Feature/OPED
Imo 2019: The Deputy Ihedioha Needs
By Walter Duru
The wind of politics is blowing heavily across the country, with alignments and re-alignments as daily occurrences, depending on the interest of individual politicians, groups and associations. In Imo State, the wind is so heavy that the state is up for grabs, as no particular political party or structure can confidently claim that Imo is in its hands.
A look at the major political parties in the state shows that they are all crises-ridden, but for the Peoples’ Democratic Party-PDP, which gubernatorial primary is adjudged most transparent and peaceful, both in Imo State and at the National stage; particularly, the governorship (Imo) and Presidential primaries that produced Emeka Ihedioha and Atiku Abubakar, respectively.
One of the aspirants for the Imo PDP gubernatorial ticket, Senator SamDaddy Anyanwu is said to have approached the Court to challenge the outcome of the primaries, even after allegedly congratulating and pledging to support the flagbearer, Emeka Ihedioha; a move pundit describe as being done in bad fate. As at today, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Emeka Ihedioha remains the authentic flag bearer of the Peoples Democratic Party in the state.
The other two main political parties in the state: the All Progressives Congress- APC and the All Progressives Grand Alliance appear to be in an unending internal battle for control of the parties. While the APC presently has two of her aspirants- Chief Uche Nwosu and Senator Hope Uzodimma claiming to be candidates of the Party; the All Progressives Grand Alliance broke the hearts of millions of people, who were hoping that the party would elect an acceptable gubernatorial candidate through a peaceful and transparent process. Some of the party’s gubernatorial aspirants are already pitching their tents with other political parties. No doubt, the internal wrangling of the APC and APGA may still linger and will certainly not end well. The rest is history.
One other candidate that many expect would make a serious impact in the election is that of the Young Progressives Party-YPP, Mr. Linus Okorie. Okorie would have been a good candidate, but for his political party, which many see as not having the required structure and network to take over Imo in 2019. The YPP has so much to do to enhance its visibility, position itself as a strong and identifiable brand, while strengthening its structures for greater impact. Who knows? There is nothing God cannot do.
The Peoples Democratic Party appears to be the shinning star of the moment in Imo. It has gone beyond primaries and already positioning itself for the main election, hence, the thrust of this piece. Ihedioha’s chances of becoming Imo Governor have never been this bright. If he fails to win in 2019, he might as well forget governing Imo forever. Whatever decisions he takes at this stage will go a long way in determining if he will win; and if he does, whether he will enjoy a peaceful reign as governor. The crux of this piece is not to set an agenda for him yet. That is for another day. The idea behind this is to ensure he gets conscious of the banana peels around.
Any moment from now, a Deputy Governorship candidate will emerge. What should be the considerations for Emeka Ihedioha’s choice of a Deputy? If he fails to get it right at this point, then, his major problem has started.
The recent betrayal of the Lagos State Governor by some of his aides, especially, his Deputy is still very fresh in our minds. The first consideration in choosing a Deputy Governor must therefore be trust. Such a person must therefore be someone he has known and possibly worked with in the past.
Next in order of importance is capacity. Having one with no experience in governance and public service is a recipe to failure. The state of affairs in Imo as at today is so bad that putting a green horn in certain positions might spell doom for the next administration. The Deputy Governor must be one that has capacity to support and guide his principal. Such a person must also be one that will have the ability to guide and advise the Governor sincerely. This is very important because one of the major reasons behind the failure of leaders is that they are usually surrounded by sycophants who do not tell them the true state of things, thereby making them continue in error.
Again, such a person must not be tainted with corruption and will have the ability to suggest initiatives that will promote transparency in governance. One of the major problems of the present administration in Imo is the complete absence of transparency and accountability. Having one that has no baggage of corruption, with capacity to drive good governance initiatives will certainly make the business of governance easy for the incoming governor.
More so, political consideration is a very important issue that must be given serious consideration. The PDP Governorship candidate is from Owerri senatorial zone of the state, with nine local government areas. The disputed candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance – Senator Ifeanyi Araraume is from Okigwe zone, with only six Local Government Areas. The two individuals jostling to have the ticket of the APC- Chief Uche Nwosu and Senator Hope Uzodimma are both from Orlu zone. Orlu is the largest/biggest senatorial zone in Imo State, with twelve Local Government Areas.
Strategically, the only option the PDP candidate has is to pick a running mate from Orlu zone. Apart from being the largest senatorial zone, the two candidates of the APC have serious baggage working against them. The gist is for another day.
In Orlu zone, one must look inwards, to ensure that historic and landmark decisions are taken. There are four Federal constituencies in Orlu zone. The first is Ideato Federal constituency, made up of Ideato North and South. This constituency produced the incumbent Governor of Imo State, Owelle Rochas Okorocha, who is about completing his second tenure in office. It is therefore completely out of it.
Next is Orlu, Orsu and Oru East Federal constituency. This constituency produced two-time Governor of Imo State, Chief Achike Udenwa, who ruled the state for eight years. It also produced a former Deputy Governor of the state, Dr. Douglas Acholonu. It is also instructive that one of the two main contenders for the governorship ticket of the All Progressives Congress- Senator Hope Uzodimma is from this constituency.
The third is the Nwangele/Nkwerre/Isu and Njaba federal constituency. The Orlu zonal senatorial candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, Jones Onyereri is from this constituency. Can the Senator and Deputy Governor come from the same place? More so, one of the two APC Gubernatorial hopefuls, Chief Uche Nwosu is from the same area.
The last, but most marginalized federal constituency in the area is the Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta/Oru West federal constituency. In spite of contributing over eighty (80) percent of Imo crude oil earnings, as well as being the food basket of the state, this federal constituency remains the most marginalized in the state. This is the only oil producing federal constituency in the state. It is the same area that Adapalm is situated. Sadly also, it is currently ravaged by flood, with the attendant oil pollution. The federal constituency has neither produced a governor nor a deputy, since the creation of the state.
Interestingly, Ihedioha is from Owerri zone of the state which has also been crying over marginalization. He therefore has an idea of how it feels to be marginalized. If Ndi Imo agree that it is the turn of Owerri zone, will he not agree that the marginalized people of Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta/Oru West federal constituency be considered for at least, a Deputy Governorship slot?
Emeka Ihedioha will be writing his name in gold as an apostle of justice and fair play if he looks in the direction of Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta/Oru West federal constituency in selecting his running mate for the 2019 general election. This decision will portray him as one that does not accept injustice in any form. Even stakeholders from other constituencies agree that it is the turn of the oil producing federal constituency to have a shot at the deputy governorship position. Doing this will simply mean implementing the wish of the people and this will endear him more to the masses.
In all of these, one candidate that appears to fit into all the earlier listed criteria and most importantly, has the electoral value and capacity to secure victory for Ihedioha in the zone is a former member of the House of Representatives, Hon. Gerald Irona. If you have him, then, you are sure. An Ihedioha/Irona ticket will give hope to the people. Irona is transparent, credible, experienced, reliable, competent, independent-minded and trustworthy.
Imo people appear determined to vote out the APC in the next general elections. APGA has also broken the people’s heart. It is not about partisanship at this stage, but about patriotism. The hope of the people of Imo state for 2019 is the PDP’s candidate. Don’t dash it. Hon. Ihedioha’s chances are very bright. Let’s collectively fight injustice, as injury to one is injury to all. It is the turn of Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta/Oru West federal constituency to produce a deputy governor. Be an instrument of honour and give the people justice.
Irona as deputy governor will nail it!
Dr Walter Duru is a communication expert and Public Relations Strategist. He can be reached on [email protected].
Feature/OPED
Guide to Employee Training That Reinforces Workplace Safety Standards
Workplace safety is not sustained by policies alone. It is built through consistent training that shapes daily behaviour, decision-making, and accountability across every level of an organisation. When employees understand not only what safety rules exist but why they matter, they are far more likely to follow them and intervene when risks arise. Effective safety-focused training protects workers, strengthens operations, and reduces costly incidents that disrupt productivity and morale.
As industries evolve and workplaces become more complex, employee training must go beyond basic orientation sessions. Reinforcing safety standards requires an ongoing, structured approach that adapts to new risks, changing regulations, and real-world job demands. A thoughtful training strategy helps create a culture where safety is a shared responsibility rather than a checklist item.
Establishing a Foundation of Safety Awareness
The first purpose of workplace safety training is awareness. Employees cannot avoid hazards they do not understand. Comprehensive training introduces common workplace risks, clarifies acceptable behaviour, and sets expectations for personal responsibility. This foundational knowledge empowers employees to recognise unsafe conditions before incidents occur.
Safety awareness training should be tailored to the specific environment in which employees work. Office settings require education on ergonomics, electrical safety, and emergency evacuation procedures, while industrial workplaces demand detailed instruction on machinery risks, protective equipment, and material handling. When training reflects actual job conditions, employees are more engaged and better equipped to apply what they learn.
Clear communication is essential during this stage. Using plain language and real examples helps employees connect training concepts to daily tasks. When safety awareness becomes part of how employees think and talk about their work, it begins to shape behaviour consistently across the organisation.
Integrating Safety Training into Daily Operations
Safety training is most effective when it is integrated into everyday work rather than treated as a one-time event. Ongoing reinforcement ensures that safety standards remain top of mind as tasks, equipment, and responsibilities change. Regular training sessions create opportunities to refresh knowledge, address new risks, and correct unsafe habits before they lead to injury.
Incorporating short safety discussions into team meetings helps normalise these conversations. Supervisors play a critical role by modelling safe behaviour and reinforcing expectations during routine interactions. When employees see safety emphasised alongside productivity goals, it reinforces the message that both are equally important.
Hands-on training also strengthens retention. Demonstrations, practice scenarios, and real-time feedback allow employees to apply safety principles in controlled settings. This experiential approach builds confidence and reduces hesitation when employees encounter hazards in real situations.
Aligning Training with Regulatory Requirements
Workplace safety training must align with applicable regulations and industry standards to ensure legal compliance and worker protection. Laws and regulations change frequently, making it essential for organisations to keep training materials updated. Failure to do so can expose employees to unnecessary risk and organisations to legal consequences.
Training programs should clearly explain relevant safety regulations and how they apply to specific roles. Employees are more likely to comply when rules are presented as practical safeguards rather than abstract mandates. Documenting training completion and maintaining accurate records also demonstrates organisational commitment to compliance.
Many organisations rely on support from compliance training companies to navigate complex regulatory landscapes and design programs that meet both legal and operational needs. These partnerships can help ensure training remains accurate, consistent, and aligned with evolving requirements without overwhelming internal resources.
Encouraging Participation and Accountability
Effective safety training depends on active participation rather than passive attendance. Employees should be encouraged to ask questions, share concerns, and contribute insights based on their experiences. When workers feel heard, they become more invested in maintaining a safe environment.
Creating accountability is equally important. Training should clarify individual responsibilities and outline the consequences of ignoring safety standards. Employees need to understand that safety is not optional or secondary to performance goals. Reinforcement from leadership ensures that unsafe behaviour is addressed consistently and constructively.
Peer accountability also strengthens safety culture. When training emphasises teamwork and shared responsibility, employees are more likely to watch out for one another and intervene when they see risky behaviour. This collective approach reduces reliance on supervision alone and builds resilience across the workforce.
Adapting Training for Long-Term Effectiveness
Workplace safety training must evolve alongside organisational growth and workforce changes. New hires, role transitions, and technological updates introduce risks that require refreshed instruction. Periodic assessments help identify gaps in knowledge and opportunities for improvement.
Data from incident reports, near misses, and employee feedback provides valuable insight into training effectiveness. Adjusting content based on real outcomes ensures that training remains relevant and impactful. Organisations that treat training as a dynamic process are better equipped to respond to emerging risks.
Long-term effectiveness also depends on reinforcement beyond formal sessions. Visual reminders, updated procedures, and accessible reporting tools help sustain awareness. When safety standards are supported through multiple channels, employees receive consistent cues that reinforce training messages daily.
Conclusion
Reinforcing workplace safety standards through employee training requires intention, consistency, and adaptability. Training that builds awareness, integrates into daily operations, aligns with regulations, and encourages accountability creates a safer environment for everyone involved. When employees understand their role in maintaining safety, they are more confident, engaged, and prepared to prevent harm.
A strong training program is not simply a compliance exercise. It is an investment in people and performance. Organisations that prioritise meaningful safety training protect their workforce while fostering trust, stability, and long-term success.
Feature/OPED
Debt is Dragging Nigeria’s Future Down
By Abba Dukawa
A quiet fear is spreading across the hearts of Nigerians—one that grows heavier with every new headline about rising debt. It is no longer just numbers on paper; it feels like a shadow stretching over the nation’s future. The reality is stark and unsettling: nearly 50% of Nigeria’s revenue is now used to service debt. That is not just unsustainable—it is suffocating.
Behind these figures lies a deeper tragedy. Millions of Nigerians are trapped in what experts call “Multidimensional Poverty,” struggling daily for dignity and survival, while a privileged few continue to live in comfort, untouched by the hardship tightening around the nation. The contrast is painful, and the silence around it is even louder.
Since assuming office, Bola Ahmed Tinubu has embarked on an aggressive borrowing path, presenting it as a necessary step to revive the economy, rebuild infrastructure, and stabilise key sectors.
Between 2023 and 2026, billions of dollars have been secured or proposed in foreign loans. On paper, it is a strategy of hope. But in the hearts of many Nigerians, it feels like a gamble with consequences yet to unfold.
The numbers are staggering. A borrowing plan exceeding $21 billion, backed by the National Assembly, alongside additional billions in loans and grants, signals a government determined to keep spending and building. Another $6.9 billion facility follows closely behind. These are not just financial decisions; they are commitments that will echo into generations yet unborn.
And so, the questions refuse to go away. Who will bear this burden? Who will repay these debts when the time comes? Will it not fall on ordinary Nigerians already stretched thin to carry the weight of decisions they never made?
There is a growing fear that the nation may be walking into a future where its people become strangers in their own land, bound by obligations to distant creditors.
Even more troubling is the sense that something is not adding up. The removal of fuel subsidy was meant to free up resources, to create breathing room for meaningful development.
But where are the results? Why does it feel like sacrifice has not translated into relief? The silence surrounding these questions breeds suspicion, and suspicion slowly erodes trust. As of December 31, 2025, Nigeria’s public debt has risen to N159.28 trillion, according to the Debt Management Office.
The numbers keep climbing, but for many citizens, life keeps declining. This disconnect is what hurts the most. Borrowing, in itself, is not the enemy. Nations borrow to grow, to build, to invest in their future. But borrowing without visible progress, without accountability, without compassion for the people, it begins to feel less like strategy and more like a slow descent.
If these borrowed funds are truly building roads, schools, hospitals, and opportunities, then Nigerians deserve to see it, to feel it, to live it. But if they are funding excess, waste, or luxury, then this path is not just dangerous—it is devastating.
Nigeria’s growing loan profile is a double-edged sword. It can either accelerate development or deepen economic challenges. The key issue is not just borrowing, but what the country does with the money. Strong governance, transparency, and investment in productive sectors will determine whether these loans become a foundation for growth or a long-term liability. Because in the end, debt is not just an economic issue. It is a moral one. And if care is not taken, the price Nigeria will pay may not just be financial—it may be the future of its people.
Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Nigeria’s Power Illusion: Why 6,000MW Is Not An Achievement
By Isah Kamisu Madachi
For decades, Nigeria has been called the Giant of Africa. The question no one in government wants to answer is why a giant cannot keep the lights on.
Nigeria sits on the largest proven oil reserves in Africa, holds the continent’s most populous nation at over 220 million people, and commands the fourth largest GDP on the continent at roughly $252 billion. It possesses vast deposits of solid minerals, a fintech ecosystem that accounts for 28% of all fintech companies on the African continent, and a diaspora that remits billions of dollars annually.
If potential were electricity, Nigeria would have been powering half the world. Instead, an immediate former minister is boasting about 6,000 megawatts.
Adebayo Adelabu resigned as Minister of Power on April 22, 2026, citing his ambition to contest the Oyo State governorship election. In his resignation letter, he listed among his achievements that peak generation had increased to over 6,000 megawatts during his tenure, supported by the integration of the Zungeru Hydropower Plant. It was presented as a great crowning legacy. The claim deserves scrutiny, and the numbers deserve context.
To begin with, the context. Ghana, Nigeria’s neighbour in West Africa, has a national electricity access rate of 85.9%, with 74% access in rural areas and 94% in urban areas. Kenya, with a 71.4% national electricity access rate, including 62.7% in rural areas, leads East Africa. Nigeria, by contrast, recorded an electricity access rate of just 61.2 per cent as of 2023, according to the World Bank. This is not a distant or poorer country outperforming Nigeria. Ghana’s GDP stands at approximately $113 billion, less than half of Nigeria’s. Kenya’s economy is around $141 billion. Ethiopia, which has invested massively in the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and is already exporting electricity to neighbouring countries, has a GDP of roughly $126 billion. All three are doing more with far less.
Now to examine the 6,000-megawatt, Daily Trust obtained electricity generation data from the Association of Power Generation Companies and the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, covering quarterly performance from 2023 to 2025 and monthly data from January to March 2026. The data shows that in 2023, peak generation was approximately 5,000 megawatts; in 2024, it reached approximately 5,528 megawatts; in 2025, it ranged between 5,300 and 5,801 megawatts; and by March 2026, available capacity had declined to approximately 4,089 megawatts. The grid never recorded a verified peak of 6,000 megawatts or higher. Adelabu had, in fact, set the 6,000-megawatt target publicly on at least three separate occasions, missing each deadline, and later admitted the target was not achieved, attributing the failure to vandalism of key transmission infrastructure.
In February 2026, Nigeria’s national grid produced an average available capacity of 4,384 megawatts, the lowest monthly average since June 2024. For a country with over 220 million people, this means electricity supply remains far below national demand, with the grid delivering only about 32 per cent of its theoretical installed capacity of approximately 13,000 megawatts. To put that in sharper comparison: in 2018, 48 sub-Saharan African countries, home to nearly one billion people, produced about the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country of 45 million. Nigeria, the continent’s most resource-rich large economy, is a significant part of that embarrassing equation.
The tragedy here is not just technical. It is a governance failure with compounding human costs. An economy that cannot provide reliable electricity cannot competitively manufacture goods, cannot industrialise at scale, cannot attract the volume of foreign direct investment its endowments warrant, and cannot build the digital infrastructure that would allow it to lead on artificial intelligence, data governance, and the emerging critical minerals economy where Africa’s next great opportunity lies. Countries with a fraction of Nigeria’s mineral wealth and human capital are already debating those frontiers. Nigeria is still campaigning on megawatts.
What a departing minister should be able to say, given Nigeria’s endowments, is not that peak generation touched 6,000 megawatts at some unverified moment. He should be saying that Nigeria now generates reliably above 15,000 megawatts, that rural electrification has crossed 70 per cent, and that the country is on a credible trajectory toward the kind of energy sufficiency that unlocks industrial growth. That is the standard Nigeria’s size and resources demand. Anything below it is not an achievement. It is an apology dressed in a press release.
The power sector has received billions of dollars in investment across multiple administrations. The 2013 privatisation exercise, the Presidential Power Initiative, the Electricity Act of 2023, and successive reform promises have produced a sector that still, in 2026, cannot guarantee eight hours of reliable supply to the average Nigerian household. That a minister exits that ministry citing a megawatt figure that fact-checkers have shown was never actually reached, and that even if reached would be unworthy of celebration given Nigeria’s potential, captures the full depth of the problem. The ambition is too small. The accountability is too thin. And the country deserves better from those who are privileged to manage its extraordinary, squandered potential.
Isah Kamisu Madachi is a policy analyst and development practitioner. He writes via [email protected]
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