Feature/OPED
Agusto Lists Challenges, Opportunities with African Continental Free Trade Agreement

By Agusto & Co
African nations have been optimistic about free trade agreements with western states such as the African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA), however, there has been less enthusiasm with intra-continental free trade agreements. While regional blocs such as East African Community (EAC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have been in the frontline in pushing for sub-regional trade integration, the results are still far from exciting.
According to the Washington Post, most regional economic communities (RECs) are underperforming, with a low level of compliance by member states, which has delayed successful integration. The RECs also create a system of silos where regions seem to only pursue trade integration within their domains thus further accentuating trade divisions across the continent. These trade divisions have been well exploited by global giants especially China which has greater footprints across the continent simply because it has been able to build complex trade infrastructure with individual nations. By operating ineffectually in the silos of RECs, African nations have not been able to tap trade opportunities amongst themselves but also left their flanks open to western nations thus further worsening the trade imbalance of the continent. According to the UN Economic Commission on Africa, intra-African trade is likely to increase by 52% under the AfCFTA and will double upon the further removal of non-tariff barriers.
Challenges – Protectionists and the arguments of the one-sided coin
Nothing typifies the resistance to AfCFTA as much as Nigeria’s initial withdrawal from the signing ceremony in Kigali, capital of Rwanda in March 2018. President Muhammadu Buhari cancelled his attendance at the signing ceremony citing the need “to allow time for broader consultations”. The main trade union in the country – the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) further warned on the dangers of the trade agreement describing it as a “renewed, extremely dangerous and radioactive neo-liberal policy initiative”.
These fears stem from arguments around turning Nigeria into a dumping ground for goods from the rest of the continent especially countries with more advanced manufacturing capabilities such as South Africa and Morocco. While these fears may not be entirely out of place, they are actually being amplified and probably exaggerated. And this argument is also flawed on two major premises. Firstly, despite being a member of ECOWAS for decades, Nigeria has not become a dumping ground for goods manufactured in the region. Rather, its goods that originate from outside the sub-region but imported through neighbouring countries that are being dumped in Nigeria. This dumping is also driven by structural bottlenecks such as inefficiencies in the port and poorly conceived trade and tariff policies that leave Nigeria vulnerable to smuggling. Secondly, the AfCFTA is a trade agreement that not only opens up Nigeria’s borders but also opens up the borders of the other signatory Countries. Thus, while Nigeria will be receiving more volume of goods from the other Countries, Manufacturers in Nigeria will also gain an upside as they will be able to access a wider market across the Continent on the same terms.
Another challenge that may arise could be the loss of revenue from the collection of customs’ duties to the state, though this may be moderated by the long-term gains. Estimates by UNCTAD, indicate that while the elimination of all tariffs between African Countries would take an annual $4.1 billion out of the trading states’ coffers, it would create an overall annual welfare gain of $16.1 billion in the long run.
Despite the promise of long-term gains by AfCFTA, the biggest challenge to the free trade agreement has probably received the least coverage. The real barriers to AfCFTA will be the structural bottlenecks associated with intra-continental exports. This could vary from checkpoints across borders or aggressive trade policies that frustrate the free movement of goods and services. The president of Dangote Group, a conglomerate with interests mainly in Cement across the Continent, citing the frustrations and difficulties his group often goes through in exporting products to neighbouring African Countries, recommends that these bottlenecks must be addressed if Nigeria has to emerge a winner in AfCFTA. Another germane challenge that could also cap the growth potentials of AfCFTA will be currency conversions especially in the short to medium term. The glut of soft-currencies across the Continent increases the unattractiveness of these currencies outside their home borders. The AfCFTA framework must seek to resolve these caps to ensure this initiative can genuinely place the continent on the path of long-term prosperity.
AfCFTA and the Nigerian Capital Market – Retracing the old paths
Nigeria’s capital market is one of the oldest on the continent and quite a number of the listed Companies which are perceived as fundamental stocks by long term investors are mainly real sector multinationals. What is instructive about these fundamental stocks is that while many of these Companies enjoy strong positive perception as multinationals – a perception that is further consolidated by their big-ticket investments in local manufacturing – quite a number of these firms started off as trading posts in Nigeria.
Nigeria’s independence in the 1960s led to a new wave of promise which quickly attracted lots of global names into the country. Some of the prominent names that berthed in Nigeria around that time include Cadbury and Nestle, two global food giants. While these companies were mainly involved in trading (mainly imports) in Nigeria at the time, their operations subsequently expanded into local manufacturing. Manufacturing has a significant multiplier effect on any economy because it stimulates activities along the value chain. The likes of Nestle and Cadbury only invested in local manufacturing because their initial focus on trading clearly showed there was a strong business case to increase exposure to Nigeria. This strong business case led to the establishment of manufacturing plants.
Stretching further into history, companies such as Unilever Nigeria Plc and PZ Cussons Nigeria Plc had also started out as trading posts in the 19th Century in the pre-amalgamated Nigeria. With time, these companies also invested in local manufacturing.
By the 1970s, with greater investor confidence in the Nigerian economy following the petrodollar boom, many of these companies began to list their shares on the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE) thus creating new paths to wealth for Nigerian investors. The evolution of these multinationals from trading posts to manufacturing companies that eventually listed on the stock exchange offers germane lessons to today’s generation of policymakers and other advocates of protectionism.
And the lessons are clear. Firstly, AfCFTA will open up Nigeria’s market to the rest of the continent. And quite a number of Companies from across the continent may be attracted to Nigeria initially, but simply as trading posts. However, with time, as the promise of Nigeria unfolds for these Companies, many like the global multinationals ahead of them will evolve into manufacturing Companies that will lead to greater multipliers for the economy. And then, as long as the capital market continues to fulfil its capital formation roles, these companies may be inclined to list on the exchange, thus offering a new generation of investors increased access to wealth.
Positioning the Capital Market to tap into AfCFTA
The Nigerian capital market especially the Stock Market has long been derided by institutional investors as a shallow market with only a few fundamental Stocks. Nevertheless, it still remains one of the top five markets on the Continent by market capitalisation and the second in Sub-Saharan Africa. This throws up some significant upsides for the Nigerian Capital Market.
As the real sector and trading sector go continental, the financial sector especially the capital market must also begin to think continental. The Nigerian capital market must begin to position itself for cross border listings of some of the biggest companies across the continent whose home countries do not have developed capital markets. Part of the ways of stimulating these listings is by ensuring the capital market can fulfil its role of long-term capital formation. Other measures that will help stimulate investor confidence such as corporate governance and disclosure standards for listed corporations and protection of minority shareholders must also be put in place to attract these foreign listings.
Overall, as President Buhari leads Nigeria into AfCFTA at the Extra-Ordinary Summit of the African Union in Niamey, Niger Republic, Agusto & Co believes the country stands to gain significantly in the long run by being a signatory to the free trade agreement. And to policymakers, activists and businesses that may be worried about the prospects of increased trade and competition arising from AfCFTA, Nollywood – which has benefitted immensely from trade and competition across the continent – may just be the inspiration to clear the doubts that may arise.
Feature/OPED
Of Mandate Group, Delta Unity Group and Delta 2027

By Jerome-Mario Utomi
The April 12, 2025, defection of members of the Delta Unity Group (DUG) to the All Progressive Congress (APC) signposts a major political shift in Delta’s politics.
Pundits believe that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which presently controls the state needs a miracle to win Delta’s 2027 governorship election given the massive haemorrhage that has hit it. Essentially, the over 10,000 members of the DUG and their supporters who defected to the APC were made up of seasoned grassroots PDP chieftains.
The defectors were received by the National Chairman of the All-Progressive Congress (APC), Mr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, and the Chairman of the Governing Board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Mr Chiedu Ebie, alongside other notable political figures in Delta State.
So far, Deltans are enamoured by the significant political shift with many describing the development as a political earthquake which was long overdue. Because of its grassroots orientation, political analysts have likened the DUG to the Mandate Group, an independent political pressure group that midwifed the election of Mr Bola Tinubu, now President, as Lagos State Governor in the late 1990s.
In the run up to the 2023 presidential election, among so many objectives, the group was primed and positioned to defend President Tinubu’s mandate and promote democracy, unity, justice, and liberty in Nigeria, mobilize support for him and Vice President Kashim Shettima’s administration, Promote Unity and Justice: Foster national unity, justice, and liberty for all Nigerians among others.
The Mandate Group which has established structures in all 36 states, with plans to launch state chapters and currently have 580,000 members in Lagos and aim to reach 40 million members nationwide within the next 12 months, targets various segments of society, including: Students, Workers, Artisans, Teachers, Fishermen, Farmers and Women.
In like manner, the DUG has emerged as a third force in Delta State politics. Although it is not a new body, it has, over the years, been quietly bestriding Delta’s political landscape for the good of the state. Call it a third force in the politics of Delta State, and you won’t be wrong because, from all ramifications, that is what DUG represents.
DUG is by no means a political party, but, as the name implies, it is a Delta State based political pressure group convened a few years ago by the selfless, foresighted and influential trio of Mr Olu-Tokunbo (Lulu) Enaboifo, Mr Chiedu Ebie and Sir Itiako (Malik) Ikpokpo.
Their aim and dream were to establish a political pressure group with an agenda to modernize Delta State and also serve as the brain box of the campaign platform of Olorogun David Edevbie, who was vying for the governorship candidate of PDP towards the 2023 gubernatorial election.
Even though the aspiration ended with the Supreme Court ruling in favour of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, the DUG remained a strong force that started building gradually on the dream of a modernized Delta State. DUG has an organizational structure of 17 National Executive Council members, a Board of Trustees, and Local Government Executives in all the 25 local governments in Delta State, with Ward Executives in all the wards across Delta State, DUG is deeply rooted in the grassroots of Delta State with its cell-like structures.
Prior to the 2023 election, a wing of DUG, at the Obinoba Declaration, crossed over to APC, where the APC governorship candidate, Mr Ovie Omo-Agege, described them as the intelligent wing of PDP.
The group significantly made a huge difference in the 2023 general elections in Delta State. The DUG members in the Delta North Senatorial District, at that point in time, remained with PDP and after full deliberation and strategizing, opted to support the candidature of the APC governorship candidate and all other candidates of APC, even though they had not formally left the PDP. Consequently, most of them were either suspended or cast away by PDP after the elections.
It was easy to blend and work harmoniously with the progressives due to the progressive mindset of DUG members. After the 2023 general elections in Delta State, DUG members of Ika Federal Constituency continued to align and work closely with the APC to strengthen the party and ensure that it is properly positioned to convert the Ika Federal Constituency to an APC constituency come 2027.
To the glory of God, President Tinubu found DUG’s co-founder/convener, Mr Ebie, fit to chair the Governing Board of the NDDC in 2023. This further gave the DUG more vigor to project the Renewed Hope Agenda of the progressive governance of Mr President. Following this appointment, Ika Federal Constituency became the heartbeat of DUG in Delta State, which has now radiated positively to Ndokwa/Ukwuani and Aniocha/Oshimili Federal Constituencies in Delta North.
This wave, which has led to the massive decamping of members of PDP and the Labour Party into DUG in preparation for absorption into the APC, has also witnessed the reactivation of some dormant APC ambers and the massive welcoming of previously non-partisan and newly retired civil servants into the APC, having witnessed the positive impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President.
Because the group was fully poised for the reconfiguration of Delta State in the progressive fold of the APC, it is therefore, not surprising to witness the humongous crowd that emptied into APC on 12th day of April, 2025 in Agbor, Ika Federal Constituency, Delta State.
Going by the above development, it is obvious that come 2027, Ika nation in particular and Deltans in general shall witness the dethronement of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, in the state and enthronement of a people focused leadership to be formed by the All Progressive Congress, APC, in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
Utomi, a media specialist, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. He can be reached via [email protected]/
Feature/OPED
Piracy in Africa’s Creative Sector: How Creators Can Protect Their Content

Africa’s creative industries, from music and film to fashion, writing, and branding, are experiencing remarkable growth. However, as the sector flourishes, so do the threats posed by piracy and copyright infringement. Without proper protection, creators risk losing the value and recognition they deserve for their original work.
Copyright remains the first and most important line of defence. In many African countries, copyright protection begins automatically once a creative work, such as a song, logo, film, or design, is fixed in a tangible form. This protection can last for the creator’s lifetime, and in most cases, up to 70 years after. Yet, while automatic copyright provides a foundation, official registration strengthens legal standing and can be critical in resolving disputes.
When a creator’s work is used without permission, the violation must be addressed swiftly. Experts advise that the first step is to gather evidence—screenshots, URLS, timestamps, user details, and even data showing engagement or financial gain from the misused content. Proof of ownership, such as original files with timestamps, draft versions, or social media records of earlier uploads, is equally vital.
“Creators should always have proof of ownership ready,” says Frikkie Jonker, Director of Anti-Piracy at MultiChoice. “That could be anything from original project files to old emails or posts. It’s one of the most effective tools in enforcing your rights.”
Once evidence is collected, creators can issue takedown requests through social platforms or send formal cease-and-desist letters to website owners or hosts. Although enforcement processes differ by country, most African nations have copyright laws aligned with global standards like the U.S. DMCA. In many cases, showing credible ownership is enough to have infringing content removed.
If infringement continues or is being done at scale, such as by piracy rings or repeat offenders, creators may need to escalate the issue by reporting it to national copyright commissions or law enforcement. Efforts are also being bolstered across the continent through cooperation under agreements like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), with international bodies like Interpol, Afripol, and WIPO supporting cross-border enforcement.
Preventative measures are just as important. Creators are encouraged to use tools like digital watermarking and content fingerprinting to protect their work from unauthorised use online. Furthermore, smart monetisation strategies, such as YouTube’s Content ID syste,m can allow creators to earn revenue even when their content is reused without prior permission.
By understanding their rights, taking proactive steps to protect their creations, and using available technologies, African creatives can safeguard their work while continuing to build sustainable, long-term careers.
Feature/OPED
A Journey Through Policy: My Personal Experience

By Saifullahi Attahir
If there was ever anything that gave me goosebumps and immense pleasure, it was being surrounded by intellectuals and mature minds absorbing facts and figures about governance, economics, public health, policymaking, national security, and international relations. In such situations I easily lose myself, forgetting almost all other things.
Even at medical school, my best lectures were those with frequent digressions, whereby the lecturer would discuss the pathogenesis of diseases for 30 minutes and later sidetrack into discussing politics, governance, or other life issues. I always enjoyed classes led by Prof. Sagir Gumel, Dr. Murtala Abubakar, Dr. Rasheed Wemimo, Dr. Aliyu Mai Goro, and co.
During such lectures, I often observed some of my colleagues disappointment for such deviation. I rather casually show indifference, for I was eternally grateful for such discussions due to the stimulatory effect they had on my mind.
After such classes, I sometimes followed up with the lecturer, not to ask about a medical concept I did not grasp, but to ask for further explanation on policy making, project execution, budgetary expenditures, why African countries are left behind, and similar pressing issues.
In situations where I can’t catch up with the lecturer, I jotted down the questions for further deliberation.
One of the manifest feature I know about my greediness was at reading books. I can open five different books in a day. I lack such discipline to finish up one before another. I can start reading ‘Mein Kampf’ by Adolf Hitler, and halfway through 300 pages, I would pick up ‘My Life’ by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and would have to concurrently read both until the end.
I often scolded myself for such an attitude, but I can’t help myself. The only way to practice such discipline was to at least read two different books in a day. Such was a triumph in my practice of self-discipline. This was apart from my conventional medical textbooks.
To some of my friends, I was called an accidental medical doctor, but actually it was a perfect fate guided by the merciful Lord that I’m studying medicine.
For it was only medicine that makes reading books easier for you. Although time is precious in this profession, but one finds it easier to do anything you are passionate about. The daily interaction we have with people at their most vulnerable state was another psychostimulant. Seeing humans suffering from disease conditions is heartache. Some of the causes are mere ignorance, poverty, superstitions, and limited resources.
The contribution one can give couldn’t be limited to just prescribing drugs or surgical procedures that end up affecting one person. It’s much better to involve one self in to position that may bring possible change to the whole society even in form of orientation.
What also motivated me more was how I wasn’t the first to traverse this similar path. Bibliophiles were common among medical students and medical professionals.
At international level, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, was a physician.
Most of the current economic development of Malaysia was attributed to him. The South American revolutionary figure Che Guevara was a physician. Atul Gawande was an endocrinologist, health policy analyst, adviser to former President Obama, campaign volunteer to former President Bill Clinton, and adviser to USAID/WHO on health policies.
Frantz Fanon was another physician, psychiatrist, racial discrimination activist, and political writer. Dr. Zakir Naik was a renowned Islamic scholar, comparative religion expert, and physician.
At the national level, Prof. Usman Yusuf is a haematologist, former NHIS DG, and currently a political activist. Dr. Aminu Abdullahi Taura was a psychiatrist and former SSG to the Jigawa state government. Dr. Nuraddeen Muhammad was a psychiatrist and former cabinet minister to President Goodluck Jonathan.
During ward rounds and clinics, my mind often wanders to enquire not just about the diagnosis but the actual cause of the disease condition; why would a 17-year-old multiparous young lady develop peripartum cardiomyopathy (PPCM)? Why would a 5-year-old child develop severe anaemia from a mosquito bite? Why would a 25-year-old friend of mine develop chronic kidney disease, and his family would have to sell all their belongings for his treatment? Why are our Accident and Emergency units filled with road traffic accident cases? Was it bad road conditions or lack of adherence to traffic laws and orders?
Why are African countries still battling with 19th century diseases like Tuberculosis, filariasis, and malarial infections? Why issues of fighting cervical cancer and vaccination campaigns are treated with contempt in our societies? Why access to basic primary healthcare in Nigeria was still a luxury 50 years after Alma Ata declaration?
The questions are never-ending…
Answers to these questions could be found not in the conventional medical textbooks like Robbins/Cotrand, Davidson, or Sabiston. Answers to these questions are there on our faces. Answers to these questions are tied to the very fabric of our social life, our public institutions, our culture, and our life perspectives.
In order to make any significant contribution towards the betterment of this kind of society, it would be quite easier as an insider rather than an outsider. You can’t bring any positive outcome by just talking or commenting. It was rightly stated that a cat in gloves catches no mice.
The real players in a game are always better than the spectators. A player deserves accolades despite his shortcomings, frequent falls, and inability to deliver as planned theoretically. For the player has seen it all, because so many things in public life are not as they appear. It’s only when you are there that the reality becomes visible. This is the reason why many leaders who have goodwill and enjoy public support appear to have lost track or contributed insignificantly when elected or appointed into office.
But despite all these challenges, one can’t decline to do something good just because something bad might happen. The risk is worth it….
Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse
-
Feature/OPED5 years ago
Davos was Different this year
-
Travel/Tourism9 years ago
Lagos Seals Western Lodge Hotel In Ikorodu
-
Showbiz2 years ago
Estranged Lover Releases Videos of Empress Njamah Bathing
-
Banking7 years ago
Sort Codes of GTBank Branches in Nigeria
-
Economy2 years ago
Subsidy Removal: CNG at N130 Per Litre Cheaper Than Petrol—IPMAN
-
Banking2 years ago
First Bank Announces Planned Downtime
-
Sports2 years ago
Highest Paid Nigerian Footballer – How Much Do Nigerian Footballers Earn
-
Technology4 years ago
How To Link Your MTN, Airtel, Glo, 9mobile Lines to NIN