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Banks’ Funding Failure: The Shocking Rot In Nigeria’s Intervention Programmes

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Banks Funding Failure NDIC, CBN

By Blaise Udunze

For over a decade, the Nigerian government and its financial institutions have launched a flurry of intervention funds, all with the promise to empower industries, revive the manufacturing sector, and lift millions of micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) out of financial drought. From agriculture to aviation, from creative industries to export promotion, these funds were designed as catalysts for inclusive growth and job creation.

But today, the story reads like a tragic irony. Trillions of naira later, there is little impact to show. Factories remain underutilized, MSMEs struggle to survive, and unemployment continues to soar. The rot runs deeply entrenched corruption, politicization, poor monitoring, and widespread loan defaults have turned what should have been Nigeria’s economic lifeline into a cautionary tale of mismanagement and missed opportunities.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Bank of Industry (BOI) have, over the years, spearheaded multiple intervention programmes. In 2013, the N220 billion MSME Development Fund (MSMEDF) was launched to empower small businesses, with a special 60 percent allocation for women. Yet, more than a decade later, thousands of genuine entrepreneurs say they never accessed the fund, while others question the transparency of disbursement. The Anchor Borrowers’ Programme (ABP), launched in 2015, aimed to link smallholder farmers to processors and was hailed as a masterstroke for agricultural self-sufficiency. Over N1 trillion reportedly flowed into the scheme. But the dream soon dimmed with ghost beneficiaries, political interference, and poor loan recovery exposed a programme riddled with abuse.

Similarly, the Agri-Business/Small and Medium Enterprises Investment Scheme (AGSMEIS), a CBN-backed initiative pooling five percent of banks’ profit after tax, began as a noble effort to stimulate SMEs. However, its later years were marred by disbursement bottlenecks and allegations of insider favoritism. Commercial banks and some designated financial institutions, instead of acting as facilitators, became gatekeepers of corruption. Bribes, favoritism, and endless paperwork became the norm. Funds meant for productive ventures were sometimes redirected to political allies or misapplied by the very institutions entrusted with disbursement.

Rather than empowering Nigeria’s real economy, intervention loans too often empowered a network of insiders who saw the programmes as avenues for rent-seeking. The impenetrability of these schemes made them convenient channels for political reward and institutional looting. Once the funds leave government coffers, tracking them becomes an exercise in futility. There are no reliable public databases showing who got what, how much was repaid, or what impact was achieved.

The rot is not confined to agriculture. The Creative Industry Financing Initiative (CIFI), launched in 2019 to nurture Nigeria’s entertainment and digital sectors, became mired in controversy over opaque selection and limited reach. The Real Sector Support Facility (RSSF) and the Textile Sector Intervention Fund, meant to boost manufacturing and revive the textile industry, also suffered from weak monitoring and low repayment discipline. During the pandemic, the N400 billion COVID-19 Targeted Credit Facility (TCF) was touted as a lifeline for households and small firms. Administered by NIRSAL Microfinance Bank, it sparked hope among struggling entrepreneurs, but soon, the familiar patterns emerged as connected elites got the funds, while genuine applicants were locked out.

Official data reveals that the CBN has disbursed over N10.3 trillion across various interventions in less than a decade with an unprecedented scale of funding. When combined with BOI-managed programmes such as the Government Enterprise and Empowerment Programme (GEEP) and the Export Expansion Facility Programme (EEFP), total earmarked intervention funds likely exceed N12 trillion. Yet, Nigeria’s industrial contribution to GDP remains below 10 percent, and MSMEs with the supposed beneficiaries continue to struggle with high costs, poor infrastructure, and limited credit access.

Over the years, numerous intervention funds have been launched to support industries and MSMEs from the N220 billion MSME Development Fund and N300 billion Real Sector Support Facility to the N200 billion SME Restructuring and Refinancing Fund. However, poor administration, corruption, and diversion have undermined these initiatives. A 2023 report by the Auditor-General revealed that billions of naira from these schemes were either unaccounted for or misapplied, with funds channeled through commercial banks that prioritized profit over impact.

For instance, the CBN’s N220 billion MSME Development Fund has only seen about N83 billion disbursed over seven years. The Survival Fund, though lauded in principle, has delivered roughly N67.5 billion to over 1.25 million beneficiaries, including cases where mobilisation fees were collected but goods or services never followed. An N5 billion SME loan fund through SMEDAN and Sterling Bank saw only N250 million actually reach business owners. Even in interventions like BOI’s N75 billion Manufacturing Sector Fund, less than a third had been disbursed to manufacturers, with many applications still awaiting approval. These examples speak not to scarcity of funds, but to failures in administration, accountability, and access.

The cost of Nigeria’s failed intervention programmes goes beyond wasted billions; it has crippled the very sectors they were designed to rescue. Thousands of promising small businesses are left stranded without access to affordable credit, while manufacturers continue to struggle with obsolete equipment, erratic power supply, and prohibitive interest rates. Instead of catalyzing growth, these funds have deepened dependency, encouraged corruption, and distorted the credit market.

The result is a stunted industrial base, where innovation and expansion are sacrificed on the altar of bureaucracy and greed. Many entrepreneurs who could have scaled production or entered export markets have shut down under the weight of unmet promises. Jobs that could have been created remain mere statistics in policy documents, while Nigeria’s ambition to diversify its economy beyond oil continues to falter.

In the ongoing investigation into the Central Bank of Nigeria’s activities, news reports have uncovered that scrutiny may extend to Chief Executive Officers and senior management personnel of various banks. The investigation seeks to examine potential discrepancies related to the management of intervention funds by deposit money banks. This revelation follows reports that the CBN might be compelled to withdraw its released audited annual financial reports after investigators uncovered irregularities and inconsistencies.

This unfolding probe, led by Special Investigator Jim Obazee, who was appointed by President Bola Tinubu in July 2023 as this mark one of the most comprehensive financial examinations in Nigeria’s history. Obazee’s mandate extends beyond the CBN to include other Government Business Entities (GBEs), with the goal of plugging financial leaks and holding corrupt individuals accountable. According to the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, the forthcoming audit report will shed light on governance failures that have long crippled Nigeria’s financial system.

One key revelation involves intervention funds totaling N1.27 trillion reportedly held in the accounts of five major banks: Access Bank, Fidelity Bank, Guaranty Trust Bank, United Bank for Africa, and Zenith Bank. These funds cover various CBN lending schemes, including the Commercial Agriculture Credit Scheme, Real Sector Support Facility, and state bailouts. Access Bank alone held about N530 billion in intervention funds, while Fidelity Bank retained roughly N310 billion.

Several banks have also been found to hold undisbursed funds from the CBN earmarked for programmes like the Anchor Borrowers’ Scheme and the Commercial Agriculture Credit Scheme. As of June 2023, Guaranty Trust Holding Company, Wema Bank, and Sterling Financial Holdings collectively held N114 billion in Anchor Borrowers’ funds, while seven banks, including UBA, Access, Zenith, and Fidelity, retained N94 billion from the agriculture credit scheme.

As the investigation progresses, bank executives were expected to be summoned for questioning. The revelations underscore the depth of systemic dysfunction, where funds meant for development sit idle or are diverted, while small businesses gasp for credit.

Amid the turbulence, the newly appointed CBN Governor Olayemi Cardoso called for a radical shift in the bank’s role. During his Senate screening, he emphasized the need to refocus the CBN on its core mandate of monetary stability rather than direct development finance. Cardoso warned that the CBN’s historical foray into fiscal interventions had blurred institutional boundaries and undermined credibility. His plan is to transition the bank toward a more limited advisory role, one that supports economic growth without entangling itself in politically driven lending.

This reorientation is timely. As of October 2022, nearly 10 trillion had already been disbursed as intervention funds, much of it tied to agriculture and small business support. Yet controversies over beneficiary selection, repayment defaults, and limited impact persist. Experts have urged a full-scale audit and restructuring of these programmes, recommending that future interventions be channeled through relevant ministries and agencies, not the CBN to ensure proper oversight and impact measurement.

Before the next bailout or recovery initiative is launched, both the CBN and BOI must clean house. This means full public disclosure of all beneficiaries, proper audits of past disbursements, and the recovery of misapplied or stolen funds. The impenetrability that has shielded corruption for years must give way to transparency, backed by digital tracking systems and citizen oversight.

Beyond cleansing their books, these institutions must also rethink their approach. Development finance should no longer be routed through rent-seeking commercial banks that profit without producing impact. Instead, direct digital lending platforms, strict eligibility verification, and measurable impact tracking should define the new model.

Nigeria’s intervention programmes must undergo radical reform anchored on transparency, technology, and traceability. Every fund should have a publicly accessible portal listing disbursements, beneficiaries, and repayment status. Periodic audits that are independently verified must be mandatory, not optional. Beyond financial engineering, Nigeria must fix the enabling environment for consistent power supply, logistics, security, and regulatory stability that makes business growth possible.

The shocking rot in Nigeria’s intervention programmes is not just a financial scandal; it is a betrayal of national trust. Trillions have been poured into schemes that promised jobs and prosperity, yet delivered little beyond paperwork and propaganda. Unless Nigeria cleans up the system, enforcing accountability and rewarding genuine productivity, its intervention funds will continue to fund failure, not progress.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional writes from Lagos, can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com

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How Nigeria’s Banking Sector Can Maximise the Benefits of Recapitalisation

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Henry Obiekea FairMoney

By Henry Obiekea

Nigeria’s banking industry is entering one of the most significant transformation periods since the 2005 banking consolidation exercise. The Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) ongoing recapitalisation programme is more than a regulatory requirement—it is a strategic investment in the country’s financial future. If implemented successfully, it has the potential to strengthen financial stability, deepen credit access, improve investor confidence, and support a more inclusive and resilient economy.

In March 2024, the CBN announced new minimum capital requirements for commercial, merchant and non-interest banks. Under the new framework, international commercial banks are required to maintain a minimum paid-up capital of ₦500 billion, national commercial banks ₦200 billion, and regional commercial banks ₦50 billion. Merchant banks are required to hold ₦50 billion, while national and regional non-interest banks are required to maintain ₦20 billion and ₦10 billion respectively. The policy reflects the realities of today’s economy, where inflation, currency depreciation and expanding financial demands have significantly altered the capital required to support sustainable banking operations.

Many institutions have responded through rights issues, public offers, private placements, mergers and acquisitions in pursuit of the revised capital requirements. Beyond regulatory compliance, the exercise is already encouraging stronger governance, better capital planning and increased investor participation within Nigeria’s financial markets.

The recapitalisation conversation, however, extends beyond deposit money banks. The CBN has also introduced revised capital requirements for microfinance banks, recognising the critical role they play in extending financial services to underserved individuals, nano businesses and small enterprises. As the financial landscape becomes increasingly digital, stronger capital bases will enable these institutions to invest in technology, cybersecurity, risk management and product innovation while maintaining public confidence.

For Nigeria’s rapidly growing fintech ecosystem, although they are subject to different licensing frameworks depending on their operations, the broader regulatory direction is equally clear. Institutions that facilitate payments, tech-enabled banking, lending and savings are expected to maintain governance, capital and consumer protection standards appropriate to their respective licensing frameworks. This evolution is essential as fintechs continue to account for a growing share of financial transactions and provide services to millions of previously underserved Nigerians. Collectively, these reforms present a unique opportunity to reshape Nigeria’s financial ecosystem.

A stronger banking sector creates stronger economic outcomes. Well-capitalised financial institutions are better positioned to finance infrastructure, manufacturing, agriculture, housing and technology. They possess greater capacity to absorb economic shocks, support long-term lending and withstand periods of market volatility. More importantly, they can extend larger volumes of prudently underwritten credit to businesses that create jobs and stimulate economic growth.

For small and medium-sized enterprises, which contribute significantly to Nigeria’s GDP and employment, improved access to financing remains one of the greatest growth enablers. Recapitalisation should not be assessed solely by stronger balance sheets, but also by the extent to which additional capital supports productive economic activity.

Despite remarkable progress over the last decade, millions of Nigerians remain underserved by formal financial institutions. Expanding financial inclusion requires complementary approaches across commercial banks, microfinance banks, fintechs and other regulated financial institutions. Achieving meaningful inclusion requires collaboration across commercial banks, microfinance banks, fintech companies and regulators. Each institution serves different customer segments, yet all contribute towards a common objective: bringing more Nigerians into the formal financial system.

At FairMoney Microfinance Bank, recapitalisation aligns with our continued investment in responsible lending, digital banking capabilities, sound risk management and financial inclusion. We believe technology can complement prudent credit assessment and help extend access to financial services for eligible individuals and businesses.

As the recapitalisation programme progresses, success should ultimately be measured by broader outcomes: stronger institutions, deeper financial inclusion, increased SME financing, enhanced consumer confidence and sustained economic growth. Capital itself does not transform economies; how that capital is deployed does.

The Federal Government and the Central Bank of Nigeria have introduced reforms aimed at strengthening the long-term resilience of the financial sector. Continued implementation of these reforms will be important in supporting financial stability and sustainable sector growth. These decisions require vision, consistency and regulatory discipline. While the adjustment process may present short-term challenges for some institutions, the long-term benefits for financial stability, investor confidence and economic development far outweigh the costs.

Nigeria possesses one of Africa’s most dynamic financial services sectors. With stronger capital foundations, responsible innovation and continued collaboration between regulators and financial institutions, the country is well positioned to build a banking ecosystem capable of supporting its development ambitions, empowering millions more individuals and businesses, and supporting inclusive economic development over the long term.

Henry Obiekea is the Managing Director of FairMoney Microfinance Bank

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The Choice Before Kaduna

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kaduna city

By Sani Abdulrazak, PhD

People go through watershed moments sometimes when the cacophony of politics attempts to drown the cadence of progress; it becomes more serious when chimaera masquerades as certainty, but it is a known fact after all that the loudest voices are most times not necessarily the wisest.

Kaduna seems to have arrived at one of those moments. The propagandist opposition within the state is trying very hard to burnish manifestoes and criticisms wrapped in hyperbole and rehearsed until it begins to mistake itself for truth.

Yet, history has always been an unforgiving arbiter. It has an uncanny habit of stripping rhetoric naked, leaving only the vestiges of deeds. It is against that backdrop that one is compelled to reflect, not on who shouts the loudest, especially on social media, but on who has quietly altered the landscape of the beautiful crocodile state. That, conceivably, is the choice before Kaduna State.

Education hewn the destiny of a society, long before it is announced in boardrooms. Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State appears to appreciate this axiom. As if constructing hundreds of classrooms, renovating neglected schools, expanding access to education and reviving projects abandoned to bureaucratic torpor is not remarkably astral, his administration has gone further to make tertiary education more affordable through the reduction of tuition fees in state-owned institutions. That single decision has become a bulwark against hopelessness for thousands of families. Parents breathe easier, students remain in school instead of abandoning their dreams, enrolment has received fresh impetus, and human capital has become a little less hostage to economic adversity.

Even the reconstruction of roads within Ahmadu Bello University, despite its federal status, speaks of governance that refuses to hide behind jurisdictional caveats. Curiously, while lecture halls become fuller, some critics remain engrossed in composing jeremiads, as though hashtags now award degrees and social media threads have replaced convocation ceremonies. If this does not deserve another term, then perhaps Kaduna should entrust its classrooms to keyboard warriors instead?

A sector that defies drama, yet consequentially integral in Kaduna State is healthcare. Primary Healthcare Centres have continued to receive upgrades, sixteen general hospitals have witnessed rehabilitation, the once-abandoned 300-bed Specialist Hospital has emerged from years of limbo, health insurance coverage has expanded considerably, and investments in personnel and equipment continue with assiduity. Yet, one occasionally encounters the strange absurdity wrapped as opposition, that government should be judged not by functioning hospitals but by the virulence of online criticism. It is almost as though some believe ailments or surgeries retreat before social media posts. Should we now replace stethoscopes with microphones or social media posts and call it healthcare?

If there is any sector that more clearly illustrates the difference between governance and grandstanding in Kaduna State, it is agriculture. Mechanisation, dry-season farming, free fertiliser distribution, value addition, the Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zone and renewed support for farmers all point towards a carefully crafted paradigm rather than an accidental policy.

There is a metamorphosis taking place in rural communities indeed. While genuine farmers harvest maize, ginger and tomatoes, critics harvest conspiracy theories with astonishing alacrity. One group tills the soil and produces food; the other tills public resentment. Since when did viral posts become a substitute for fertile fields?

They wouldn’t want to take their ballyhoo to infrastructure for sure, because infrastructure refuses to remain invisible no matter how determined propaganda may be. Roads snake through communities once forgotten, bridges reconnect places long separated, water projects restore hope where scarcity once seemed ineluctable, and abandoned projects have gradually returned from institutional comatose. Yet there exists a peculiar group of disgruntled politicians that notices every pothole repaired only long enough to ask why another one still exists somewhere else. It is a curious predilection, almost quixotic, to dismiss completed projects because perfection has not yet arrived. Must development now apologise for not occurring overnight?

Security remains man’s most delicate labyrinth, and perhaps the easiest subject upon which to score political points. No responsible leader claims absolute victory against insecurity, yet few can deny that many communities once deserted have gradually witnessed the return of farming, commerce and social interaction. Such progress may not satisfy those addicted to political apoplexy, but it certainly matters to the farmer returning to his land after years of displacement. Or should insecurity be preserved simply because it offers better campaign material?

Economic governance, that complex yet rarely glamorous aspect of governance, is not left out. Increased internally generated revenue, prudent expenditure, strategic partnerships, capital investments and fiscal discipline have gradually strengthened Kaduna’s financial architecture. International partners investing in Kaduna State seldom do so because of slogans, but because of credibility. Sadly, the numbers don’t lie as data is a very stubborn thing. Are spreadsheets now expected to consult political parties before balancing their figures, or should economic data also join the opposition?

Youth empowerment deserves equal reflection. With a skills acquisition centre in each of the three senatorial zones of the state, entrepreneurship support, digital innovation and targeted interventions for small businesses, an attempt is being made to replace dependency with productivity. The apotheosis of governance is not the endless distribution of charity but the deliberate creation of opportunity. Young people increasingly seek tools and training against tokenism and expectancy. Still, some measure empowerment only by the number of campaign T-shirts distributed during election season. Have branded caps suddenly become the highest form of economic policy?

The choice before Kaduna State is simpler than it first appears. Shall we exchange reduced tuition fees for recycled promises? Shall rehabilitated hospitals be traded for rehearsed indignation? Shall roads surrender to rhetoric, farms to social media debates, security gains to sensationalism, and fiscal prudence to flamboyant bombast? Shall tangible progress bow before political charlatanry merely because criticism aims to be louder than construction?

For our democracy to grow further, we must come to a non-negotiable conclusion that the ballot is not an instrument for rewarding the most eloquent critic, but for judging the most effective steward. How promising can stewardship be when classrooms are expanding, hospitals are reopening, roads are stretching farther, farmers are receiving greater support, communities are gradually becoming safer, and opportunities are multiplying.

The evidence before us is not ephemerally ethereal, but enduringly concrete. And so, the lingering questions refuse to disappear: if this is not the direction Kaduna should continue, then what is? If these are not the footprints of purposeful leadership, whose are? If measurable progress has become insufficient, what miracle remains outstanding? And if the answer lies somewhere beyond Governor Uba Sani, then who, exactly, has presented Kaduna with a more convincing testament than the one already written across its schools, hospitals, farms, roads and communities?

Sani Abdulrazak, PhD, is a writer, researcher and a public affairs analyst based in Zaria, Kaduna State.

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Even Messi Needed Trophies. Nigerians Demand Results, not Dribbling

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Nigerians Demand Results

By Blaise Udunze

From a general observation, comparisons are powerful political tools. They simplify complex realities, inspire supporters and shape public perception. Another side of this is that they can also become misleading when symbolism replaces substance.

The latter appears to be the objective behind two recent interventions in defence of his excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Respectfully, it was observed that veteran journalist Martin Oloja likened Tinubu’s political journey to that of football icon Lionel Messi. He portrayed him as a resilient strategist whose patience and tactical brilliance eventually produced victory. As this now appears to be a trend, Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma further elevated the narrative, comparing Tinubu to Singapore’s founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. He didn’t stop at that; rather further argued that today’s painful reforms would eventually transform Nigeria just as Lee transformed Singapore. They are compelling analogies.

Unfortunately, it was observed that both began to unravel once governance, not politics, was used as the standard of measurement.

It is a known fact to the world that Lionel Messi is celebrated not because he endured criticism or finally lifted the World Cup after years of disappointment. He is celebrated because his greatness is measurable. His goals are counted. His assists are recorded. His trophies are displayed, and not just that, his records speak louder than the opinions of his admirers, which may have taken a different turn now after the outcome of the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

The same is also true of Lee Kuan Yew. History has shown that he is not revered because he introduced difficult reforms or enjoyed the support of loyal political allies. Governor Hope should be reminded that Lee is remembered because he fundamentally transformed Singapore. Amongst his achievements were transforming a poor trading port into one of the world’s richest, cleanest, safest and most efficiently governed nations.

Lee’s records speak for him because under his leadership, Singapore built world-class infrastructure, an incorruptible public service, globally competitive education, affordable housing, investor confidence and one of the highest standards of living anywhere in the world.

Neither Messi nor Lee Kuan Yew became legends through carefully crafted narratives. Yes, they became legends because the evidence became impossible to dispute. That is precisely where comparisons with President Tinubu become difficult.

It is an error to assume that winning elections is the same as winning governance, and at the same time, political brilliance may secure power, but only effective leadership secures history’s approval.

For millions of Nigerians, governance is not measured by campaign strategy or political resilience. It is measured by the realities they confront every morning.

Can they afford food? Can they pay transport fares? Can they pay rent with the current landlords’ economy? Can they keep their businesses open? Can they sleep or travel freely without fear of kidnapping? Can they find jobs after graduation? Can they access reliable electricity and healthcare? These are the scoreboards by which governments are judged.

Supporters of the Tinubu administration frequently point to encouraging macroeconomic indicators. Foreign reserves have improved. Government revenues have risen. States now receive significantly larger allocations through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). Well, these ‘achievements’ will be reviewed soon through the lens of news narratives. International financial institutions have welcomed several policy reforms. The removal of fuel subsidy and exchange-rate liberalisation are presented as courageous decisions that previous administrations avoided.

These developments deserve acknowledgement. Yet macroeconomic improvements are not the same as improvements in citizens’ welfare.

In reality, an economy cannot be declared successful merely because government revenues have increased while household purchasing power continues to deteriorate, as this would be a complete aberration.

Again, it is considered an anomaly that Nigeria reports stronger fiscal numbers, but millions of families continue to struggle with soaring food prices, rising transport costs, expensive housing, high electricity tariffs and shrinking disposable incomes.

Statistics may comfort policymakers. They rarely comfort hungry citizens. Messi never celebrated possession statistics after losing a match; rather, he cried and cried over losing the opportunity of winning the trophy at the concluded 2026 FIFA World Cup.  To him, results mattered.

The reality is that governments should be judged by the same principle. This is open to dispute, but of a truth, Governor Uzodimma’s comparison to Lee Kuan Yew deserves even closer scrutiny because it raises an important question, though it may appear hard to answer.

If Tinubu is Nigeria’s Lee Kuan Yew, where is Nigeria’s Singapore? What exactly made Lee Kuan Yew exceptional? Was it simply his willingness to implement painful reforms? Certainly not.

Many leaders across the developing world have introduced painful reforms. Very few transformed their countries.

One thing stands out here: Lee’s legacy rests on outcomes, not intentions. Judging from all indications, it is obvious that his reforms dramatically reduced corruption, attracted investment, strengthened institutions, expanded industrialisation, improved education, guaranteed affordable public housing and steadily raised incomes across generations. Unlike Nigeria’s ongoing experience, Singapore’s rise was not a promise repeatedly postponed to the future. Citizens experienced tangible improvements in their daily lives. That is why history celebrates Lee Kuan Yew. Nigeria’s present reality tells a different story.

It is glaring and ironic that despite improved fiscal revenues, many Nigerians continue to grapple with rising inflation, worsening poverty, declining purchasing power, youth unemployment, struggling businesses and persistent insecurity. If they must know, these are not merely economic statistics; they are the lived realities by which citizens judge any government.

The Lee Kuan Yew comparison also overlooks perhaps the most important ingredient behind Singapore’s success, which is primarily the institutions.

It is obvious and practically doubtful if Governor Uzodinma’s kind of Singapore is the same as the one on which its transformation was built upon an efficient bureaucracy, disciplined public institutions, predictable regulation, meritocracy, uncompromising anti-corruption enforcement and consistent long-term planning as championed by Lee Kuan Yew. An honest question here is, can the same be said of Nigeria today?

The truth is not far-fetched; Nigeria is nothing close to it because the realities and lived experiences of Nigerians are that the country continues to grapple with weak institutions, policy inconsistency, bureaucratic inefficiency, corruption concerns and widespread insecurity.

His impeccable achievements are built on the institutions; hence, without institutional transformation, every effort to invoke Lee Kuan Yew risks confusing aspiration with achievement.

One common trend witnessed lately is that the supporters of the administration often argue that Nigerians must be patient because meaningful reforms require time. That argument deserves consideration.

Let it also be made known that patience should never become an endless substitute for accountability. Citizens are also entitled to ask whether the sacrifices demanded today are producing measurable improvements tomorrow.

History remembers leaders not because they prescribed hardship, but because that hardship ultimately produced prosperity for those alive and not for the dead.

Another weakness in both comparisons is the tendency to confuse political mastery with administrative excellence. These are totally two different things, because when it comes to winning elections, it requires coalition building, negotiation and political calculation. Whilst running a nation demands competent institutions, sound economic management, transparency, public trust and measurable improvements in living standards.

Again, the two are not the same, and for this reason, many exceptional politicians have governed poorly. Many successful administrators never became political giants. Democracy ultimately rewards governance, not political mythology.

This is not to suggest that President Tinubu’s administration has achieved nothing. Tax reforms, infrastructure investments, fiscal restructuring and efforts to stabilise public finances represent important policy initiatives whose long-term impact remains to be seen. Well, acknowledging those initiatives is consistent with honest public discourse.

Equally important, however, is recognising that millions of Nigerians continue to judge the administration through the realities and their lived experiences rather than the promises they hear.

Football supporters judged Lionel Messi by the trophies in the cabinet.  In like manner, history judges Lee Kuan Yew by the Singapore he built. The same measure should be applied in this nation, as Nigerians will judge President Tinubu by the Nigeria he leaves behind.

The key metric here is that if inflation falls sustainably, poverty declines significantly, insecurity is substantially reduced, electricity becomes more reliable, industries expand, jobs multiply, and citizens regain confidence in the future, history will acknowledge those achievements without requiring comparisons to Messi or Lee Kuan Yew.

Neither Messi nor Lee Kuan Yew needed political allies to persuade the world of their greatness, and that distinguishes both as the greatest of all time (GOAT).

Their records spoke for themselves. Political endorsements may dominate today’s headlines. History, however, listens only to evidence. Even Messi needed trophies. Lee Kuan Yew needed results. Nigerian leaders should be judged by no lesser standard.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com  

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