Feature/OPED
Ekiti State A Toddler @ 25? Nope. Objection My Lord!
By John Ajayi
Recently, Ekiti State celebrated 25 years of its creation by the then military junta of late General Sani Abacha. Coincidentally, the celebration which continues to generate excitement and euphoria amongst the citizens of the state appears to be a foretaste of the huge celebration in the work for the third year anniversary of the administration of Dr John Olukayode Fayemi.
As usual, this epochal event has drawn unwarranted flaks from some critical elements and stakeholders in the state. Indeed these criticisms are not unexpected, especially in a democratic society and more importantly, given the different political leanings and ideological configuration of these personalities and stakeholders.
Aside from the fact that the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria guarantees everyone the right and freedom of speech, it is an indisputable fact of life that there will always be divergent views amongst the citizens of the state notwithstanding its homogenous nature.
Not only that, the state which boasts of the highest population of highly educated people with a historic record of renowned PhD holders and seasoned lawyers, professionals and accomplished technocrats, the issue of governance and leadership contestation cannot but become a matter for critical review and evaluation. This is also coming against the backdrop of the fact that Ekiti indigenes are generally perceived to be fastidious in nature. Here, no negativism is intended about the good-natured people of Ekiti State to which yours truly belongs in flesh and in blood!
Nonetheless rolling out the drums and popping champagne in celebration of 25 years of the creation of the state by the current Executive Governor, Dr John Olukayode Fayemi administration cannot be said to be a mere jamboree nor a misplaced priority. Ordinarily, age 25 has come to be recognised universally as a landmark epoch in the life of individuals, institutions, organisations, states or nations. Generally regarded as Silver Jubilee or quadricentennial anniversary, the 25th anniversary of any living being, be it state or human is unarguably a watershed.
However, in evaluating and assessing the state of growth and development of Ekiti State in this near three decades of existence, it will be grossly unfair to assume or outrightly write off the state as a failure. While the state may not have fully lived up to the expectations of its founding fathers, it does not necessarily presuppose that the state has not achieved anything since its creation.
Particularly disappointing, if not completely unfair, on the part of successive administrations of the state is the castigation of the state as a ‘Toddler at 25. Reviewing the state of affairs of Ekiti State in the last 25 years, elder statesman and founder of Afe Babalola University (ABUAD) Ado Ekiti, Aare Afe Babalola had said that Ekiti State had nothing to celebrate. The highly revered lawyer and one of the founding fathers of Ekiti had in a widely published press statement titled ‘Ekiti State A toddler @ 25’ castigated the State as landlocked, airport locked, industry locked, and power locked, adding that all these developments adversely affect economic development in the state.
While the elder statesman reserves the right to express his views and frustrations about the state he contributed to mid-wife, the objective reality on the ground as far as developments are concerned, be it political, economic social or whatever does not in any way warrant or justify these assertions and lamentations. This is particularly so because successive administrations in the state have all contributed their own quotas to the growth and development of the state.
Since its creation, October 1, 1996, the state has been administered by both military and civilian administrators each with its own unique style and approach to governance. Like an organic being, Ekiti State is clearly still a work in progress. For a fact, the founding fathers of the state may have had a utopian perception of the developments to expect within a particular time frame, the actual reality about governance may not and cannot be said to be the same with the imaginations and expectations of the founding fathers.
This is not to say that there are no shortcomings on past and present political leaders and administrators of the state. Indeed, this cannot be said to be an unusual development as it is a phenomenon in underdeveloped, developing and developed nations. For those who may not know, the present administration of Governor Kayode Fayemi has done significantly well in positioning the state well above its peers when it comes to development in all aspects and ramifications. Feelers emanating from the state revealed that the JKF administrations which will soon kick-start activities marking the third year of his second term tenure were not planning any jamboree other than projects commissioning and new projects unveiling.
Like all humans, Dr Kayode Fayemi may have his shortcomings, it is indisputable that he remains a blessing and a gift to the state not only as the current Chief Executive Officer of the State but also a very good ambassador of Ekiti State as a major political actor on both national and global political space. His tenure so far as Chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) bears eloquent testimony to his intellectual sagacity and political wizardry. For JKF, the former United States Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes appeared right and justifiable in his famous and immortal quote when he said: “there are people who make things happen, and there are people who watch what’s happening and there are people who have not the slightest idea what’s happening”.
So far, an objective review of past administrations in Ekiti will readily confirm the fact that Dr John Olukayode Fayemi is a leader who makes things happen and indeed has great ideas of what is happening and must happen. Since he took the mantle of leadership in the State, he has made strategic thinking the cornerstone of governance and policy direction. As a consummate politician with a progressive hue, JKF’s approach to governance has been anchored on the greater good for the greater number of his people.
The views of statesmen like Chief Deji Fasuan, former Governor Segun Oni, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, Biodun Oyebanji, and others, were in sync with the position earlier canvassed by Governor Fayemi that Ekiti has not failed in any way in the pursuit of its development agenda.
If truth be told, in the last three years, Fayemi’s government has attracted over $100 million in investments to the state. Under this present economy, this is no mean feat and couldn’t have been regarded as a failure by any standard.
It can be appreciated that only the apolitical, who periscopes issues with unbiased spectacle could recognise and flaunt this enigmatic scorecard.
One fact must be reflected here; in 1996, Ado Ekiti city as called then, was like a glorified village without the modern touch. Today, all the major dualization of the road in Ado Ekiti done cumulatively by the administrations of Governors Fayemi, Segun Oni and Ayodele Fayose like Basiri-Ijigbo-Ajilosun, Ijigbo-Ilawe road, Post Office-Irona and Ado-Ifaki, couldn’t have been undertaken, if the state had not been created. Akure, the Ondo State capital, could have been taken as the development fulcrum, where things would be anchored and concentrated.
The new Governor’s Offices at Oke Bareke, the Secretariat at the new Iyin Road, Trade Fair Complex, Ekiti Parapo Pavilion and other government structures in Ado Ekiti metropolis, are clear evidence of modernity and gradual face-lifting of the town.
Let me also state that before 1996, Ekiti had no functional state-owned industry. The ROMACO granite company at Igbemo, Ikun Dairy farm at Ikun, Ire Burnt Brick at Ire Ekiti and Orin Farm settlement at Orin Ekiti, were all moribund. But with shrewd and dexterous management by Fayemi, the derelict companies are bouncing back to reckoning.
For Ikun Dairy farm to be revamped, the government, in partnership with Promasidor Nigeria Limited, spent a sum of $5 million to import cows and purchased other machines. At an optimal production level, the company will produce 10,000 litres of milk daily. This will go a long way in generating employments and fortify the State’s revenue profile.
Deploying his nexus with the international community, Governor Fayemi had partnered with private companies to manage the ROMACO and Ikun Dairy Farm for effective management and they are gradually being revamped.
One of the catalysts of good governance is a functional and robust local government structure. When the third tier of government is closer, it makes development spiral and gains traction.
Before 1996, Ekiti had six local governments of Ero, Ekiti East, Ekiti South, Ekiti North, Ekiti Central and Ijero. But the tally had increased to 16 statutorily recognised councils, with 19 Local Council Development Authorities established to midwife and propel development pedal at the grassroots.
In 2011, the government of President Goodluck Jonathan established 12 new Universities across the nation, with Ekiti being a beneficiary by the approval given for the establishment of the Federal University, Oye Ekiti in the state. The concept behind this was to ensure balancing so that each state could have a federal University.
It is an unassailable fact that Ekiti couldn’t have benefited from this lofty gesture if it is still subsumed under Ondo, this was because the Federal University, Akure had been in existence for decades. In a few months’ time, work would also begin on the approved Federal Medical University in Iyin Ekiti after receiving presidential assent.
As parlous and feeble as Ekiti seems to be in the area of economy, the state gets an average of N3.5 billion from the federation account monthly. These monies are expended on education, health, agriculture, human capital development and other pivotal sectors. Would it have been possible for Ondo to earmark a staggering sum of N3.5 billion on projects in Ekiti axis monthly if Ekiti still retains the six local governments which we had then? This also signifies another area of benefit that should be taken into cognisance.
This came to the fore because of the fact that Ekiti gave Governor Fayemi the veritable gubernatorial platform to prove his mettle and worth. Let the sceptics rummage the history books; no Ekiti man had ever been touted for such a coveted seat.
Added to that was the fact that Governor Fayemi is the Chairman, Nigeria’s Governors Forum, superintending over the affairs of the 36 Governors across party lines and divides. These are records that lend credence to the fact that Ekiti has gained reckoning not only as of the most educated but also as a politically sophisticated and conscious set of people.
John Ajayi is a public affairs commentator and a Lagos based journalist
Feature/OPED
Why Nigeria’s New Tax Regime Will Fail Without Public Trust
By Blaise Udunze
Millions of Nigerian citizens are watching with cautious anticipation as the federal government begins implementing its far-reaching 2026 tax reforms. This is to say that the official assurances that the new tax regime will be fairer, simpler, and more humane, as relished by the proponents of the reforms, are being listened to by both low-income workers, small business owners, professionals, and informal sector participants.
Still, behind the optimism is a familiar worry shaped by past experience that reminds us that taxation without accountability undermines both governance credibility and the legitimacy of the tax system, thereby making it hard to believe in.
For many Nigerians, the question is not whether taxes should be paid, but whether the state has earned the moral authority to demand them, judging by the lack of accountability over the years.
The Nigerian Tax Act and the Nigerian Tax Administration Act, two of the four pillars of the 2026 reforms, came into force on January 1, reshaping how individuals and businesses are taxed. According to proponents of the reforms, particularly the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Dr. Taiwo Oyedele, the changes are deliberately pro-poor and pro-growth. Workers earning below N800,000 annually are exempted from personal income tax. Basic food items, healthcare, education, and public transportation have been removed from the VAT net. Small companies with turnovers of N100 million or less are exempt from corporate income tax, capital gains tax, and the new development levy. Multiple tax laws have been consolidated into a unified code to reduce duplication, confusion, and harassment.
On paper, these reforms acknowledge Nigeria’s economic distress and signal a genuine attempt to lighten the burden on the majority of citizens. However, Nigeria’s tax crisis has never been about tax rates alone.
Nigerians have lived through decades of taxation that did not translate into visible development, social welfare, or improved quality of life, as this has succinctly shown that it is fundamentally about trust. No matter how progressive, for this singular reason, Nigerians see the announcement of the reforms via a long memory of disappointment and failure, while Nigerians have increasingly become vocal in demanding accountability from government at all levels, and social media has played a powerful role in amplifying public scrutiny in recent years.
Images and videos of the alleged lavish lifestyles of public office holders and their families are alarming and circulate widely, reinforcing the perception that public funds are misused or siphoned for private gain. While not all such claims are verified, the damage lies in the perception itself since governance credibility suffers when citizens believe that those entrusted with public resources live far above the realities of the people they govern.
The Nigerian Constitution, while not explicitly mandating accountability in narrow terms, establishes in Section 14 that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. The state is expected to manage the economy in a manner that ensures maximum welfare, freedom, and happiness of citizens on the basis of social justice and equality. The provisions made in Section 22 further empower the media and arm it to the teeth to hold the government accountable to the people and beyond constitutional provisions, Nigeria voluntarily signed up to global transparency initiatives such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, domesticated through the NEITI Act of 2007. Over the period, NEITI has helped improve disclosure in the extractive sector, as its mandate does not extend to tracking how revenues are spent, leaving a critical accountability gap.
This gap is most evident in the lived experience of Nigerian taxpayers. Intrinsically, the average Nigerian does not experience taxation as a collective investment in shared prosperity. Instead, taxation feels like an added burden layered on top of already crushing personal responsibilities. Nigerians generate their own electricity through generators, source water privately, pay for security, indirectly fund road maintenance through vehicle repairs, and bear healthcare and education costs out of pocket. When citizens pay taxes and still bear the full cost of survival, taxation begins to resemble organized extraction rather than civic contribution.
For instance, the stories of Mr. George and Mr. Kunle reflect this reality. Mr. George, is an earned salary worker who has personal income tax deducted monthly through PAYE. Meanwhile, George also pays for electricity, security, water, road repairs, and private schooling. What about Mr. Kunle, who is a small business owner and chooses not to pay taxes voluntarily with the belief that the government has failed to meet its obligations and other rights? Their frustration is widely shared. According to the IMF, only about 10 million Nigerians out of a labour force of 77 million are registered taxpayers. This low compliance is not a product of ignorance alone, but of a deeply broken social contract.
Over the years, successive governments have attempted to address low compliance through amnesty schemes such as the Voluntary Asset and Income Declaration Scheme. Though these initiatives temporarily expanded the tax base, their long-term impact remains questionable because compliance driven by fear of penalties or temporary incentives does not endure where trust is absent. In Nigeria, tax compliance is often compelled rather than voluntary, just as we are about to experience in this new regime, enforcement tends to replace persuasion. This approach may generate short-term revenue, but it weakens legitimacy and fuels resistance.
Academic studies on taxation and accountability in Nigeria reinforce this conclusion. While global literature suggests a strong relationship between government accountability and voluntary tax compliance, Nigeria’s experience has been distorted by weak institutions and limited political legitimacy. This should be noted by the policymakers that where citizens perceive government as unaccountable, coercion increases, collection costs rise, and evasion becomes normalized. Hence while, the result is a vicious cycle in which low trust breeds low compliance, prompting harsher enforcement that further erodes trust.
Other jurisdictions offer valuable lessons. For instance, today, a country like Sweden has one of the highest tax-to-GDP ratios in the world with remarkably high compliance rates, and this has been the norm despite imposing steep personal income taxes. The reason is simple, in the sense that transparency and visible benefits are not far-fetched. Citizens know how their taxes are spent and experience the returns through quality education, healthcare, social security, and public services. Taxation is viewed not as punishment but as a shared investment. In China, targeted tax deductions for healthcare and education similarly align taxation with social needs, reinforcing compliance through perceived fairness.
Nigeria’s challenge is not to replicate these systems mechanically, but to internalize their core principle that enables the people to comply willingly when they believe the system works and that everyone is treated fairly.
This principle is being tested anew by the recent controversy surrounding the Federal Inland Revenue Service’s (now branded as Nigeria Revenue Service) appointment of Xpress Payments Solutions Limited as a Treasury Single Account collecting agent. Though framed as a technical step toward modernizing digital tax infrastructure, the quiet nature of the appointment, coupled with limited public disclosure, has reignited fears of revenue capture and cartelization. Critics have drawn parallels with past private-sector dominance over state revenue systems, warning against concentrating sensitive national revenue functions in private hands without clear safeguards.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s reaction captured the broader public unease. He raised an alarm while warning against what he described as the nationalization of a revenue collection model that had previously raised serious transparency concerns and the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) has insisted that Xpress Payments is merely an additional option and not an exclusive gatekeeper, the controversy highlights a deeper issue, which authenticates the fact that in a climate of low trust, silence, and lack of clarity, suspicion. Even well-intentioned reforms can falter if citizens feel excluded from the process.
With broader concerns about governance, accountability, and democratic integrity in society, this moment coincides with it. Even the recent calls by leaders such as Rotimi Amaechi and civil society organizations like ActionAid Nigeria underscore the growing demand for responsible, transparent and people-oriented leadership as being raised from different quarters. Governance indices consistently rank Nigeria poorly on accountability, while poverty, unemployment and insecurity remain widespread. That is what, in such a context, asking citizens to trust the tax system without first restoring confidence in governance is unrealistic and unattainable.
At the core of the debate lies a fundamental moral question: when does a government have the right to tax its citizens? Taxation is not charity and it is not magic. It is a contract. Citizens surrender a portion of their income so the state can provide security, infrastructure, justice, and essential services that individuals cannot efficiently provide on their own. When this exchange functions, taxation feels legitimate. When it fails, taxation feels coercive.
No doubt, legally, the Nigerian state retains the power to tax, but morally, legitimacy depends on performance. Security is foundational. Infrastructure enables productivity. The government must understand that healthcare and education protect human capital, while transparency ensures fairness. And, when these pillars are weak, taxation loses its ethical grounding. All that Nigerians demand is not perfection; they demand evidence that their sacrifices matter.
As the implementation of the new tax reforms takes root, Nigeria stands at a defining moment. The reforms offer an opportunity to reset the social contract around taxation, broaden the tax base, and reduce dependence on dwindling oil revenues. But the point being flagged is that reform without accountability will only reproduce old failures in new forms. To buttress this further, taxation without accountability, as being practiced in the past, will invariably undermine governance credibility and erode the legitimacy of the tax system.
And, as the scripture says, you cannot put “old wine in a new wineskin.” Failure to adhere to this instruction will lead to combustion. Yesterday’s methods or mindsets on taxation will rupture new strategies, which cannot thrive or survive because of a lack of accountability.
If the government is serious about improving voluntary compliance, it must go beyond policy announcements. Hence, must demonstrate transparent use of tax revenues, strengthen oversight institutions, limit monopolistic control over revenue collection, and communicate clearly and consistently with citizens. Most importantly, it must deliver tangible improvements in the daily lives of all Nigerians.
When citizens see roads fixed, hospitals working, schools improving, and security strengthened, compliance will follow. Voluntary tax compliance is not an act of generosity; it is a rational response to trust. Fix the system, restore confidence, and Nigerians will pay, not because they are forced, but because the contract finally makes sense.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Nigeria’s Year of Dabush Kabash
By Prince Charles Dickson PhD
The phrase Dabush Kabash—popularised by the maverick Nigerian preacher Chukwuemeka Cyril Ohanaemere (Odumeje)—was never meant to be a political theory. It was theatre, prophecy-as-performance, the language of shock and spectacle. Yet, as Nigeria inches toward 2027, Dabush Kabash will not just be in the pulpit, it will find a comfortable home in our politics. It will describe the collision of ambition, uncertainty, bravado, confusion, alliances, betrayals, and loud declarations that mean everything and nothing at the same time.
This is a season where everyone is speaking, few are listening, and the ground beneath the republic feels unsettled. A year where political actors are already campaigning without calling it campaigns, negotiating without admitting it, and defecting without shame. Nigeria, once again, is rehearsing power before the curtain officially rises.
As 2027 approaches, the scramble is neither subtle nor dignified. Atiku Abubakar has made it clear—again—that he will not step down for anyone. His persistence is framed by supporters as resilience and by critics as entitlement. Either way, Atiku represents continuity in Nigerian politics: a belief that the centre must always hold him, regardless of shifting public mood.
Then there is Peter Obi, still buoyed by the aftershocks of 2023, where belief momentarily disrupted cynicism. Whether that energy can be sustained, institutionalised, or translated into broader coalitions remains an open question. Charisma without structure has limits; structure without imagination does too.
Rotimi Amaechi, restless and calculating, watches the chessboard from the sidelines, never fully out of the game. Nasir El-Rufai continues to speak as though he is both inside and outside power, simultaneously insider, critic, and ideologue. Rabiu Kwankwaso, with his disciplined base and regional gravitas, remains a reminder that Nigeria is not won on social media alone.
There are new brides—fresh aspirants, technocrats flirting with politics, and business elites suddenly discovering patriotism. There are old grooms—veterans who have contested so often that ambition has become muscle memory. Everyone is at the gate. No one wants to wait their turn.
If Nigerian politics needed a parable, Rivers State has provided one. The public rift between Nyesom Wike and Siminalayi Fubara is less about governance and more about control—who anoints, who obeys, who inherits political machinery.
Like exiles by the rivers of Babylon, both camps sing songs of loyalty and betrayal, each claiming legitimacy, each invoking the people while fighting over structures. It is a reminder that Nigerian politics is rarely ideological; it is intensely personal. Power is not just about winning elections; it is about owning outcomes, narratives, and successors.
The ruling All Progressives Congress is swelling. Defections are marketed as endorsements, and numerical strength is mistaken for moral authority. But Nigeria has seen this movie before. The People’s Democratic Party once enjoyed similar expansion during the Obasanjo years, only to implode under the weight of internal contradictions, ambition overload, and unmanaged succession.
Big tents collapse when they are not anchored by shared values. Congresses meant to unify often become theatres of exclusion. Candidate selection becomes war by other means. The question is not whether APC is growing, but whether it can survive the internal earthquakes that primaries inevitably unleash.
Meanwhile, the Labour Party stands at a crossroads. The reported ambition of Datti Baba-Ahmed to run as a principal candidate raises deeper questions about succession, internal democracy, and the danger of mistaking momentum for permanence. Movements are fragile when institutions are weak.
Coalitions are forming quietly across regions, religions, and old rivalries. Old enemies share tea; former allies exchange barbs. In Nigeria, there are no permanent friends, only temporary arithmetic. North meets South. Centre negotiates with margins. Everyone is counting delegates, governors, influencers, and platforms.
But alliances without memory are dangerous. Nigeria has a habit of forgetting why previous coalitions failed: unresolved grievances, unequal power-sharing, and elite consensus that excludes the citizens. When deals are made above the heads of the people, legitimacy becomes borrowed—and debt always comes due.
While politicians posture, Nigerians are trying to understand a new tax regime, rising costs, shrinking incomes, and policy explanations that sound more academic than humane. Economic anxiety rarely announces itself with protests at first; it shows up as withdrawal, distrust, and apathy.
Every political drama in 2026 will touch the economy. Every economic policy will shape the political mood. You cannot separate the two. The tragedy is that economic suffering is often treated as background noise while political ambition takes centre stage.
So yes; this is the year of Dabush Kabash. Not because it is funny, but because it is revealing. It captures a politics of spectacle without substance, noise without consensus, movement without direction. Everyone is declaring, few are delivering.
Yet within the chaos lies opportunity. Dabush Kabash also means collision, and collisions force choices. Nigeria will have to decide whether it wants politics as performance or politics as responsibility. Whether power remains a private prize or becomes a public trust.
History will not be kind to this season if it produces only loud men and empty alliances. But it may yet redeem itself if citizens begin to ask harder questions; not just who wants power, but for what, with whom, and at what cost.
Because beyond the theatrics, Nigeria is watching. And this time, the applause is no longer guaranteed—May Nigeria win.
Feature/OPED
AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth
By Fola Baderin
By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.
Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.
The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.
AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.
But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.
Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.
Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.
For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.
At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.
Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.
Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.
Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.
Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.
Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.
Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future
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