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DFID’S Justice for all Programme: Six Years After

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By Walter Duru

Ecclesiastes 3:1–8 is a popular passage in the Holy Bible that deals with the cyclical nature of life and says that there is time for everything and a season for every activity under the heavens: “a time to be born and a time to die; a time to plant and a time to uproot; a time to kill and a time to heal…”

The above is a perfect consolation for many, who queried the closure of the Justice for All (J4A) programme of the British Government’s Department for International Development (DFID). For most stakeholders, the programme should not have ended, or at least, not at this time.

At the close-out event of the programme held at Chelsea Hotel, Abuja recently, Nigerians, in emotion-laden tones, poured encomiums on the programme and the Dr. Bob Arnot-led management team, for effectively driving the programme and achieving its overall objective. The fact that citizens, particularly, stakeholders in the areas of focus actively participated in the programme makes it exceptional.

My heart was gladdened at that moment Nigeria’s acting President Professor Yemi Osinbajo pledged that Nigeria will “institutionalize J4A’s initiatives and programmes.”

From speaker after speaker, the programme earned an all – round distinction, with no dissenting views. The popular question at the event was: why must J4a end now? Never in the history of donor experience in Nigeria has this level of endorsement been witnessed.

In his remarks, Nigeria’s Acting President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo expressed gratitude to the United Kingdom Government for sustaining its support to the country, even as he lauded the implementation of the Justice for All (J4A) programme, saying that it has shaped the Justice Sector reforms of Nigeria. He also described the programme as well thought-out and impactful.

Speaking through his Chief of Staff, Ade Ipaye, he urged the United Kingdom Government’s Department for International Development (DFID) not to relent in its support to good governance and justice sector reforms in Nigeria.

“The J4A programme is well-thought out. Its effects are being felt. What we are working on now is to ensure that the initiatives of the programme are institutionalized in our systems. The J4A model is what we are following in our police reforms today. The Case Management and Information Communication Technology (ICT) in use today in the justice sector is a J4A initiative. We need to ensure that it is adopted in every part of the country. J4A supported the Police Complaint Response

Unit and today, they are achieving results.”

Speaking on sustainability, the Vice President stressed: “I hope the closure of the J4A will not be the end of support to the laudable initiatives.”

He commended the J4A team, led by Dr. Bob Arnot for what he described as their outstanding performance, urging them not to relent in their service to the nation.

Adding his voice, Executive Secretary, Presidential Advisory Committee against Corruption (PACAC), Professor Bolaji Owasanoye was full of praises for the J4A programme, describing it as exemplary.

“It supported a whole range of measures in the area of economic justice, notably the improvement of service delivery in commercial courts. Starting with a baseline survey on the progress of cases in commercial courts; needs assessment of those courts, capacity building for judges who preside over the courts, infrastructure support to improve service delivery such as the furnishing of the Fast Track Court Registry and the monthly progress monitoring. Lagos Judiciary improved incrementally from one level to another.”

“To ensure this worked seamlessly and is sustainable, the judiciary created a separate registry to fast track cases with the encouragement and financial support of J4A.”

Continuing, he gave credit for the early achievements recorded by the PACAC Committee to the support it got from the J4A programme.

“J4A recognized the importance of co-ordination and co-operation amongst justice sector institutions. It thus supported the creation of a platform through which regular engagement and interaction could talk place. This initiative in my view is a major legacy. I can say this now because PACAC borrowed from this model by recommending to government a high level inter-agency platform for conversation on the anti-corruption issue. J4A, without doubt, has been of immense benefit to Nigeria in all of the thematic areas of focus.”

In his presentation on: J4A: The Journey, Achievements, Experiences, Lessons and Legacy, Portfolio Lead for Justice Security and Conflict in Sub Saharan Africa for the British Council, Dr. Bob Arnot explained that the programme was organized around four components: Policing and Security; Justice, Anti-Corruption and Cross-Sector Coordination.

Speaking on the scope and methodology, Arnot explained: “the programme worked at federal level plus five focal states (Lagos, Kano, Kaduna, Enugu, and Jigawa) and FCT. Models based upon best practice were to be replicated, disseminated and sustained; working in the formal and informal sectors.”

He further explained that the ultimate aim of the programme was to create: “a more capable, accountable, responsive and integrated justice sector that is fair, equitable and accessible with sustainable reform momentum, creating growing user confidence and respect amongst Nigerians.”

On successes recorded by the Policing component, Arnot, a former National Programme Manager of the J4A, enumerated them to include:

“Work in 7 states affected 44.8 million people by introducing Community-based Policing (CBP) in Model Police Stations (MPS); introduced 12 modern police stations with 177 interventions and 645 replications; engaged with more than 100 police divisions and trained over 5000 Police officers.”

“J4A states citizen’s satisfaction with police up from 40% in 2011 to 59% in 2012; a total of 776 VPS leaders trained in leadership skills and over 1000 operatives have been trained in conflict management skills.”

In the Justice component, Arnot explained: “J4A worked with 26 pilot Magistrates, Sharia and Customary Courts in 3 states (disposal time reduced by 30%) equal to saving over 900,000 days in court. Since 2012, nearly 1,400 Traditional Rulers in two states have been trained on human rights, dispute resolution and record keeping. It is estimated that over 400,000 citizens will have benefited from the traditional rulers’ enhanced skills.”

Speaking on achievements by the anti-corruption component, he said: “The EFCC, ICPC and CCB now have strategic plans being implemented to direct their longer term work; J4A supported the EFCC and ICPC to investigate, prosecute and recover the assets of corrupt persons. By March 2016, assets worth over 210 Billion Naira had been recovered.

Over 700 anti-corruption agency operatives have been trained in investigative and prosecutorial skills. J4A training modules now delivered by anti-corruption agencies (ACA) Trainers and key anti-corruption legislation developed.”

The above was confirmed by the Secretary of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Emmanuel Aremu Adegboyega, while speaking at the close-out event.

Continuing, Arnot stressed that: “Reformed Anti-Corruption Transparency Units (ACTUs) are now in 427 Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs); Inter-agency cooperation and exchange of intelligence have been improved. Civil society groups and coalitions have been supported to increase oversight of the anti-corruption agencies and the government’s work on anti-corruption, as well as increased advocacy on stalled high profile corruption cases by Media/Civil Society actors through the Reporting Until Something Happens (RUSH) initiative.

On cross-sector successes, J4A developed Justice Sector Reform Teams (JSRT) that are today adopted and in use at all levels of government in Nigeria. Other donor agencies in Nigeria have also adopted same.

Twenty four (24) JSRTs are in place and functioning; one hundred and ninety three (193) justice reform initiatives implemented by JRTs; with 138 achieving desired outcomes; duration in custody of awaiting trial persons (ATPs) down by 30% in two pilot states; 429 indigent Awaiting Trial Prisoners (ATPs) offered pro bono legal services under the CH Scheme and Clearing House being rolled out across Nigeria by LACON.

J4A played a key role in the passage of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJ) and the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPP). They supported the implementation of the ACJ in Lagos and Anambra states. They continued to support advocacy for the passage of other relevant bills, prominent among which are: the Proceeds of Crime, Whistle Blowers and Witness Protection (Public Interest Reporting and Witness Protection), Money Laundering, Nigeria Financial Intelligence Centre, Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters bills, among others, which are making steady progress at the National Assembly. Some of them have already been passed by the Senate, while others have reached advanced stages in the legislative process. Worthy of note is the fact that they were all passed by the 7th National Assembly, but were not assented to, following the change in power; hence, their reintroduction.

On civil society engagement, J4A’s shoes are too big for any other donor-funded programme in Nigeria to step in. One can only hope and pray that other donors will attempt to get close to, match or surpass the J4A record. J4A engaged with more than 100 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), which made 144 direct contributions to justice sector policy and practice and influenced change on 79 particular occasions.

Forty four (44) grants awarded, valued at, over eight hundred million Naira (N800M/ over £3.1M). Twenty seven (27) grants have gender element.

Realising the need for the programme to be Nigerian-led, J4A elevated one of its component managers, a renowned development expert, Danladi Plang to the position of a National Programme Manager. This step further deepened the peoples’ confidence in the programme and strengthened engagement.

Expressing gratitude for the overall success of J4A, the National Programme Manager, Danladi Plang outlined the programme’s achievements in providing justice for victims of sexual violence in the country.

“What we have tried to do is to provide justice for victims of sèxual violence and their families. We did three major things in this regard.

One is to provide facilities where victims can go and be treated; either by providing medication or counselling. The treatment is free of charge. Second, we increased the level of awareness of people on sexual violence. Next is in the area of training and capacity development for all stakeholders.”

One other name at the centre of the programme’s success is Emmanuel Uche, anti-corruption component Manager. His ingenuity was all that was needed in difficult situations. At every stage of implementation, he displayed exceptional mastery of issues and problem-solving skills.

He is the brain behind most of the successes recorded by the anti-corruption component, adjudged by many as the most successful in the programme.

He did not fail to express his joy with the success of the programme. Hear him: “I am happy that the programme is a huge success. We have made the anti-corruption agencies more responsive and capable. Their level of engagement is back to the early days of their existence. We have supported government by strengthening institutional mechanisms of the anti-corruption agencies. We also strengthened the voice of the citizens. The J4A approach is holistic and has left a mark in the sands of history.”

Another name that cannot be left out in the success story of the J4a is Juliet Chikodinaka Ibekaku, Special Adviser to the Nigerian President on Justice Sector Reforms. From the inception of the programme, till its end, her contributions were enormous.

Those conversant with the Police component know that Professor Olu Ogunsakin, a renowned Professor of Police Affairs worked tirelessly and made the component successful.

What manner of programme is J4A, that even other donor programmes and agencies relish at the mention of the name? The answer is not far-fetched, as success has many friends, while failure is an orphan.

Even civil society organisations, naturally known for being critical of issues hailed the programme. Hear some of the stakeholders speak: David Ugolor, Executive Director, African Network for Environment and Economic Justice- ANEEJ, described the J4A as a huge success and worthy of emulation by others in the sector.

Emeka Ononamadu, Executive Director, Citizens Centre for Integrated Development and Social Rights and the Chairman, Publish What You Pay (PWYP) expressed satisfaction with the programme and its implementation and passed a vote of confidence on the management team.

Media Initiative against Injustice, Violence and Corruption – MIIVOC described the J4A programme and its achievements as legendary, but wondered why it must be brought to an end at a time, when its impact is being felt and is yielding immeasurable results.

Little wonder, Enugu State governor, Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi called for an immediate successor programme to continue with the noble works of the J4A.

Another proof of its success is that some other donor agencies have approached the J4A to hand over their on-going intervention programmes to them to take over their implementation. For a donor, whose programme is already being implemented to approach the J4A team to take over the management and implementation of their programme is further evidence that there is a silent consensus in the donor community that the J4A leads, while others follow.

The entry of J4A to the implementation of Nigeria’s Freedom of Information (FOI) Act made a huge difference. Today, the compliance level of public institutions with the provisions of the FOI Act has increased tremendously. Citizens’ demand for accountability using the FOI Act has also increased, courtesy of the J4A.

Be that as it may, the programme, having been designed by men, was not infallible. It had some shortcomings that took the ingenuity and creativity of the team to overcome.

First, it had a funding mechanism that was a little inflexible. This did not help issues at all.

Again, the programme did not make adequate provisions for sustained structured support to Civil Society. This is a major minus. Save for the creativity of the management team, it would not have been easy.

More so, the programme did not have a professionally-designed and robust communication strategy as part of the programme design, made worse by the absence of budgetary provisions for publicity and communication. The fact that the J4A enjoyed the level of visibility and media hype it has, however, is a testimony that it is an all-round success.

While Nigerians patiently await successor programmes, particularly, one which focuses on anti-corruption, not keeping the J4A team intact will be a grievous mistake, as it is rare to have an excellently progressive team in any given organisation.

Again, whatever new programme that is to be designed should have a robust  communication strategy that will build on the successes of the J4A to deepen engagement, create understanding, effectively explain the issues, programmes, activities and policies of the programme and ensure proactive communication with stakeholders and indeed, the world. It is outlandish to hold on to the belief that donors rarely spend on publicity. The success or failure of every human endeavour rests on effective and ideal communication.

More so, there is need to ensure a deliberate strategy for sustained structured support to civil society and other relevant stakeholders.

Particular interest must also be shown in activities aimed at holding the anti-corruption agencies themselves accountable. As at today, no one is watching those empowered to watch Nigerians and there has to be a way of closing the gap.

Furthermore, there is need for some flexibility in the funding mechanism of programmes in order to cope with emergency situations in the course of programme implementation. Political sensitivity is also very important for the success of donor-funded programmes.

Unlike the proverbial lizard that jumped from a multi–storey without any acclaim, J4A is leaving several enduring legacies and all and sundry have poured out encomiums on DFID and British Council for a job very well done. Posterity will always remember you and you deserve to be celebrated.

Pop Champagne!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Dr. Walter Duru is a Port Harcourt and Owerri – based communication teacher, professional and online Publisher. He is the Chairman, Board of Governors, Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria. wa*********@***il.com

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

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How the Landlords’ Economy is Pricing Nigerians Out of Home

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Landlord's economy

By Blaise Udunze

It is considered that in every organised society, the home is supposed to be a place of security. It should be where families find peace after a hard day’s work, where children grow, where dreams are nurtured, and where the pressures of life temporarily fade away. This narrative comes with keen interest, having witnessed that for millions of Nigerians, home has become the country’s newest economic battlefield. This is fast becoming the experience for the vast majority of Nigerians.

Across the length and breadth of Nigeria, citizens are deeply lamenting the skyrocketing rent. Regrettably, this has become one of the fastest-rising costs of living. An unexpected trend which has become a huge concern is that currently apartments that were rented for N700,000 or N1 million just a few years ago are now advertised for N3 million, N5 million or even higher. Amidst this bizarre development, do you know that they are often without significant improvements to the property itself? One key troubling development is that recent estimates suggest that house rents in many Nigerian cities have surged by between 100 and 300 per cent over the last two years, a pace that far exceeds the country’s official inflation rate and has placed unprecedented pressure on households already struggling with rising food, transportation and energy costs.

Landlords, through estate agents, increasingly demand one or two years’ rent upfront. Tenants are expected to pay 10 per cent of the principal rent toward agency fees, legal fees, agreement charges, caution deposits, and, in most cases, the service charge (which appears to be higher), security levies, and utility-related costs before receiving the keys. In many cases, these additional charges add hundreds of thousands or even millions of naira to the advertised rent, making the total cost of securing accommodation far beyond the reach of average-income earners. Equally disturbing is the unchecked exploitation by agent marauders, who prey on desperate house seekers by imposing outrageous and often illegal fees that further deepen Nigeria’s housing crisis. What should ordinarily be a routine life event has become a financial ordeal.

Nigeria’s housing crisis is no longer simply a property story. It has evolved into an economic emergency with profound implications for families, businesses, public health and national development.

The Federal Government’s National Housing Data Technical Committee estimates that Nigeria faces a housing deficit of approximately 15 to 20million homes. At the same time, millions of existing houses are considered structurally inadequate and lack access to essential infrastructure. If this figure is something to consider, anyone would know that these figures reveal two overlapping crises. First, this shows that millions of Nigerians cannot find decent accommodation, whilst millions more live in overcrowded, unsafe or poorly serviced housing.

At the same time, Nigeria’s population continues to expand rapidly, with cities absorbing hundreds of thousands of new residents every year.

One of the challenges is that urbanisation has consistently outpaced housing development, widening the gap between supply and demand while, predictably, rents continue to rise and affordability continues to decline.

Remarkably, housing experts generally recommend that households should spend no more than 30 per cent of their income on accommodation. For many Nigerian families, that recommendation has become almost impossible to achieve.

Teachers, nurses, journalists, police officers, civil servants, young bankers, entrepreneurs, artisans and other middle-income earners increasingly devote more than half of their annual income to rent alone. For many, housing has become the single largest financial obligation, leaving very little for every other necessity of life.

After paying landlords, food budgets shrink. Healthcare is postponed. Children are transferred to less expensive schools. Retirement savings disappear. Business investments are suspended. Vacations become unimaginable luxuries. The rent bill has become the first expense families think about and the last financial burden they can escape.

The effects extend far beyond individual households. This is totally outrageous, as financial analysts have long observed that when accommodation consumes a disproportionate share of disposable income, consumer spending across the economy inevitably weakens.

Families postpone replacing household appliances. Vehicle purchases are delayed. Furniture sales decline. Restaurants receive fewer customers. Clothing retailers experience lower patronage. Small businesses lose purchasing power from consumers whose earnings are now tied up in rent. The result is a vicious economic cycle in which rising housing costs suppress consumption, reduce business activity, and ultimately slow economic growth.

Behind every rent increase lies a deeply personal story. Consider a fictional but representative family whose experience mirrors that of countless Nigerians. The aspect of receiving notice that the annual rent for their modest two-bedroom apartment would rise from N1.2 million to N3 million comes with uneasiness.  At this point, the Blessings’ family had spent months desperately searching for an alternative.

Unable to afford the increase and harassment from the landlord, they eventually relocated nearly 30 kilometres away from their former neighbourhood. The consequences were immediate. Their children had to change schools. The family’s daily commuting time doubled. Transportation costs rose sharply. Family time disappeared.

The father now leaves home before sunrise and returns late at night. The mother spends more each month commuting than she once spent on groceries. Their financial burden has not disappeared. It has merely shifted from rent to transportation and also deals with other issues like epileptic power supply and flooding, especially during this rainy season.

Unfortunately, such stories are no longer exceptional. They have become increasingly common across Nigeria’s major cities. Perhaps no demographic feels this pressure more acutely than young professionals.

Come to think of it, graduates entering the workforce quickly discover that entry-level salaries cannot support decent accommodation close to their workplaces. You would also see many remaining with their parents far longer than anticipated. Other effects include seeing them share apartments with several unrelated adults to reduce costs, whilst some endure daily commutes lasting three or four hours because affordable housing exists only in distant suburbs.

The fact is that the consequences extend beyond inconvenience because long commuting hours reduce productivity, increase fatigue, heighten stress levels and significantly diminish quality of life. Another aspect of this, which is discouraging, is that for many talented young Nigerians, financial independence, home ownership and family formation are becoming increasingly distant aspirations. Several interconnected forces explain why rents continue to climb so aggressively.

Inflation has significantly increased the cost of cement, steel, roofing sheets and virtually every construction material required to build houses. The depreciation of the naira has made imported building materials substantially more expensive. No doubt, from recent findings, there are clear indications that there is a significant increase in the prices of building materials. Let us see the period between 2024 to 2026, Cement: N6,500 – N13,000; blocks: N600 – N1100; 30T of sand: N165,000 – N250,000; 30T of granite: N530,000 – N780,000; rebars (iron) ton: N850,000 – N1,150,000 amongst others. To be fair, it is a known fact that high interest rates have increased borrowing costs for developers, while land acquisition remains prohibitively expensive in many urban centres. The very question at heart is, how has this recent development significantly impacted the apartments built five years ago and beyond?

The government has made it difficult to the point that obtaining development approvals can be slow and costly. Developers also contend with multiple taxes, infrastructure levies and rising labour costs before construction even begins. No doubt, these expenses inevitably find their way into rental prices. But one question keeps running through the minds of many, which is, how do these directly impact apartments built many years back? The truth is that market realities alone do not explain every increase.

In many locations, speculative pricing has taken hold. Some landlords have raised rents far beyond what can reasonably be attributed to maintenance or inflation, taking advantage of overwhelming demand and the severe shortage of available accommodation.

The inability of many Nigerians to purchase homes has further intensified the pressure on the rental market. Inflation, high mortgage rates and limited access to long-term housing finance have pushed home ownership beyond the reach of millions, forcing them to remain tenants for much longer than planned. This should be blamed on the government of the day, as more people compete for a limited supply of rental properties, landlords possess even greater leverage to increase prices.

Housing insecurity is also producing a less visible but equally damaging consequence for deteriorating mental health.

The constant fear of eviction, the uncertainty surrounding annual rent reviews and the enormous pressure of raising large lump sums every one or two years create persistent psychological stress.

Think of the impact of parents’ worry about disrupting their children’s education. Young couples postpone marriage because they cannot afford accommodation. Family disagreements increasingly revolve around financial pressures. Consider the part of many Nigerians who quietly or secretly or unknowingly battle anxiety, emotional exhaustion and depression arising from the struggle to secure decent housing.

None of these psychological costs clearly appear in official economic statistics, but the truth is that they profoundly affect productivity, family stability and overall well-being. It is equally obvious that the crisis is also affecting employers and businesses.

Workers forced to travel long distances arrive at work exhausted. Traffic congestion consumes valuable productive hours each day. It turns out that companies increasingly struggle to retain staff who relocate in search of affordable accommodation. Also, know that many employers face mounting pressure to increase housing allowances simply to remain competitive.

All these call for a balancing as employees demand higher wages to offset escalating living costs, further increasing operating expenses for businesses already contending with inflation, unstable exchange rates and rising energy prices.

Housing affordability is therefore no longer merely a social concern. It has become a business and national competitiveness issue.

Though Nigeria is not alone in confronting housing affordability challenges, its recent trend calls for attention. Across Africa, rapid urbanisation continues to outpace housing supply.

For this reason, Kenya has introduced ambitious affordable housing programmes aimed at expanding supply, although implementation challenges remain; this can’t be compared to Nigeria’s current situation. Ghana is not left out of the equation as it continues to battle a significant housing deficit. Ghana is also grappling with the irony of completed homes that remain unaffordable for many citizens. South Africa, despite possessing a relatively more developed mortgage market, continues to experience severe affordability pressures in cities such as Johannesburg and Cape Town.

Nigeria’s situation, however, is intensified by its enormous population, rapid urban expansion, limited mortgage penetration and one of Africa’s largest housing deficits.

Nigeria has witnessed successive governments introducing affordable housing initiatives, mortgage schemes and public-private partnerships which fails before implementation. While these programmes represent positive intentions, delivery has consistently fallen far behind growing demand.

Housing experts argue that meaningful reform requires far more than constructing a limited number of housing estates.

Nigeria must simplify land acquisition processes, reduce infrastructure costs, expand mortgage accessibility, improve planning approvals, encourage private-sector investment in affordable housing and strengthen incentives for developers willing to build homes for middle- and low-income earners.

Improving housing data is important, but accurate statistics alone cannot reduce rents. Effective implementation remains the country’s greatest policy challenge.

Let’s consider some of these salient points proffered by urban planners who insist that Nigeria’s housing crisis cannot be solved exclusively through market forces. According to them, governments at all levels must invest strategically in infrastructure and create financing mechanisms that reduce development costs. To further help reduce the housing gap, they encourage the construction of affordable rental housing rather than focusing disproportionately on luxury developments.

The truth is that if housing continues to consume an ever-growing share of household income, consumer spending, investment and long-term economic growth will remain constrained. Another key barrier that must be addressed quickly, as highlighted by researchers, is inflation, limited housing finance, weak regulatory enforcement and inconsistent policy implementation, which happen to be major bottlenecks to affordable housing delivery.

One key question that yearns for answers is whether it is not obvious to the government and other stakeholders that housing is far more than concrete walls, roofing sheets and painted ceilings? The fact is that shelter, as the meaning implies, shapes educational outcomes, influences public health, determines productivity, strengthens families, supports social mobility and contributes directly to national competitiveness.

At this stage, it is a complete shame and at the same time an irony that a nation where hardworking teachers, nurses, journalists, entrepreneurs, artisans, security personnel and civil servants cannot comfortably afford decent shelter risks weakening its middle class, widening inequality and undermining sustainable economic growth.

If the truth must be told, Nigeria’s rent crisis is therefore not merely about landlords and tenants. For a fact, it is about the future of work, family stability, economic opportunity and social justice. Clearly, it is about whether millions of hardworking citizens can enjoy the dignity that comes with secure and affordable housing.

The mistake all along, which must be eschewed, is that a country’s progress is being measured solely by the number of luxury estates it builds or the height of its skyscrapers. More importantly, it should also be measured by whether ordinary citizens can afford a safe place to call home without sacrificing their children’s education, healthcare, savings or future aspirations.

If this is not adequately addressed, this rent trap will persist until affordable housing becomes a genuine national priority backed by bold reforms and sustained implementation; millions of Nigerians will continue facing an impossible choice, which would invariably lead them to surrender their financial future to keep a roof over their heads or abandon the comfort, security and dignity that every family deserves.

Concerned stakeholders shouldn’t continue to believe that the true cost of Nigeria’s rent crisis is therefore measured only in naira. It is measured in postponed dreams, delayed marriages, fractured families, declining productivity, abandoned ambitions, struggling businesses and the quiet erosion of hope among citizens who work tirelessly every day but find the simple promise of a decent home slipping further beyond their reach.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com  

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Blood Beneath the Soil in Nigeria’s Hidden War for Mineral Wealth

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War for Mineral Wealth

By Blaise Udunze

Daily, the world watches Nigeria through a familiar lens in what appears to be a gory situation. Especially in cases when the news headlines tell stories of farmer-herder clashes, bandit attacks, kidnappings, villages reduced to ashes or deserted by the dwellers, as thousands of Nigerians have been displaced across states such as Zamfara, Plateau, Benue, Niger, Kaduna and Nasarawa. Subliminally, this is about to become a similarly ugly occurrence in southwestern Nigeria, which is fast becoming obvious if not nipped in the bud quickly.

Recorded data have shown that bandits, Boko Haram, and others killed over 190,000 Nigerians in 17 years and displaced 3.7 million people.

A human rights organisation, the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (Intersociety), in its fearful revelation, has said that no fewer than 190,150 Nigerians have been killed by bandits, Boko Haram insurgents, and suspected armed herdsmen between July 2009 and March 19, 2026, as this calls for concern.

The dominant explanations often point to ethnic tensions, religious divisions, climate change, shrinking grazing routes or weak security institutions. No doubt, those factors are certainly part of Nigeria’s complex security crisis. Yet another question deserves serious examination.

What if, in some locations, the violence is also serving another purpose? What if some of the territories experiencing repeated displacement are the same places sitting atop some of Nigeria’s most valuable mineral deposits? More importantly, if such a pattern exists, who benefits when communities disappear?

Of a truth, these questions are uncomfortable, but undeniably they deserve careful investigation rather than dismissal.

For ages, Nigeria has been naturally endowed, and it is estimated to be rich in enormous significant reserves of gold, lithium, uranium, tin, columbite and other strategic minerals increasingly sought after in the global transition to clean energy technologies. As international demand for battery minerals continues to rise, these resources have become far more valuable than they were only a decade ago.

If one overlays publicly available geological information with maps showing persistent violence, some observers argue that striking geographical overlaps appear in several regions. Such overlaps alone cannot establish causation. Correlation is not proof of conspiracy. However, they raise questions worthy of independent scrutiny.

One issue attracting increasing attention and adequately yearns for answer is whether prolonged insecurity may inadvertently or deliberately create conditions that make mineral extraction easier.

Under Nigeria’s Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act 2007, mineral resources belong to the Federal Government, while mining rights are granted through licences and leases. Community engagement and land access are expected to form part of the licensing process, although implementation varies depending on circumstances. This raises an important policy question.

What happens when the communities expected to participate in those processes have already fled because of violence?

Displacement changes the dynamics of land ownership, consent and access. While no evidence automatically proves that attacks are orchestrated to facilitate mining, the sequence of violence followed by renewed commercial activity in some locations deserves closer examination by regulators, lawmakers and investigative journalists.

In conflict studies, researchers have long observed that wars often generate economic winners alongside humanitarian losers. Could elements of Nigeria’s insecurity also be producing economic beneficiaries?

Reports over the years have documented concerns about illegal mining operations across parts of northern Nigeria. Government agencies themselves have repeatedly acknowledged that criminal networks profit from the country’s vast mineral wealth. The unresolved question is whether isolated criminality has, in some instances, evolved into more sophisticated alliances involving political influence, financial interests and international supply chains. If so, the implications extend far beyond Nigeria.

Invariably, it is clearly known that lithium has become one of the world’s most strategic commodities, powering electric vehicle batteries and renewable energy storage systems. Gold has always remained one of the safest global investment assets during periods of uncertainty. Meanwhile, it is well confirmed that the global appetite for these minerals creates enormous financial incentives.

Suppose violent displacement reduces resistance to extraction. Suppose shell companies subsequently acquire mining interests. Suppose minerals then leave Nigeria through legitimate-looking export documentation while their true value remains understated.

These scenarios remain allegations unless supported by verifiable evidence. Yet they outline a framework that investigators may wish to test rather than ignore. Financial crime experts frequently identify trade mis-invoicing as one of the most common methods of illicit financial flows worldwide.

Could Nigeria’s solid minerals sector be vulnerable to similar practices? If valuable lithium ore is deliberately but inaccurately described as lower-value material on export documents, substantial wealth could potentially leave the country without reflecting its true market value. Likewise, if unrefined gold exits through privileged channels with limited scrutiny, questions naturally arise about oversight, transparency and accountability over criminal activities which have continued to stunt and disrupt the country’s socio-economic growth and at the same time cause carnage.

Such possibilities are not accusations against any particular institution or company. Rather, they illustrate why stronger monitoring systems are increasingly essential. Another question concerns logistics.

With the high level of criminal activities, industrial mining requires heavy machinery, diesel supplies, transportation networks and specialised personnel. These are not operations that can remain invisible indefinitely.

If certain territories are genuinely too dangerous for security agencies, how do industrial-scale extraction activities reportedly continue in some remote locations? If they do, who protects those operations? Who authorises their movement? Who verifies what is extracted? Who ensures royalties and export revenues reach public coffers? These are governance questions that demand institutional answers.

Equally important is the international dimension. Minerals extracted in Nigeria ultimately enter global supply chains. Gold may pass through international refining hubs before entering financial markets. Lithium may become part of battery manufacturing destined for electric vehicles, which are being sold across Europe, North America and Asia.

One known fact is that consumers purchasing products containing these minerals rarely know the full story of where they originated.

Increasingly, however, investors and governments are demanding ethical sourcing standards that trace minerals from extraction to final manufacture.

A critical factor that must be taken into cognisance is that if insecurity is creating opportunities for illegal or unethical extraction anywhere in the world, multinational companies have responsibilities alongside national governments, of which the onus falls on the Nigerian government.

Transparency cannot stop at the mine gate. Nor should accountability end at national borders. Another issue requiring attention concerns beneficial ownership.

Across many jurisdictions, shell companies can obscure the identities of individuals ultimately controlling commercial assets. If politically exposed persons or powerful business interests are hidden behind complex corporate structures registered offshore, identifying beneficiaries becomes significantly more difficult. This challenge is hardly unique to Nigeria.

Findings showed that from Latin America to Central Africa and Southeast Asia, resistant corporate networks have frequently complicated efforts to combat corruption and illicit resource extraction. That is precisely why open corporate registries, beneficial ownership databases and transparent mining licence disclosures are becoming global governance priorities. For Nigeria, the stakes could hardly be higher.

The country stands at the centre of the world’s emerging critical minerals economy. The Nigerian government can’t feign ignorance of the fact that, when handled transparently, these resources could finance infrastructure, education, healthcare, and industrial development for generations.

In no way would the government claim not knowing that when handled poorly, they risk becoming another chapter in the well-documented “resource curse,” where extraordinary natural wealth coincides with persistent poverty, insecurity and institutional weakness.

The ultimate challenge, therefore, is not simply about mining. It is about governance. It is about whether public institutions possess both the independence and capacity to ensure that natural resources benefit citizens rather than narrow interests. It is about whether conflict zones receive genuine peacebuilding efforts instead of becoming forgotten frontiers. And it is about whether international markets demand accountability with the same enthusiasm they demand raw materials.

None of these questions should be answered through speculation. They require rigorous investigations, forensic financial analysis, satellite imagery, mining license audits, customs records, beneficial ownership disclosures and courageous journalism.

They require governments willing to open their books. They require international cooperation capable of tracing money across borders. Most importantly, they require asking questions that have too often remained unasked.

Perhaps Nigeria’s security crisis is exactly what it appears to be: a tragic convergence of historical grievances, weak institutions, criminality and environmental pressures. Or perhaps, in some places, another layer of economic incentive deserves closer scrutiny.

Until those questions are thoroughly investigated, one possibility will continue to linger. Maybe the world’s attention has been fixed on the blood spilt above ground, while too little attention has been paid to the extraordinary wealth lying beneath it.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com  

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Feature/OPED

What Does Nigeria’s $51bn Reserves Milestone Mean if Most New Foreign Money Can Leave Quickly?

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Nigeria’s foreign reserves have climbed to about $51 billion, a decade-plus high, according to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). EBC Financial Group (EBC) notes that this reflects stronger investor confidence, but the second half may show whether it holds, as the build rests on three cyclical drivers: oil earnings, short-term foreign money and a narrowing official-to-street naira gap.

Reserves rose from about $32 billion in April 2024, during a dollar shortage, to about $51 billion now, near the CBN’s target. Much came from two cyclical sources, strong oil earnings and money chasing high-yielding naira assets, so EBC expects the pace to slow or reverse. Fitch Ratings, a major international credit rating agency, expects a marginal decline to about $47 billion by the end of 2026, citing higher spending and external pressures.

David Precious, Senior Market Analyst at EBC Financial Group, said, “Nigeria’s reserve build is real but may not be durable yet, because nearly all of the new money is the kind that can leave quickly. Of the $10.37 billion that came in over the first quarter, the overwhelming majority was short-term portfolio funds rather than long-term investment, so a shift in oil prices, global interest rates or confidence in the naira might pull a large part of it straight back out.”

Most New Money Can Still Leave Quickly

The composition of the foreign inflows explains the caution over how long the build can last. The country attracted $10.37 billion in foreign investment in the first quarter of 2026, up 83.83 per cent year-on-year, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). Of that, $9.86 billion or 95.09 per cent, was portfolio money, largely short-term naira debt such as Treasury bills that investors can sell at the next auction, while foreign direct investment, the long-term kind that builds factories and jobs, was $135.08 million, or 1.30 per cent. Put simply, of each dollar coming in, about 95 cents can leave quickly, and barely one cent stays.

That money supports reserves while it stays. Dollars brought in to buy naira assets add to market supply, letting the CBN hold more reserves and steady the naira. It leaves when conditions change. Nigeria earns most of its export dollars from oil and gas, so lower oil prices mean fewer dollars, and as a member of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), it cannot simply produce more, output capped by quota and reduced by theft and ageing fields. Higher global interest rates draw money toward safer returns abroad, and a weakening naira prompts investors to sell early. When oil fell in 2016 and 2020, foreign investors withdrew and could not convert naira to dollars as supply dried up, leaving the CBN to clear more than $7 billion in trapped obligations into 2024.

The Oil Boost is No Longer Certain

Oil looked like a dependable source of the dollars behind the reserves only months ago. Earlier in 2026, concern over disruption around the Strait of Hormuz lifted crude prices, and stronger receipts flowed in, with crude oil export earnings of $8.11 billion in the first quarter in the CBN’s balance-of-payments data. That support is now easing. The tension has subsided, and Brent traded near $72 on June 29, down about 24 per cent over the month, back to pre-conflict levels. With the price boost gone and output constrained, reserves are more exposed, leaning on non-oil earnings and investor patience rather than oil.

The Naira Still Trades at Two Prices

The naira has traded at two prices, an official rate and a higher parallel-market rate, and closing that gap into one trusted price is what many investors might watch most. Before committing funds, they may want assurance they can convert naira to dollars at a fair rate when they exit, and a wide gap revives the fear of being trapped that lingers from earlier shortages. The gap has narrowed to roughly N20 to N30, with the CBN’s official rate near N1,380 per dollar on June 26 against parallel-market quotes around N1,400. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) 2026 Article IV review urged Nigeria to depend less on this fast-moving portfolio money and to keep phasing out its multiple exchange-rate practices. The CBN’s Foreign Exchange Manual, in force from 1 June, is intended to make the market clearer, though such rules build confidence only once investors can freely trade dollars at the posted rate.

What could Make the Build Durable

A few signs that may show the build turning durable include a smaller gap between the official and street naira rates, more long-term foreign investment, and steadier oil earnings. A gap that stays small, now roughly N20 to N30, may mean investors trust the official rate and no longer need the street market. A clear rise in foreign direct investment, only $135 million last quarter against $9.86 billion of short-term money, might mean lasting capital is replacing funds that can leave at the next auction. Oil earnings that hold up, rather than sliding from the low $70s, should help keep reserves steady, since oil and gas bring in most of Nigeria’s export dollars.

“Reserves built on money chasing high yields can fall as fast as they rose, as they did after the last two oil shocks, when investors left, and the CBN spent years clearing a foreign-exchange backlog,” Precious added. “What holds through a downturn is slower money, direct investment, steady oil and non-oil export earnings and one credible naira rate, and that is the shift Nigeria has yet to make.”

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