. He tackled these hydra-headed monsters through various security based strategies. Through his facilitation, the State Commissioner of Police set up the ASP Lucas led Anti-Kidnapping crack team. He changed the suspicious relationship between his office and the law enforcement agencies on one hand, and the public on the other hand.

Operational vehicles, accommodations, and welfare arrangements were made which boosted an effective intelligence gathering and community policing of the area.

Ochor is a leader that appreciates Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) to forestall the breakdown of law and order and he used this effectively to achieve peace amongst the communities in the LGA and border communities between Delta and Edo States.

In 2015, he was appointed as the Executive Director Social Services Development Directorate on the Board of the Delta State Oil Producing Areas Development Commission (DESOPADEC).

As an Executive Director, Social Services Development, a directorate charged with carrying out social, community and cultural needs of the people of the oil producing communities in Delta State, he created a system of checks and balances, for the commission, and ensured that programs that will impact on the people directly are implemented, such that the Directorate was able to plan, and ensured that a skilled training manual was produced, which became a reference point for the skill acquisitions programmes of the state.

He initiated the survey of the school facilities across the various schools within the mandate area of DESOPADEC, this brought the awareness that many of the schools are in dire need of learning facilities, including buildings, which caused the renovations, and furnishing of identified schools.

In 2019, he took another shot to represent the people of Ukwuani at the state House of Assembly and won.

As a member of the Delta State House of Assembly, he had while carrying out his primary duty as a legislature, supported that effective bills are passed into law for good of the state.

In this he had supported the passage of the Governor and Deputy pension Rights Amendment Bill 2019, Delta State Corporate Social Bill 2019, Co-sponsored the bill on HIV/Aids Anti-Discrimination Bill, 2020, a Bill to Eliminate Violence in Private and Public life, and other bills that had been passed into law for good of the state.

Another bill sponsored by him, passed and signed into law is the State Assembly Fund Management Bill 2021, which was for the full autonomy of the State House of Assembly.

He had in relation to the executive, attracted effective development of the area, such as youth empowerment, road, school, and market constructions.

Ochor, as a promise he made to his people, has more than 120 persons under his payroll crossing all wards, and beyond his constituency. He had empowered various persons with seed money for businesses and equipment, including 23 girls he publicly empowered with various business equipment and cash tools to take off, and 156 market women through various cash to boost their trades.

He has at various levels been recognised by different organisations, including the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) as the best performing local government chairman in financial management in Delta State, the best Chairman for the utilisation of the SURE-P fund to train, and empower youths, amongst others, including the media, students, and security awards.

This piece thinks that it is the likes of Ochor that Delta as a state currently needs.

Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy) at Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos. He can be reached via [email protected]/08032725374

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Why Africa Requires Homegrown Trade Finance to Boost Economic Integration

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Cyprian Rono Ecobank Kenya

By Cyprian Rono

Africa’s quest to trade with itself has never been more urgent. With the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) gaining momentum, governments are working to deepen intra-African commerce. The idea of “One African Market” is no longer aspirational; it is emerging as a strategic pathway for economic growth, job creation, and industrial competitiveness. Yet even as infrastructure and regulatory reforms advance, one fundamental question remains; how will Africa finance its cross-border trade, across markets with diverse currencies, regulations, and standards?

Today, only 15 to 18 percent of Africa’s internal trade happens within the continent, compared to 68 percent in Europe and 59 percent in Asia. Closing this gap is essential if AfCFTA is to deliver prosperity to Africa’s 1.3 billion people.

A major constraint is the continent’s huge trade finance deficit, which exceeds USD 81 billion annually, according to the African Development Bank. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which provide more than 80 percent of the continent’s jobs, are the most affected. Many struggle with insufficient collateral, stringent risk profiling and compliance requirements that mirror international banking standards rather than the realities of African business.

To build integrated value chains, exporters and importers must operate within trusted, predictable, and interconnected financial systems. This requires strong pan-African financial institutions with both local knowledge and continental reach.

Homegrown trade finance is therefore indispensable. Pan-African banks combine deep domestic roots with extensive regional reach, making them the most credible engines for financing trade integration. By retaining financial activity within the continent, homegrown lenders reduce exposure to external shocks and keep liquidity circulating locally. They also strengthen existing regional payment infrastructure such as the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS), developed by the Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) and backed by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, enabling faster, cheaper and seamless cross-border payments across the continent.

Digital transformation amplifies this advantage. Real-time payments, seamless Know-Your-Customer (KYC) verification, automated credit scoring and consistent service delivery across markets are essential for intra-African trade. Institutions such as Ecobank, operating in 34 African countries with integrated core banking systems, demonstrate how such digital ecosystems can enable continent-wide commerce.

Platforms such as Ecobank’s Omni, Rapidtransfer and RapidCollect, together with digital account-opening services, make it much easier for traders to operate across borders. Rapidtransfer enables instant, secure payments across Ecobank’s 34-country network, reducing delays in regional trade, while RapidCollect gives cross-border enterprises the ability to receive payments from multiple African countries into a single account with real-time confirmation and automated reconciliation. Together, these solutions create an integrated digital ecosystem that lowers friction, accelerates payments, and strengthens intra-African commerce.

Trust, however, remains a significant barrier. Cross-border commerce depends on the confidence that partners will honour contracts, deliver goods as promised, pay on time, and present authentic documentation. Traders often lack reliable information on potential partners, operate under different regulatory regimes, and exchange documents that are difficult to verify across borders. This heightens the risk of fraud, non-payment, and contractual disputes, discouraging businesss from expanding beyond familiar markets.

Technology is closing this trust gap. Artificial Intelligence enables lenders to assess risk using alternative data for SMEs without formal credit histories. Distributed ledger tools make shipping documents, certificates of origin, and inspection reports tamper-proof. In addition, supply-chain visibility platforms enable real-time tracking of goods and cross-border digital KYC ensures that both buyers and sellers are verified before any transaction occurs.

Ecobank’s Single Trade Hub embodies this trust infrastructure by offering a secure digital marketplace where buyers and sellers can trade with confidence, even in markets where no prior relationships exist. The platform’s Trade Intelligence suite provides customers instant access to market data from customs information and product classification tools across 133 countries.

Through its unique features such as the classification of best import/export markets, over 25,000 market and industry reports, customs duty calculators, and local and universal customs classification codes, businesses can accurately assess market opportunities, anticipate trends, reduce compliance risks, and optimise supply chains, ultimately helping them compete and grow in regional and global markets.

SMEs need more than financing. Many operate in cash-heavy cycles where suppliers and logistics providers require upfront payment. Lenders can support these businesses with advisory services, business intelligence, compliance guidance, and platforms for secure partner verification, contract negotiation, and secure settlement of payments. Trade fairs, industry forums, and partnerships with chambers of commerce further build the trust networks needed for cross-border trade.

Ultimately, Africa’s path toward meaningful trade integration begins with financial integration. AfCFTA’s promise will only be realised when enterprises can trade with confidence, knowing that payments will be honoured, partners verified, and disputes resolved. This requires collaboration between banks, regulators, and trade institutions, alongside harmonised financial regulations, interoperable payment systems, and continent-wide verification networks.

Africa can no longer rely on external actors to finance its trade. Its economic transformation depends on strong, trusted, and digitally enabled African financial institutions that understand Africa’s unique risks and opportunities. By building an African-led trade finance ecosystem, the continent can unlock liquidity, reduce dependence on external currencies, empower SMEs, and retain more value locally. Africa’s trade revolution will accelerate when its financing is driven by African institutions, African systems, and African ambition.

Cyprian Rono is the Director of Corporate and Investment Banking for Kenya and EAC at Ecobank Kenya

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Tax Reform or Financial Exclusion? The Trouble with Mandatory TINs

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Tax Reform or Financial Exclusion

By Blaise Udunze

It is not only questionable but an aberration that a nation where over 38million Nigerians remain financially excluded, where trust in institutions is fragile, and where citizens are pressured under the weight of rising living costs, the use of Tax Identification Number (TIN) has been specified as the only option for their bank accounts operation from January 1, 2026 by the Federal Government of Nigeria.

In practice, the policy spearheaded by Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, is rooted in the Nigerian Tax Administration Act (NTAA), and the intention can be understood in the areas of improving tax compliance, widening the tax net, and formalizing economic activities. But in practice, the directive risks becoming yet another well-meaning reform that punishes the wrong people, disrupts financial inclusiveness, and potentially destabilises an already stressed economy.

Yes, Nigeria needs tax reforms. Yes, the country must broaden its tax base. And yes, public revenues must increase to address fiscal pressures.

But compelling citizens to obtain TINs as a condition for operating bank accounts is the wrong tool for the right objective.

Below are five core arguments against the directive, and sustainable alternatives that actually strengthen tax compliance without endangering banking access or punishing informal earners.

The Directive Risks Deepening Financial Exclusion

Nigeria still struggles with financial inclusion. According to several official assessments, over 38 million adults remain outside the formal financial system. Many of them operate small, irregular businesses, survive through subsistence earnings, or depend on cash-based livelihoods.

The Federal Government’s compulsory TIN-for-bank-accounts policy is built on the assumption that every banked Nigerian is structured, organised, and tax-ready. This is false.

For instance, the rural market woman with N30,000 in rotating savings, the okada rider who deposits cash once a week, the petty trader using a mobile POS agent account, the retiring pensioner managing a small monthly income, and the migrant worker sends small remittances to their family. These are not tax evaders; they are survivalists.

Most operate bank accounts not because they run formal businesses, but because those accounts are essential to modern financial life: receiving transfers, accessing loans, participating in digital commerce, saving against emergencies, and avoiding the risks of moving cash in insecure environments.

By creating an additional bureaucratic barrier, the directive risks pushing millions back into a cash-dominant shadow economy, precisely the opposite outcome of what Nigeria’s financial-sector reforms are trying to achieve.

Bank Accounts Are Not Proof of Taxable Income

The NTAA clarifies that the TIN requirement applies only to taxable persons, individuals engaged in trade, employment, or income-generating activities.

But herein lies the problem: banks cannot determine who is “taxable” and who is not. Banks only see deposits and withdrawals. They do not audit the source or consistency of income. They are not tax authorities.

A student may run a small online clothing resale gig. A retiree may occasionally rent out farmland.

A dependent may receive cash support from a relative abroad. A job seeker may get intermittent gifts from family.

Who decides which of these scenarios qualifies as taxable? Banks? FIRS? Or will citizens be expected to self-declare under threat of account restrictions?

The result will be confusion, over-compliance, and mass panic with banks indiscriminately demanding TINs from everyone to avoid regulatory penalties.

This not only contradicts the spirit of the law but also exposes ordinary Nigerians to harassment and arbitrary compliance requirements.

The Policy Could Trigger Disruption, Panic Withdrawals, and Cash Hoarding

Whenever Nigerians perceive threats to their access to funds, the natural reaction is withdrawal and hoarding. We saw it during:

–       the 2023 Naira redesign crisis,

–       the 2016 TSA-bank consolidation tightening, and multiple periods of financial instability.

Telling citizens that bank accounts may face “operational restrictions” if they do not obtain a TIN creates a predictable behavioural response: people will rush to withdraw money.

This would be disastrous for a banking system already pressured by:

–       high interest rates,

–       inflation eroding deposits,

–       rising loan defaults, and

–       declining public trust.

Any government policy that unintentionally creates an incentive for citizens to flee the formal banking system is counterproductive.

The TIN Requirement Will Become a Bureaucratic Nightmare

Even if millions of Nigerians want to comply, the system is not ready. Nigeria’s administrative infrastructure does not have the capacity to process tens of millions of TIN registrations within months without:

–       long queues,

–       delays,

–       data mismatches,

–       duplicate records, and

–       systemic errors.

The National Identity Number (NIN)-SIM registration experience is a painful reminder of what happens when ambitious policy meets weak execution capacity.

–       Citizens spent months in overcrowded enrolment centres.

–       Millions were blocked from services.

–       Data inconsistencies persisted.

–       The economy suffered productivity losses.

If Nigeria could not seamlessly synchronise NIN and SIM data, how will it synchronise NIN, BVN, and TIN at a national scale without dislocation?

Forcing TIN Adoption Ignores the Real Problem: Nigeria’s Broken Tax Culture

The Federal Government’s real challenge is not that citizens lack TINs, but that they lack trust in how taxes are used.

A government cannot widen the tax net when:

–       tax leakages remain widespread,

–       citizens feel services do not match taxation,

–       corruption perceptions are high,

–       government spending lacks transparency, and

–       taxpayers do not feel seen, heard, or valued.

Coercion does not build a tax culture. Engagement does. Policy does not create legitimacy. Accountability does.

If the Federal Government wants Nigerians to freely participate in the tax system, it must earn legitimacy first, not mandate compliance through financial restrictions.

What the Government Should Do Instead: A Smarter Path to Tax Reform

Instead of enforcing a policy that may backfire economically and socially, the Federal Government can adopt four smarter, people-centred alternatives.

–       Automatic TIN Issuance Linked to NIN and BVN

Rather than forcing Nigerians to apply manually, the government should:

  • auto-generate TINs for all existing BVN/NIN holders,
  • send the TINs via SMS, email, and bank alerts,
  • allow self-activation only when needed for tax obligations.

This eliminates queues, delays, and confusion.

–       Build a Voluntary Tax Compliance Culture Through Transparency and Incentives

Tax morale improves when citizens see value. Government should:

  • publish annual audited reports of tax revenue use,
  • incentivise compliant taxpayers with benefits (priority access to government grants, credit scoring, etc.),
  • simplify tax filings for small businesses.

People comply more when they feel respected, not coerced.

–       Target High-Value Tax Evaders, Not Low-Income Account Holders

Nigeria’s real tax leakages come from:

  • large corporations shifting profits,
  • politically exposed persons,
  • illicit financial flows,
  • multinational tax avoidance strategies,
  • the informal “big money” class operating outside the banking system.

Instead of threatening small depositors, the government should strengthen:

  • FIRS intelligence and investigation units,
  • inter-agency data integration (CAC, Customs, Immigration),
  • beneficial ownership transparency enforcement.

The fight against tax evasion should focus on those hiding billions, not those depositing thousands.

–       Strengthen Digital Tax Platforms for Easy Self-Registration and Compliance

If tax registration becomes as easy as opening a social media account, compliance will rise naturally. The government should build:

  • a mobile-first tax app,
  • simplified online TIN retrieval,
  • one-click tax filing for gig workers and small traders.

Digital convenience can achieve what regulatory coercion cannot.

Reform Should Not Punish the Public

No doubt, tax reforms are needed urgently, but they must come with a human face, an intelligent, equitable, and aligned with the realities of ordinary Nigerians.

The TIN-for-bank-accounts policy, while well-intentioned, risks undermining financial inclusion, triggering economic instability, and imposing unnecessary burdens on millions who are not tax evaders but survival-based earners.

Good tax policy is built on trust, not fear. On transparency, not threats. On civic legitimacy, not administrative compulsion.

If the Federal Government truly wants to modernise Nigeria’s tax system, it must focus not on restricting citizens’ access to their own money, but on:

  • repairing tax trust,
  • digitising compliance,
  • targeting the real evaders, and
  • making participation easier, not harder.

Financial inclusion took Nigeria decades to build. We cannot afford a policy that carelessly reverses these gains.

A better tax system is possible, but it must start with the people, not with their bank accounts.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]

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Dangote and Farouk: The Distance Between Capital and Conscience

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Dangote and Farouk

By Abiodun Alade

Within the space of 48 hours, Aliko Dangote offered Nigeria a rare demonstration of what leadership looks like when power is exercised with responsibility and consequence.

First came the announcement of a N100 billion annual education support programme — a decade-long N1 trillion commitment projected to keep more than 1.3 million Nigerian children in school. Its architecture was intentional, not ornamental: girls’ education, STEM disciplines, technical skills, and those children most likely to disappear quietly into the margins of poverty were placed at the centre, not the footnotes.

Then, almost immediately, his refinery reduced the price of Premium Motor Spirit by over N100 per litre. This was not achieved through government fiat, subsidy or public funds, but through internal cost absorption, aimed at easing the pressure of inflation on households, transport operators and small businesses already stretched thin.

Two decisive interventions. One individual. Forty-eight hours.

In a country where scarcity has been normalised and excuses institutionalised; these actions stand out precisely because they are uncommon. Nigeria does not lack wealth. It lacks the nerve to use it responsibly.

Dangote’s interventions were not symbolic gestures designed for applause. They were structural acts. Education secures the future. Affordable energy steadies the present. Together, they form the foundation of any serious development strategy.

Now set this against the performance of Nigeria’s downstream petroleum regulation.

Engr Farouk Ahmed, Chief Executive of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), presides over a sector whose policy objectives are clearly stated: support domestic refining, reduce imports, conserve foreign exchange and strengthen energy security. These goals are enshrined in the Petroleum Industry Act and reinforced by the Federal Government’s Nigeria First policy.

Yet in practice, the downstream market remains crowded with import licences, uneven enforcement and regulatory decisions that continue to weaken local refining. Even with Africa’s largest refinery operating on Nigerian soil, import dependence persists — not because capacity is lacking, but because incentives remain misaligned.

This is where comparison ends.

Dangote and Farouk Ahmed do not operate on the same economic or moral plane. One commits private capital to solve national problems. The other leads a public institution whose outcomes are increasingly questioned by industry players, economists and the public alike.

One expands supply.

The other presides over a system where scarcity recurs.

One cuts prices.

The other manages a framework in which price instability has become familiar.

One reinvests personal wealth into Nigerian children.

The other reportedly expends questionable millions of dollars on secondary education abroad, while in his home state, Sokoto, thousands of children drop out of school over tuition fees as low as N10,000.

Only in Nigeria does the arithmetic of public life so often defy reason. Where official incomes are modest, lifestyles sometimes appear imperial. Where the books are thin, the living is lavish. And where questions should naturally arise, silence frequently answers instead.

It is a country where some who labour in the open marketplace live with studied moderation, while others, known only to the payroll of the state, move with a splendour their salaries cannot reasonably sustain. Children are educated across distant borders, fees quoted in foreign currencies that mock the modest figures attached to public service, yet accountability remains elusive.

When regulators falter, it is rarely for lack of laws or mandates. More often, authority is softened by comfort, dulled by compromise, and entangled in interests it was meant to police. A regulator burdened by unanswered questions cannot stand upright; oversight weakens when conscience is clouded.

In such moments, one does not need a forensic accountant to sense disorder. A soothsayer is hardly required to see where lines have blurred, where vigilance has yielded to indulgence, and where public trust has quietly been mortgaged.

This is how institutions lose their moral centre — not always through spectacular scandal, but through a series of small indulgences that mature, unnoticed, into systemic decay.

The fuel price reduction alone deserves careful attention. In Nigeria, petrol is not merely a commodity; it is the bloodstream of the economy. When prices rise, transport fares rise. Food prices rise. School attendance drops. Small businesses shut early. Families cancel travel or risk storing petrol in jerry cans — turning highways into mobile fire hazards during festive seasons.

By reducing PMS prices by over N100 per litre, the Dangote Refinery accomplished what years of policy meetings failed to deliver. It restored breathing space. It returned dignity to commuters. It reduced pressure on traders. It saved millions of productive man-hours otherwise lost to queues, panic buying and logistical paralysis.

That this occurred alongside a historic education commitment is not accidental. It reflects an understanding that energy without education builds nothing, and education without economic stability cannot thrive.

Meanwhile, regulatory bottlenecks remain. Local refiners cite delays in approvals, vessel clearances and inconsistent enforcement. Importers continue to flourish. Arbitrage adapts. Rent-seeking survives. The system continues to reward trading over production.

This is not accidental. Systems behave exactly as they are designed to behave.

Nigeria does not suffer from a shortage of ideas. It suffers from a shortage of alignment. When private citizens act more decisively in the national interest than institutions legally mandated to do so, something fundamental is broken.

No country industrialises by frustrating its producers. No economy grows by privileging imports over domestic value creation. No regulator earns legitimacy by operating in tension with stated national objectives.

Dangote’s actions within 48 hours expose an uncomfortable truth: Nigeria’s most binding constraint is no longer capital, technology or scale. It is governance culture.

Leadership is revealed not by speeches, but by choices. In two days, one Nigerian chose to educate the future and ease the present. Others continue to curate systems that profit from delay, opacity and dependence.

History is rarely neutral.

It remembers who built.

And it remembers who stood in the way.

Abiodun, a communications specialist, writes from Lagos

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