Feature/OPED
The Buhari Administration: Is Patronage Undermining Change?

By Omoshola Deji
As the four year mandate Nigerians offered President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) approaches half time, mix reactions are trailing the performance of his administration and the efficiency of his appointees.
The robust pre-election crusade that the change agenda would transform Nigeria from wilderness to paradise leaves many wondering why Nigerians should still be drowning in poverty, unemployment and underdevelopment.
The Buhari apologists opine that the stern hardship is the aftereffect of the treasury looting and mismanagement by the Goodluck Jonathan administration.
Oppositely, the Jonathan fanatics and opposition parties orates that PMB is incompetent and his cabinet lacks the proficiency needed to revamp the economy, education, health and infrastructure. They further question whether the change PMB promised Nigerians is positive or negative.
Ignite your interest in this piece as it covers the interest of everyone, irrespective of your political opinion, social association, ethnic affiliation, economic estimation and religious devotion. Before proceeding, let’s curtail ambiguity by approving that political patronage (in-two-words-meaning) denotes – conditional support, post-election reward, unconstitutional immunity, countenancing impunity, unjust persecution, selective prosecution, vote buying, cross carpeting, partisan actions and ethno-religious favouritism.
The word ‘change’ in the theme ‘political patronage undermining change’ serves two purposes. Change connotes the PMB ‘change-agenda’ and a ‘change-in-cabinet’.
In broader terms, we are therefore exploring the extent at which political patronage is undermining the implementation of the PMB change-agenda and secondly, if political patronage is undermining a change in cabinet.
Without a doubt, if the All Progressives Congress (APC) change mantra is a saleable product, the producer’s stupendous wealth would be terribly envied by Dangote.
However, because the mantra emerged as a strategic political strategy, millions of Nigerians subscribed to it and installed Buhari; after he had failed on three attempts. These failed attempts, past leadership experience, Spartan discipline and his stance against corruption foster the selection of Buhari by the political gladiators that teamed up to establish the APC. Buhari emerged president and it soon became glaring that the political gladiators are indeed strange bedfellows.
The struggle for party control, conflicting interests and the allotment of political portfolios override the speedy kick-off of the implementation of the change agenda. The president was confused on who to work with. Cries for recognition, whispers of suggestions and songs of recommendations almost deafened his ears.
Six months after inauguration, PMB released the list of ministerial nominees and the political gladiators began to count their losses. Surprisingly, PMB jettisoned party stalwarts and appointed political inactive persons as the Chief-of-Staff and Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF).
One of the most acknowledged election victory determinant, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, was least patronized by PMB. It then dawn on the widely acclaimed political genius (Tinubu) that his input to the emergence of PMB might be a destiny-shattering political error.
Rather than select Tinubu’s nominations, PMB awarded juicy ministerial portfolios to his estranging political godsons – Babatunde Fashola and Kayode Fayemi. Many wondered why? From observers lens, PMB’s nearest and dearest feels Tinubu is best tamed at the start. They cannot risk him dictating the tunes by planting his mafias in strategic government positions like he did during Fashola’s reign as Lagos governor.
Moreover, PMB’s men most likely feel that his accomplishment, authority and reputation as the former Military Governor of Northeastern State (1975) and Borno (1976), former Federal Commissioner of Petroleum (1976-78) and former Military Head of State (1983-85) would be derided should people conceive his administration is indirectly being piloted by Tinubu, a ‘mere’ elected Senator (1993) and former Lagos State Governor (1999-2007).
Many political pundits are of the opinion that PMB exploited Tinubu and other political gladiators to emerge President. Subsequently, he (PMB) acts his mind that even though Tinubu and most of the political gladiators have never been declared guilty, they are not anti-corrupt. For this reason, PMB resolved that his anti-corruption war and change agenda would be best effected if he does not patronize Tinubu and other political gladiators like Atiku Abubakar, Abubakar Baraje and Bukola Saraki. PMB was determined not to allow patronage undermine change!
Most of the political gladiators either continue lobbying or decide to start strategizing for 2019, but Saraki was distinct. He hauled the party arrangement to emerge as Senate President. One must think twice before blaming Saraki for scoring a political own-goal. Being the son of a prominent businessman and politician, Saraki is among the few who aged seeing governing Nigeria as their birth right, hence, he can only be comfortable when he is leading and not being led.
Just when Saraki thought he has successfully allotted himself Nigeria’s third most powerful position, nemesis came knocking. If political hierarchy be considered, attempts to genuinely prosecute or intentionally sledgehammer Saraki cannot proceed without the nod of PMB. Indeed, change is here! Nigeria’s incumbent Senate President is facing false asset declaration charges in court. Most Nigerians never anticipated such! Saraki is on trial and should he be found guilty, unlike Obasanjo, his own episode would be from power to prison. This clearly points out that PMB is not willing to allow patronage undermines the implementation of his change agenda that focus strongly on fighting corruption.
Let’s now shift focus from PMB’s party men to his cabinet. Just when the war against corruption was earning national applauds and international accolades, the Shehu Sani led Senate Ad-hoc Committee on Mounting Humanitarian Crisis in the North-East indicted the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal, for corruption.
Babachir was accused of awarding inflated contracts to firms he has strong stakes in. He was tackled with damning evidence of – awarding N223 million contract for the removal of invasive plant species; receiving deposits totalling N200 million into the account of Rhola Vision Engineering Limited (his firm) from the company that was awarded the contract; his non-resignation from Rhola Vision (RV) upon the assumption of public office and; him still being a signatory to RV’s account after he later resigned.
Lest I forget, whoever coined the term ‘invasive plant species’ as an alternative term for ‘grass’ is indeed a genius whose intellectualism is been devoured by political brigands to rob the displaced and vulnerable. A serious deliverance session is needed to navigate his intellectualism back to the path of compassionate public service.
After failing to honour the Senate’s invitation and the public awareness of the damning evidence, many thought the fear of being crushed by PMB’s anti-corruption sledgehammer would make Babachir recoil and tactfully articulate his defence. Rather, Babachir arrogantly dismissed the accusative report and declared that the Senate is “talking balderdash”. Nigerians were shocked at such display of confidence and were anxiously expecting PMB to fumigate his inner circle by suspending the SGF in order to pave way for a transparent probe and prosecution. Disappointingly, PMB failed the litmus test by skilfully absolving the SGF of any wrong doing.
If truth be told, the last time Nigerians were that disappointed was when Yakubu Aiyegbeni failed to score into an empty net at the 2010 World-Cup and when ex-president Jonathan increased the price of fuel (from N65-87) on 1 January, 2012.
PMB derided the anti-corruption war by writing a flimsy excuse to the Senate that the SGF was not granted fair hearing. Please be mindful that a Senate investigative hearing invitation was sent to Babachir and his name was listed among those invited by the Senate in the 2 December, 2016 publication of Daily Trust. Till date, Babachir is still occupying the SGF position in a government that her main qualification is anticorruption. Logically, the long-term patronage between Buhari and Babachir appears to be restricting the President from being decisive. Is patronage undermining change?
PMB has hesitate to change his corruption-tainted appointee(s) while opposing figures (like Reuben Abati, Olisah Metuh and Musiliu Obanikoro) with similar accusation and evidence are being subject to investigation, media trial, incarceration and prosecution. Before sentiment shroud your judgment, please imagine how Babachir’s case would have been handled if he served as SGF under ex-president Jonathan and such weighty evidence of corruption surfaced against him. Besides, If Femi Fani Kayode did not cross-carpet into the PDP and he successfully pilot PMB’s campaign to victory like he hoped to do for Jonathan, can you in good conscience vow that he would be answering corruption cases by now?
Let’s reason straight and retest this oppositely! Please take a moment to imagine the extent at which Rotimi Ameachi would have languished in anguish if GEJ had won the presidential election. Having imagined how miserable Amaechi’s life would have been, may I advise that you never brand a political cabal as a saint and taint the other? It is unfortunate that patronage-deciding-prosecution cut across boards, irrespective of political party.
The recent purported release of former Adamawa Governor, James Ngilari, after being found guilty of corruption and sentenced to five years imprisonment shows the extent at which patronage is fertilizing anarchy and deriding the war against corruption.
On the claim that Ngilari was terribly sick, his comrades cajoled the prison officials to illegally issue a letter recommending that he be released to seek medical attention abroad. In what appears conspiratorial, Justice Nathan Musa ordered Ngilari’s release without confirming the authenticity of the documents presented before him. Within an eye twinkle, Ngilari regained freedom without prison break, state pardon or a favorable appeal judgment. Sadly, other individuals convicted for lesser offences and awaiting trial inmates are dying of minor ailments daily, while Ngilari is been flown abroad for treatment with the public funds he stole. Is prisoner-Ngilari a special being?
Not many individuals are considering the irreparable damage Ngilari’s sleaze is inflicting on the Adamawa masses. A lot of women would have lost their lives to maternal mortality; lack of healthcare facilities would have made many families lose their loved ones to minor diseases; the non-motor-able roads would have consumed the lives of many and; unemployment would have frustrated many youths into crime. Most of this unemployed youths are not even employable because the educational system is rotten from nursery to tertiary. Imagine this horrible happenings befalling the Adamawa natives, and by extension Nigerians, because people like Ngilari have pocketed the commonwealth.
It is indisputable that Ngilari’s comrade won’t have the effrontery to commit such villainy if they don’t have the backing of prominent Nigerians and individuals within the corridors of power. Is patronage undermining change?
For how long will patronage continue to undermine change? Arise Buhari!
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
Feature/OPED
AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth
By Fola Baderin
By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.
Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.
The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.
AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.
But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.
Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.
Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.
For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.
At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.
Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.
Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.
Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.
Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.
Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.
Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future
Feature/OPED
NNPC’s $1.42bn, N5.57trn Debt Write-Off and Test of Nigeria’s Fiscal Governance
By Blaise Udunze
When the federal government approved the write-off of about $1.42 billion and N5.57 trillion in legacy debts owed by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) to the Federation Account, it was rightly described as a landmark decision. After years of disputes, reconciliations, and contested figures, Nigeria’s most important revenue institution was, at least on paper, given a cleaner slate.
The approval, contained in a report prepared by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and presented at the last year November meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), effectively wiped out 96 percent of NNPC’s dollar-denominated obligations and 88 percent of its naira liabilities accumulated up to December 31, 2024. It resolved long-standing balances arising from crude oil liftings, joint venture royalties, production-sharing contracts, and related arrangements.
Judging it critically, the decision carries both promise and peril, but can be viewed from the perspective of a country desperate to restore confidence in public finance management. It offers an opportunity to reset relationships, clean up accounting records, and move forward under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Yet, it also exposes deep structural weaknesses in Nigeria’s oil revenue governance, weaknesses that, if left unaddressed, could turn today’s debt relief into tomorrow’s fiscal regret.
Context matters. The debt write-off comes not during a period of revenue abundance, but at a time when Nigeria’s upstream revenue performance is under severe strain. According to the same NUPRC document, the commission missed its approved monthly revenue target for November 2025 by N544.76 billion, collecting only N660.04 billion against a projected N1.204 trillion.
Royalty receipts, the backbone of upstream revenue, tell an even starker story. It is alarming that against an approved monthly royalty projection of N1.144 trillion, only N605.26 billion was collected, leaving a shortfall of N538.92 billion. Cumulatively, by the end of November 2025, the revenue gap stood at N5.65 trillion, with royalty collections alone falling short by N5.63 trillion. These figures underscore how fragile Nigeria’s fiscal position remains, even as trillions of naira in historical obligations are being written off.
To be fair, the debts forgiven were not incurred overnight. They are the product of years of disputed remittances, lacking transparent accounting practices, and overlapping institutional roles, particularly under the pre-PIA regime. As petroleum economist Prof. Wumi Iledare has repeatedly observed, the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation combined regulatory, commercial, and operational functions, making revenue reconciliation cumbersome and frequently contested.
That legacy continues to haunt the system, as witnessed with the ongoing dispute between NNPC Ltd and Periscope Consulting, the audit firm engaged by the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, over an alleged $42.37 billion under-remittance between 2011 and 2017, which illustrates how unresolved the past remains. Though NNPC insists all revenues were properly accounted for as claimed, Periscope maintains that significant gaps persist, forcing FAAC to mandate yet another reconciliation exercise. This recurring pattern of audits, counterclaims, and stalemates has weakened trust in the federation revenue system and eroded confidence among states that depend on oil proceeds for survival.
Crucially, the debt write-off does not mean NNPC has turned a corner financially. Statutory obligations incurred between January and October 2025 remain on the books, amounting to about $56.8 million and N1.02 trillion. Although part of the dollar component was recovered during the period under review, the accumulation of new liabilities so soon after reconciliation raises uncomfortable questions about whether old habits are being replaced with genuine fiscal discipline.
More troubling still is what NNPC’s own audited financial statements reveal about its internal financial health. Despite recording a profit after tax of N5.4 trillion on revenues of N45.1 trillion in 2024, the company’s inter-company debts ballooned to N30.3 trillion, representing a 70 per cent increase within a single year. This is not debt owed to external creditors but largely obligations between NNPC and its subsidiaries, effectively the company owing itself.
Records show that of 32 subsidiaries, only eight are debt-free, and the rest, particularly the refineries, trading arms, and gas infrastructure units, remain heavily indebted to the parent company. There was a recurring cycle where profitable units subsidise chronically underperforming ones, and accountability steadily erodes because cash that should fund maintenance, expansion, and efficiency improvements is instead trapped in internal receivables.
The refineries offer a stark illustration whereby the Port Harcourt Refining Company alone owed N4.22 trillion in 2024, more than double its 2023 figure, while Kaduna and Warri refineries followed closely, with debts of N2.39 trillion and N2.06 trillion respectively. Despite the repeated failed turnaround maintenance with many years of rehabilitation spending, none have operated sustainably at commercially viable levels. Their continued dependence on financial support from the parent company highlights the cost of postponing difficult restructuring decisions.
And, for this reason, international observers have long warned about these structural weaknesses. One of the critics, the World Bank, has repeatedly flagged NNPC as a major source of revenue leakages. It further noted that the persistent gaps between reported earnings and actual remittances to the Federation Account. Even after the removal of petrol subsidies, the bank observed that NNPC remitted only about 50 per cent of the revenue gains, using the rest to offset past arrears. Such practices, while perhaps defensible in internal cash management terms, undermine fiscal transparency and weaken Nigeria’s macroeconomic credibility.
This is why the central issue is not the debt write-off itself, but what follows it because debt forgiveness is not reform. Without firm safeguards, it risks entrenching the very behaviours that created the problem in the first place. As Prof. Omowumi Iledare has warned, the scale and pace of the inter-company debt build-up represent a governance test rather than a mere accounting anomaly. Allowing subsidiaries to operate indefinitely without settling obligations is incompatible with the idea of a commercially driven national oil company.
The fact remains that if NNPC wants to function as a true commercial holding company under the PIA, it must enforce strict settlement timelines, restructure or divest non-viable subsidiaries, while clearly separating legacy debts from new obligations. With this, it holds subsidiary leadership accountable for cash flow and profitability. Independent, real-time audits and transparent reporting must become routine features of governance, not emergency responses triggered by controversy.
There is also a broader national implication. At a time when Nigerians are being asked to accept higher taxes, reduced subsidies, and fiscal tightening, large-scale debt write-offs without visible accountability risk undermining the legitimacy of the entire revenue system. Citizens cannot be expected to bear heavier burdens while systemic inefficiencies in the country’s most strategic sector persist.
Of a truth, the cancellation of NNPC’s legacy debts could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s fiscal governance, but only if it is not treated as its conclusion but the beginning of reform.
If discipline, transparency, and commercial accountability follow, the decision may yet help reposition NNPC as a profitable, credible, and PIA-compliant institution. If not, today’s clean slate will simply defer the reckoning until the next reconciliation, the next audit dispute, and the next fiscal crisis.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Taxation Without Representation
By Dr Austin Orette
The grandiosity of Nigerians when they discuss events and situations can be very funny. If the leaders use this kind of creativity in proffering solutions, we may be able to solve some of the problems that plague Nigeria perennially.
There seems to be a sublime affectation for new lingos when the system is being set to punish Nigerians. It is a kind of Orwellian speak.
Recently, there was no electricity throughout the country. The usual culprit and government spoke; people came out to tell us the power failure was due to the collapse of the National grid. Does it really matter what is collapsing? This is just an attempt by some government bureaucrats to sound intelligent.
Intelligence is becoming a borrowed commodity from the IMF or World Bank. What does it mean when you tell Nigerians that the national grid collapsed? Is that supposed to be a reassurance, or it is said to give the assurance that they know something about the anemic electricity, and we should get used to the darkness. This is a language that is vague and beckons the consumer to stop complaining. Does that statement mean anything to Nigerians who pay bills and don’t see the electricity they paid for? If they see it, it comes with an irregular voltage that destroys their newly purchased appliances. Just tell or stay quiet like in the past.
Telling us that a grid collapse is a lie. We have no national grid. Do these people know how silly their language sounds? Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of 200 million people. How do you permutate this to give constant electricity to 200 million people? It is an insult to call this low output a national grid. What is so national about using a generator to supply electricity to 200 million people? It is simple mathematics. If you calculate this to the minute, it should not surprise you that every Nigerian will receive electricity for the duration of the blink of an eye. They are paying for total darkness, and someone is telling them they have an electricity grid.
If you can call the 10,000-megawatt national grid collapsed, it means you don’t have the mind set to solve the electricity problem in Nigeria.
To put it in perspective is to understand the basic fact that the electrical output of Nigeria is pre-industrial. Without acknowledging this fact, we will never find solutions as every mediocre will come and confuse Nigeria with lingos that make them sound important.
It is very shameful for those in the know to always use grandiose language to obfuscate the real issues.
South Africa with a population of sixty million produces about 200,000 megawatts of electricity daily. Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts. Why South Africa makes it easy to lift the poor from poverty, Nigeria is trying to tax the poor into poverty.
The architects of the new tax plan saw the poor as rich because they could afford a generator.
A non-existent subsidy was removed, and the price of fuel went through the roof. Now the government says they are rich. What will they get in return for this tax extraction? Why do successive Nigerian governments always think the best way to develop Nigeria is to slap the poor into poverty? What are the avenues for upward mobility when youth corps members are suddenly seen as rich taxpayers? Do these people know how difficult it is to start a business in Nigeria?
After all the rigmarole from Abuja to my village, I cannot get a government certificate without a-shake down from government bureaucrats and area boys. The government that is so unfriendly to business wants to tax my non-existing businesses. Are these people in their right state of mind? Why do they think that taxing the poor is their best revenue plan? A plan like this can only come from a group of people who have no inkling of what Nigerians are going through. People can’t eat and the government is asking them to share their meager rations with potbellied people in Abuja.
Teach the people how to fish, then you can share in their harvest. If an individual does what the government is doing to Nigerians, it will be called robbery, and the individual will be in prison. When the government taxes people, there is a reciprocal exchange. What is being done in Nigeria does not represent fair exchange.
Nigerians have never gotten anything good from their government except individual wealth that is doled out in Abuja for the selected few.
The question is, will Nigerians have a good electricity supply? NO. Will they have security of persons and properties? No. Will they have improved health care? NO. Will there be good roads? No. Will they have good schools and good education? No.
Taxation is not good governance. A policy like this should never be rushed without adequate studies. Once again, our legislators have let us down. They have never shown the people the reason they were elected and to be re-elected. They are not playing their roles as the watchdog and representatives of the people. Anyone who voted for this tax bill deserves to lose their positions as Senators and Members of the House of Representatives.
We are not in a military regime anymore. Nigerians must start learning how to exercise their franchise. This taxation issue must be litigated at the ballot box. The members of the National Assembly have shown by their assent that they don’t represent the people.
In a normal democracy, taxation without representation should never be tolerated. They must be voted out of office. We have a responsibility and duty to use our voting power to fight unjust laws. Taxation without representation is unjust. Those voted into power will never respect the citizens until the citizens learn to punish errant politicians by voting them out of office. This responsibility is sacred and must be exercised with diligence.
Dr Austin Orette writes from Houston, Texas
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