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PIA: Pollution and Host Communities

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By Jerome-Maeario Utomi

Like every new invention which comes with opportunities and challenges, the passage by the National Assembly and signing into law of the Petroleum Industry Bill about two years ago by the President Muhammadu Buhari-led federal government, after about 17 years of protracted back-and-forth debates, was greeted with mixed feelings. While some hailed the development, others welcomed it with scepticism.

Aside from the belief that the coming of PIA will make innovation possible within the petroleum sector, those who expressed happiness about the coming of the Act predicated their joys on the fact that the provisions, as sighted in PIA, will assist straddle the middle ground in the nation’s petroleum sector which has for a very long time manifested, proved to be a sector with neither primed nor positioned potentials.

Supporting this assertion is the graphic description by PIA advocates of how the new Act will locate, harmonize and strategically engineer prosperity among the operators of the up, mid and downstream sectors of the oil industry while turning the host communities into a zone of peace and democratized development via the 3% allocation to the host communities as captured in Chapter 3 of the Act.

In the opinion of this piece, this joy expressed by stakeholders for reasons qualifies as apposite, especially when one commits to mind the fact that for decades, the operational templates of the players within the industry, particularly the International Oil Companies (IOCs), have for decades been reputed for non-compliance to set rules and devoid of international best practices.

In fact, industry watchers have, at different times, and places argued that before the advent of PIA, the sector was confronted by the following weaknesses; the existence of multiple but obsolete regulatory frameworks which characterize the oil and gas exploration and production in Nigeria.

Secondly, the federal government failed to get the nations’ refineries back to full refining capacity. Thirdly, the Petroleum Ministry’s inability to get committed to making IOCs adhere strictly to the international best practices as it relates to their operational environment.

Fourth and final is the non-existence of clear responsibility/work details and action plans for government agencies and parastatals functioning, monitoring/regulating the sector.

The above failures have, as a direct consequence; cast a long dark shadow on both the ministry and the sector.

To further explain these points beginning with the first challenge, it is worth noting that the business of crude oil exploration and issues of oil production in the country is regulated by multiple but very weak laws and Acts- of which most of these laws are not only complicate enforcement but curiously too old-fashioned for the changing demands of time. Thereby, creating loopholes for operators, especially the IOCs, to exploit both the government and host communities.

Some of these laws/Acts in question operated for over five decades without achieving purposes, and they include but are not limited to; the Petroleum Act of 1969, The Harmful Waste (Special Criminal Positions etc), Act 1988, Mineral Oil Safety Regulation 1963, Petroleum (Drilling and Production) Regulation 1969 (Subsidiary Legislation to The Petroleum Act), The off-shore Oil Revenue (Registration of Grants)Act 1971, Oil in Navigable Act 1968, Petroleum Production and Distribution (Anti Sabotage) Act 1975, Associated Gas Re-injection Act 1979, Associated Gas Re-injection (continued Flaring of Gas) Regulation, Associated Gas Re-injection (Amendment) Decree 1985, Oil Pipeline Act Chapter (CAP) 338, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria (L.F.N.) 1990, and Gas Flare prohibition and punishment) Act 2016 among others.

Even as the above remains lamentable, facts have since emerged that instead of providing the anticipated legal, governance, regulatory and fiscal framework for the Nigerian petroleum industry and the host communities, the Petroleum Industry Act (Act), like the other failed laws that it came to replace, has contrary to expectation become different things to different peoples.

To many, PIA is not only an evil wind that blows nobody any good but a toothless bulldog that neither bites nor barks. To others, it is but is a palliative that cures the effect of sickness while leaving the root cause to thrive.

To the host and impacted communities, the Act has become a first line of conflict between crude oil prospecting, exploration companies and their host communities. It is a law that has come to steal, kill and destroy. Members of this group have come to a sudden realization that nothing has changed.

Without going into specifics, concepts, provisions and definitions, there is also greater evidence that points to the fact that the underlying premise behind PIA enactment has been defeated, the eliciting reason for concern that what is currently happening between oil companies and their host communities may no longer be the first half of a reoccurring circle, but, rather the beginning of something negatively new and different.

Take, as an illustration, if PIA is fundamentally effective and efficient, why is it not providing a strong source of remedy for individuals and communities negatively affected by oil exploration and production in the coastal communities? If these frameworks exist and have been comprehensive as a legal solution to the issues of oil-related violations, why are the IOCs operating in the country indulging in selective implementation of the Act?

Why is the Act not enforced by the federal government and other relevant agencies? Why are these hosts and impacted communities still suffering at the hands of the crude oil exploration and production companies operating in the Niger Delta region?

While answers to the above questions are expected, this piece, however, believes that there are reasons why these issues raised about PIA failures and failings cannot be described as unfounded.

The facts are there and speak for it.

On 28th of March 2023, the people of Kantu/Odidi, host communities to Odidi Flow station, OML 42 in Gbaramatu kingdom, Warri South West Local Government Area of Delta State, staged a peaceful protest against the non-implementation of PIA.

While calling for holistic repair works on the Trans Forcados Pipeline (TFP), which runs through OML 42 in Warri South West LGA to Forcados Terminal in Burutu LGA of Delta State, the protesting communities gave the operators a 7-day ultimatum to commence genuine implementation of the PIA process and payment of the 3% of 2022 operating expenses as stipulated by the PIA with immediate effect to enable the communities to resume implementation of developmental projects in the communities,  warning that failure to do so may lead to the shutdown of operational activities in the OML 42 Asset.

Lamenting that the TFP pipeline was constructed in the early 1960s and has outlived its lifespan long ago, leading to continuous pollution of the environment and destruction of the ecosystem, creating hardship for the locals, the communities stressed that TFP is one of the major pipelines destroying the environment because it has expired and cannot withstand the pressure of crude oil transported through it.

They, therefore, demanded full replacement of the said pipeline instead of the sectional repair works being planned by NEPL/NECONDE without recourse to its negative implications on communities and the environment, particularly since sectional repair works will not stop further leakages.

Kantu/Odidi protest occurred at a time when the dust raised by the 14 days ultimatum/threat issued to another oil company by the oil-rich community of Tsekelewu (Polobubo) in Warri North Local Government Area of Delta State was yet to settle.

In that particular ‘event’, the people of Tsekelewu (Polobubo) also threatened to shut down ongoing exploration activities of Conoil Producing Limited if the company failed to reach a definite agreement with the community on the implementation of Chapter 3 of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) for the Tsekelewu bloc of communities, supports this assertion.

The Host Community lamented that they adopted the option due to the seemingly snobbish attitude of the management of Conoil Producing, as the company’s management had refused to honour letters asking for a meeting with the TCDA on the issue of the PIA implementation.

Away from the persistent highhandedness of the IOCs, this piece is also of the position that PIA is as weak, defective and insufficient as the laws/Acts it was enacted to replace when it comes to pollution prevention, monitoring and control within the sector.

In fact, it will not be characterized as an overstatement to say that it shares the same body and spirit with the now rested Harmful Waste (Special Criminal Positions etc), Act 1988. The major defect with the referenced Act was signposted in its definition of harmful substance based solely on its impact on human beings and does not include its impacts on the environment and animals.

It focused only on the commission of any action or omission by persons without lawful authority. Thus, where an organization has a license to store waste resulting from production, they are seemingly omitted from the ambit of the Act, but the law failed to take into consideration the inadequate storage or inadequate waste management system by licensed firms or groups. Such failure or oversight is glaring and inherent in PIA.

Adding context to the colossal damage harmful substances arising from crude oil production have caused the nation, the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency  NOSDRA reports show that oil spill incidents occurred 921 times in 2015, resulting in a loss of 47,714 barrels of oil, the highest within the period under review. In 2016, 688 cases of oil spills occurred, culminating in a volume of 42,744 barrels of oil. In 2017 and 2018, 596 and 706 cases of oil spills occurred and resulted in the spillage of 34,887 and 27,985 barrels of oil, respectively. Oil spills occurred on 732 occasions, spewing 41,381 barrels of oil in 2019, and 455 cases were recorded in 2020 with 23,526 barrels of oil. In 2021, companies reported 388 incidents, resulting in 23,956 barrels of oil.

The report also observed that oil spills should be closed off within 24 hours. And oil companies are required to fund the clean-up of each spill and pay compensation to local communities affected if the incident was the company’s fault.

Despite these beautiful provisions, there exists no appreciable instance within the period under review where such obligations to host communities have been obeyed. This piece also holds the opinion that under the PIA regime, no operator can claim a clean hand when it comes to obeying such laws in Nigeria, and the regulatory agencies have never bothered to hold them accountable for such failures.

Still on inefficiency and insufficiency of PIA provisions to effectively control pollution arising from crude oil exploration and production, this author, in a similar intervention, after a visit to the Niger Delta region, stated that a tour by boat of creeks and coastal communities of Warri South West and Warri North Local Government Areas of Delta state would amply reveal that the much-anticipated end in sight of gas flaring is actually not in sight. In the same manner, a journey by road from Warri via Eku-Abraka to Agbor, and another road trip from Warri through Ughelli down to Ogwuashi Ukwu in Aniocha Local Government of the state, shows an environment where people cannot properly breathe as it is littered by gas flaring points.

To a large extent, the above confirms as true the recently published report, which among other concerns, noted that Nigeria has about 139 gas flare locations spread across the Niger Delta both in onshore and offshore oil fields where gas which constitutes about 11 per cent of the total gas produced are flared.

Apart from the health implication of flared gases on humanity, their adverse impact on the nation’s economy is equally weighty. For instance, a parallel report published a while ago underlined that about 888 million standard cubic feet of gas were flared daily in 2017. The flared gas, it added, was sufficient to light up Africa, or sub-Saharan Africa, generate 2.5 gigawatts (Gw) of power or produce 50 million barrels of oil equivalent (boe) or produce 600,000 metric tonnes of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) per year, produce 22 million tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO2), feed two-three liquefied natural gas (LNG) trains, generate 300,000 jobs, able to attract $3.5 billion investment into Nigeria and has $350 million carbon credit value’. This is an illustrative pointer as to why the nation economically gropes and stumbles.

Banking on what experts are saying, the major reason for the flaring of gases is that when crude oil is extracted from onshore and offshore oil wells, it brings with it raw natural gas to the surface and where natural gas transportation, pipelines, and infrastructure are lacking, like in the case of Nigeria, this gas is instead burned off or flared as a waste product as this is the cheapest option.

It, therefore, remains an ugly narrative that the choice to flare gas in the country is largely predicated on economies. This has been going on since the 1950s when crude oil was first discovered in commercial quantities in Nigeria.

While Nigeria and Nigerians persist in encountering gas flaring in the country, even so, has, successive administrations in the country made both feeble and deformed attempts to get it arrested.

In 2016, before the advent of PIA, President Muhammadu Buhari led administration enacted Gas Flare Prohibition and Punishment), an act that, among other things, made provisions to prohibit gas flaring in any oil and gas production operation, blocks, fields, onshore or offshore, and gas facility treatment plants in Nigeria.

On Monday, September 2, 2018, Dr Ibe Kachikwu, Minister of State for Petroleum (as he then was), while speaking at the Buyers’ Forum/stakeholders’ Engagement organized by the Gas Aggregation Company of Nigeria in Abuja, among other things, remarked thus; ‘I have said to the Department of Petroleum Resources, beginning from next year (2019 emphasis added), we are going to get quite frantic about this (ending gas flaring in Nigeria) and companies that cannot meet with extended periods –the issue is not how much you can pay in terms of fines for gas flaring, the issue is that you would not produce. We need to begin to look at the foreclosing of licenses’. That threat has since ended in the frames, as there has been little or nothing to get the threat actualized.

The administration also launched the now abandoned National Gas Flare Commercialization Programme (NGFCP), a programme, according to the federal government, aimed at achieving the flares-out agenda/zero routine gas flaring in Nigeria by 2020. Again, like a regular trademark, it failed.

Away from Buhari’s administration, in 1979, the then federal government, in a similar style, came up with the Associated Gas Re-injection Act, which summarily prohibited gas flaring and also fixed the flare-out deadline for January 1, 1984. It failed in line with the leadership philosophy in the country.

Similar feeble and deformed attempts were made in 2003, 2006, and 2008. In the same style and span, precisely on July 2, 2009, the Nigerian Senate passed a Gas Flaring (Prohibition and Punishment) Bill 2009 (SB 126) into law, fixing the flare-out deadline for December 31, 2010- a date that slowly but inevitably failed.

Not stopping at this point, the FG made another attempt in this direction by coming up with the Petroleum Industry Bill, which fixed the flare-out deadline for 2012. The same Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) got protracted till 2021 when it completed its gestation and was subsequently signed into law by President Buhari as Petroleum Industry Act (PIA).

To win, the nation must borrow a ‘soul in order to raise a body’. They must seek solutions from the countries that are presently doing well in these areas where we are facing challenges.  Part of that effort will require going beyond PIA to recognise the region as a special area for purposes of development. This demand cannot be described as unfounded as it is historically based, logical and factually supported.

Recall that the colonial government, long before independence turned down the demand for a Calabar/Ogoja/Rivers (COR) region/state.  But identified the Niger Delta as a troubled spot and recommended to the then Federal Government that the region be regarded as a special area for purposes of development.

Without any shadow of a doubt, I hold an opinion that the federal government’s inability to treat the region as such set the stage for and nourished the restiveness in both the region and the sector.

Most importantly, the people of the region must be directly involved in the management of their resources.

Jerome-Mario is the programme coordinator (Media and Public Policy) at the Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA). He can be reached via [email protected]/08032725374.

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How Stablecoin Can Help in Easing Africa’s Cross-border Remittance Challenges

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The African stablecoins market is growing. In a region that suffers trade deficits and struggles with efficient foreign exchange remittance channels, the stablecoin boom is a welcome development.

Stablecoins are cryptocurrencies pegged to another variable. For the most part, they are pegged to the US dollar, commodities, and sometimes algorithms, giving the coin a 1:1 value. Most stablecoins are pegged to the US dollar. If stablecoins are pegged to the value of the dollar, which has almost zero volatility, why do people hold them? To have access to critical foreign exchange.

The world thrives on trade. Economic systems are based on the intricate balance between local production and trade with other nations. Since everyone has different comparative advantages, there will always be a need for trade, as each country focuses on its strengths. However, trading often faces limitations. For a region like Africa, foreign exchange is one of the greatest risk factors for efficient trading.

How Do Stablecoins Work?

Stablecoins maintain their pegs via four popular methods: Fiat collateralization, crypto collateralization, algorithmic collateralization, and hybrid collateralization.

Fiat-Collateralized Stablecoins are achieved by maintaining a reserve of fiat currency (like USD or EUR).

Each stablecoin issued is backed by an equivalent amount of the fiat currency held in reserve. Many times, stablecoin companies maintain over-collateralization to ensure maximum stability in case of increased volatility. Tether (USDT) is a good example of a fiat-collateralized stablecoin.

Crypto-Collateralized Stablecoins are stablecoins whose value is pegged to another cryptocurrency. The collateral usually exceeds the value of the stablecoins in circulation to account for crypto volatility.

The peg is maintained by automated systems. If the collateral’s value drops, the system automatically liquidates or requires more collateral to maintain the peg. If the price of the stablecoin rises above the peg, users might borrow against their collateral to buy and burn the stablecoin, reducing supply. Dai (DAI) is an example of a crypto-backed stablecoin that maintains its peg through a system of smart contracts within the MakerDAO protocol.

Algorithmic Stablecoins do not have “tangible” collateral but use algorithms to control supply. They maintain the peg by constantly adjusting the total supply of the stablecoin. When the stablecoin’s price is above the peg, new tokens are minted and sold, increasing supply. When below, tokens are bought back and burned, reducing supply. They are the riskiest type of stablecoin because their effectiveness relies on an algorithm, which could fail or be exploited. Terra Luna is an example of an algorithmic stablecoin. It, however, crashed in 2023, sending the crypto market into a free fall.

Commodity-Pegged Stablecoins are backed by the price of commodities. A good example is PAX Gold (PAXG), a stablecoin issued by Paxos and backed by physical gold.

Hybrid Stablecoins use a combination of the above to maintain the peg. These stablecoins are well-collateralized and also use algorithms to maintain the peg. TrueUSD is an example of a hybrid stablecoin.

How Stablecoins Can Help Ease Africa’s Cross-Border Challenges

If anything is critical in cross-border transactions, it’s speed. Speed is important when sourcing liquidity to meet user needs. A businessman might need to move money urgently to pay his suppliers in China, but delays associated with existing transfer methods might be a stumbling block. This is often a challenge with traditional foreign exchange methods, with many users having to wait hours, if not days, for money to reach their counterparties, sometimes missing deadlines.

Stablecoins, on the other hand, enable faster cross-border payments by eliminating intermediaries and facilitating instant value transfers across countries. For instance, remittance done via the Lightning Network takes seconds to reach the counterparty, while most other networks provide value within a few minutes.

Foreign exchange in Africa does not come cheap. The number of intermediaries required to facilitate a conventional money transfer from country A to B means higher charges. Stablecoins provide a low-cost alternative for remittances and trade by bypassing high transaction fees and costly currency conversions.

Stablecoin transfers mostly cost a few cents to $1 for any amount. This is because middlemen are eliminated, and the only payment made is the network fee. Stablecoins also reduce costs by storing transaction records on a single platform, which is replicated across multiple nodes, thereby streamlining processes. For example, sending $5,000 to a Nigerian account on Wise costs $33.56 in fees. Sending this same money from a Binance USDT wallet only costs $1. The disparity in stablecoin-enabled transfers is enormous.

Although financial inclusion in Africa has improved in countries like Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, and Senegal in recent years, many African countries still have low financial inclusion levels. For these countries, stablecoins have proven to be an excellent tool for bridging the gap between the banked and the unbanked. Their popularity means people can access foreign exchange even in remote areas with little to no financial infrastructure.

No lengthy processes are needed to transfer money from one jurisdiction to another. This opens up financial integration and fosters economic growth. Businesses in these regions can now sell via exports, import needed raw materials and expertise to add value to goods and services, creating a positive spiral effect on economic development. Businesses like Ledig makes access to liquidity possible for companies with foreign exchange exposure to Africa.

Finally, one of the salient uses of foreign exchange, which is the tool used for cross-border remittances, is its use as an inflationary hedge. Many times, people open domiciliary accounts, not because they want to pay business partners abroad, receive money for imports, or carry out foreign exchange tasks, but because they want to protect their local currencies from inflation.

According to data, the Nigerian Naira was N899 against one dollar on 1st January 2024, but closed the year at N1,538, losing 71% of its value during the year. People often convert their local currencies to avoid these kinds of situations. Businesses, large organizations, and even individuals often convert local currencies to stable ones like the dollar to mitigate value erosion.

With stablecoins, this is not just accessible to those able to undergo the stringent rules for opening domiciliary accounts, but also accessible to everyone with basic means of ID and adulthood. Stablecoins have democratized foreign exchange access in Africa.

With Stablecoins businesses can now tap into the vast global market by curating services and offering them to businesses around the world, without challenges in processing payments. It simplifies cross-border trade for SMEs, freelancers, and businesses by enabling seamless trade settlements and access to global markets without traditional banking barriers.

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Bridging Theory and Practice: Integrating Measurement Education in Tertiary Curriculums

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Integrating Measurement Education

By Philip Odiakose

As a public relations measurement and evaluation expert with more than a decade of experience advocating the integration of measurement and evaluation into communications and PR engagements, I have witnessed firsthand the knowledge gaps that exist in the field.

These gaps are particularly evident in how PR professionals and agencies approach measurement and evaluation. The reality is that the acceptance and best practices of PR measurement and evaluation must start from the classroom.

This is why I strongly believe that measurement and evaluation education must be integrated into the curriculum of Mass Communications, Public Relations, and Media departments in tertiary institutions. It is only through this structured education that we can begin to produce PR professionals who are future-ready, and equipped with the technical know-how to design, measure, and evaluate campaigns effectively.

The absence of measurement and evaluation in the traditional curriculum of many institutions has created a disconnect between the theoretical knowledge taught in schools and the practical realities of the PR profession. Most PR graduates enter the field with a strong understanding of communication strategies but little to no knowledge of how to measure the success of those strategies or how to leverage data for impactful decision-making.

Measurement and evaluation are not just add-ons; they are integral to ensuring accountability, transparency, and effectiveness in PR and communication efforts. Without a foundational understanding of how to measure impact, PR practitioners are left to rely on outdated metrics or superficial indicators that do not reflect true campaign performance.

In this regard, I must commend institutions that have made deliberate efforts to bring real-life and practical measurement experiences into the classroom. One standout example is Covenant University in Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria. Over the years, I have had the privilege of working with the Communications and Media Studies Department, thanks to Dr. Kehinde Oyesomi, who has consistently provided opportunities for her students to learn the basics of measurement and evaluation. This hands-on approach equips students with the analytical mindset required to thrive in the PR and communications industry. By exposing students to real-world applications of measurement, institutions like Covenant University are raising a generation of practitioners who will be better prepared to navigate the complexities of the industry.

Another commendable example is the initiative by the NIGERIAN INSTITUTE OF PUBLIC RELATIONS, LAGOS (Lagos NIPR), which integrated measurement and evaluation education into its curriculum in 2017. This forward-thinking move was driven by a partnership between P+ Measurement Services and the NIPR Lagos leadership at the time, under the chairmanship of Segun Mcmedal.

It is encouraging to see that this initiative has been sustained by the current chairperson, Madam Comfort Obot Nwankwo, reflecting a commitment to continuous learning and professional development. However, this effort must go beyond the Lagos chapter; it is my hope that the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, under the leadership of Dr. Ike Neliaku, will recognize the importance of adopting measurement and evaluation as an integral part of the institute’s curriculum nationwide.

Education is the foundation of knowledge and practice. In the same vein, it is the starting point for the usage, integration, and acceptance of PR measurement and evaluation as a core function within the industry. Without education, we risk perpetuating the cycle of ignorance, where PR professionals fail to understand the value of data-driven insights and fall back on outdated or ineffective practices. To address this, the measurement community must actively champion education as a means to bridge the gap between theory and practice. This is why global initiatives like AMEC Measurement and Evaluation Education Hub under the leadership of Johna Burke are so vital.

As a founding member of #AMECLabInitiative, I am proud to be part of a mission that focuses on skill development, career progression, and knowledge sharing within the global measurement community. AMEC’s efforts to promote education in measurement and evaluation for public relations and communications are critical to ensuring that best practices are not only adopted but also sustained across the industry.

The value of measurement cannot be overstated. It is both the science and the art of public relations, providing a framework for accountability and a pathway to continuous improvement. However, to achieve this, we must first address the root of the problem: the lack of formal education in measurement and evaluation.

By integrating it into the curriculum of universities and professional bodies, we are not only equipping students with the skills they need to succeed but also ensuring that the industry as a whole evolves to meet the demands of a data-driven world. As I often say, “Education is the beginning, the middle, and the end of the acceptance and best practices of measurement.”

In conclusion, I call on tertiary institutions across Nigeria to embrace the integration of measurement and evaluation into their Mass Communications, PR, and Media curriculums. This is not just about equipping students with technical knowledge; it is about shaping the future of the PR profession. Measurement and evaluation are not static; they are dynamic, evolving with trends, tools, and technologies.

By embedding this education into the classroom, we are creating a pipeline of professionals who are not only skilled but also adaptable, innovative, and ready to lead. The future of PR measurement and evaluation lies in education, and it is up to us as practitioners, educators, and industry leaders to ensure that this foundation is built strong and sustained for generations to come.

Philip Odiakose is a leader and advocate of PR measurement, evaluation and media monitoring in Nigeria. He is also the Chief Media Analyst at P+ Measurement Services, a member of AMEC, NIPR and AMCRON

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How to Awaken the Conscience of the World?

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Immigration Quota World Map

By Kingsley Omose

Sharp conflicts have always indicated transformation points to the consciousness of the world and provided pivots. Pivot is a point of articulation, a point at which things balance.

Sharp conflicts, whether it is a world war or (war in) Iraq, has always indicated transformation points to the consciousness of the world and provided pivots to a new design of human actions.

Things change after the world is traumatised or the world has sharp military conflict or collision of the human will in the earth has always provided pivot points or transformation points to the world’s consciousness.

We look at these events, look at the terrible things that are taking place, but behind that we recognise the fact that things are shifting to new positions.” Dr. Noel Woodroffe on Core Imperatives for Successful Nation Development

Gandhi used the principle of embracing personal suffering from your oppressor without retaliation to wake the conscience of your oppressor and make him stop the oppression to free India from British colonial rule.

In doing this, Gandhi had pointed to Jesus Christ as showing the way to embracing the principle of embracing unjust personal suffering visited on him by those he came to save to awaken the conscience of humanity to the path of reconciliation with its Creator, God.

Gandhi set up unarmed Indian protesters to defy unjust British laws and policies and then for these Indians to resort with non-violence when the British Army made up principally of Indians visited them with violence in return.

While Gandhi used the principle from a majority population perspective, Martin Luther King Jr. took the same principle and applied it from a Black minority population perspective to awake the conscience of the dominant white population in the US to the evils of segregation.

He simply organised Black protesters to defy the segregation policy and not to respond with violence when the police in the South came to enforce segregation with brutality and unwarranted violence before the American media who were on hand to record it.

This was what gave birth to the Civil Rights Act in the US ending segregation and legal racial discrimination, amongst others. Hamas deviated substantially from Gandhi and Martin Lutther King Jr. in that its application of the principle was triggered through violence and killing of over 1,200 Israelis during its border invasion on October 7, 2023.

The issue before Hamas was how a minority population brings the attention of the world to Israel’s biggest open air fenced prison in the world with over 2.5 million Palestinians, and by extension, the issue of a Palestinian state.

First, without the knowledge of the 2.5 million Palestinians in Gaza, Hamas dug tens of thousands of kilometres of tunnels deep underneath Gaza.

Then, on October 7, 2023, Hamas and its allies broke through reinforced concrete walls separating Gaza from Israel, invaded some neighbouring communities, killed over 1,200 people, and forcefully took over 200 Israeli captive back with them into the tunnels underneath Gaza.

An enraged Israel with its Western allies reacting to what they regarded as a massacre swallowed the bait, and what the world has witnessed live on all media platforms in the last 13 months has been a morden defining of what constitutes genocide as the full military might of Israel and its Western allies was visited on an unarmed nonviolent Palestinian population in Gaza.

Make no mistake, implementing this strategy came at great cost to Hamas and its leaders, but what has shaken a watching world to its core has been the resulting violence and suffering visited on over 2.5 million unarmed Palestinians, mostly women and children, by the Israeli government and military with the support of its Western allies.

A peace deal has now been brokered between Israel and Hamas facilitated by Donald Trump using a 3-stage peace plan earlier put forward by the Biden administration, starting with the exchange of prisoners between both sides.

But be assured that just as happened in India gaining independence from the British with the help of Gandhi, and with the civil rights movement in the US spearheaded by Martin Luther King Jr., the Palestinian cause is now a global issue thanks to the actions of Israel and its Western allies in the last 13 months.

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