Feature/OPED
PIA: Pollution and Host Communities

By Jerome-Maeario Utomi
Like every new invention which comes with opportunities and challenges, the passage by the National Assembly and signing into law of the Petroleum Industry Bill about two years ago by the President Muhammadu Buhari-led federal government, after about 17 years of protracted back-and-forth debates, was greeted with mixed feelings. While some hailed the development, others welcomed it with scepticism.
Aside from the belief that the coming of PIA will make innovation possible within the petroleum sector, those who expressed happiness about the coming of the Act predicated their joys on the fact that the provisions, as sighted in PIA, will assist straddle the middle ground in the nation’s petroleum sector which has for a very long time manifested, proved to be a sector with neither primed nor positioned potentials.
Supporting this assertion is the graphic description by PIA advocates of how the new Act will locate, harmonize and strategically engineer prosperity among the operators of the up, mid and downstream sectors of the oil industry while turning the host communities into a zone of peace and democratized development via the 3% allocation to the host communities as captured in Chapter 3 of the Act.
In the opinion of this piece, this joy expressed by stakeholders for reasons qualifies as apposite, especially when one commits to mind the fact that for decades, the operational templates of the players within the industry, particularly the International Oil Companies (IOCs), have for decades been reputed for non-compliance to set rules and devoid of international best practices.
In fact, industry watchers have, at different times, and places argued that before the advent of PIA, the sector was confronted by the following weaknesses; the existence of multiple but obsolete regulatory frameworks which characterize the oil and gas exploration and production in Nigeria.
Secondly, the federal government failed to get the nations’ refineries back to full refining capacity. Thirdly, the Petroleum Ministry’s inability to get committed to making IOCs adhere strictly to the international best practices as it relates to their operational environment.
Fourth and final is the non-existence of clear responsibility/work details and action plans for government agencies and parastatals functioning, monitoring/regulating the sector.
The above failures have, as a direct consequence; cast a long dark shadow on both the ministry and the sector.
To further explain these points beginning with the first challenge, it is worth noting that the business of crude oil exploration and issues of oil production in the country is regulated by multiple but very weak laws and Acts- of which most of these laws are not only complicate enforcement but curiously too old-fashioned for the changing demands of time. Thereby, creating loopholes for operators, especially the IOCs, to exploit both the government and host communities.
Some of these laws/Acts in question operated for over five decades without achieving purposes, and they include but are not limited to; the Petroleum Act of 1969, The Harmful Waste (Special Criminal Positions etc), Act 1988, Mineral Oil Safety Regulation 1963, Petroleum (Drilling and Production) Regulation 1969 (Subsidiary Legislation to The Petroleum Act), The off-shore Oil Revenue (Registration of Grants)Act 1971, Oil in Navigable Act 1968, Petroleum Production and Distribution (Anti Sabotage) Act 1975, Associated Gas Re-injection Act 1979, Associated Gas Re-injection (continued Flaring of Gas) Regulation, Associated Gas Re-injection (Amendment) Decree 1985, Oil Pipeline Act Chapter (CAP) 338, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria (L.F.N.) 1990, and Gas Flare prohibition and punishment) Act 2016 among others.
Even as the above remains lamentable, facts have since emerged that instead of providing the anticipated legal, governance, regulatory and fiscal framework for the Nigerian petroleum industry and the host communities, the Petroleum Industry Act (Act), like the other failed laws that it came to replace, has contrary to expectation become different things to different peoples.
To many, PIA is not only an evil wind that blows nobody any good but a toothless bulldog that neither bites nor barks. To others, it is but is a palliative that cures the effect of sickness while leaving the root cause to thrive.
To the host and impacted communities, the Act has become a first line of conflict between crude oil prospecting, exploration companies and their host communities. It is a law that has come to steal, kill and destroy. Members of this group have come to a sudden realization that nothing has changed.
Without going into specifics, concepts, provisions and definitions, there is also greater evidence that points to the fact that the underlying premise behind PIA enactment has been defeated, the eliciting reason for concern that what is currently happening between oil companies and their host communities may no longer be the first half of a reoccurring circle, but, rather the beginning of something negatively new and different.
Take, as an illustration, if PIA is fundamentally effective and efficient, why is it not providing a strong source of remedy for individuals and communities negatively affected by oil exploration and production in the coastal communities? If these frameworks exist and have been comprehensive as a legal solution to the issues of oil-related violations, why are the IOCs operating in the country indulging in selective implementation of the Act?
Why is the Act not enforced by the federal government and other relevant agencies? Why are these hosts and impacted communities still suffering at the hands of the crude oil exploration and production companies operating in the Niger Delta region?
While answers to the above questions are expected, this piece, however, believes that there are reasons why these issues raised about PIA failures and failings cannot be described as unfounded.
The facts are there and speak for it.
On 28th of March 2023, the people of Kantu/Odidi, host communities to Odidi Flow station, OML 42 in Gbaramatu kingdom, Warri South West Local Government Area of Delta State, staged a peaceful protest against the non-implementation of PIA.
While calling for holistic repair works on the Trans Forcados Pipeline (TFP), which runs through OML 42 in Warri South West LGA to Forcados Terminal in Burutu LGA of Delta State, the protesting communities gave the operators a 7-day ultimatum to commence genuine implementation of the PIA process and payment of the 3% of 2022 operating expenses as stipulated by the PIA with immediate effect to enable the communities to resume implementation of developmental projects in the communities, warning that failure to do so may lead to the shutdown of operational activities in the OML 42 Asset.
Lamenting that the TFP pipeline was constructed in the early 1960s and has outlived its lifespan long ago, leading to continuous pollution of the environment and destruction of the ecosystem, creating hardship for the locals, the communities stressed that TFP is one of the major pipelines destroying the environment because it has expired and cannot withstand the pressure of crude oil transported through it.
They, therefore, demanded full replacement of the said pipeline instead of the sectional repair works being planned by NEPL/NECONDE without recourse to its negative implications on communities and the environment, particularly since sectional repair works will not stop further leakages.
Kantu/Odidi protest occurred at a time when the dust raised by the 14 days ultimatum/threat issued to another oil company by the oil-rich community of Tsekelewu (Polobubo) in Warri North Local Government Area of Delta State was yet to settle.
In that particular ‘event’, the people of Tsekelewu (Polobubo) also threatened to shut down ongoing exploration activities of Conoil Producing Limited if the company failed to reach a definite agreement with the community on the implementation of Chapter 3 of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) for the Tsekelewu bloc of communities, supports this assertion.
The Host Community lamented that they adopted the option due to the seemingly snobbish attitude of the management of Conoil Producing, as the company’s management had refused to honour letters asking for a meeting with the TCDA on the issue of the PIA implementation.
Away from the persistent highhandedness of the IOCs, this piece is also of the position that PIA is as weak, defective and insufficient as the laws/Acts it was enacted to replace when it comes to pollution prevention, monitoring and control within the sector.
In fact, it will not be characterized as an overstatement to say that it shares the same body and spirit with the now rested Harmful Waste (Special Criminal Positions etc), Act 1988. The major defect with the referenced Act was signposted in its definition of harmful substance based solely on its impact on human beings and does not include its impacts on the environment and animals.
It focused only on the commission of any action or omission by persons without lawful authority. Thus, where an organization has a license to store waste resulting from production, they are seemingly omitted from the ambit of the Act, but the law failed to take into consideration the inadequate storage or inadequate waste management system by licensed firms or groups. Such failure or oversight is glaring and inherent in PIA.
Adding context to the colossal damage harmful substances arising from crude oil production have caused the nation, the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency NOSDRA reports show that oil spill incidents occurred 921 times in 2015, resulting in a loss of 47,714 barrels of oil, the highest within the period under review. In 2016, 688 cases of oil spills occurred, culminating in a volume of 42,744 barrels of oil. In 2017 and 2018, 596 and 706 cases of oil spills occurred and resulted in the spillage of 34,887 and 27,985 barrels of oil, respectively. Oil spills occurred on 732 occasions, spewing 41,381 barrels of oil in 2019, and 455 cases were recorded in 2020 with 23,526 barrels of oil. In 2021, companies reported 388 incidents, resulting in 23,956 barrels of oil.
The report also observed that oil spills should be closed off within 24 hours. And oil companies are required to fund the clean-up of each spill and pay compensation to local communities affected if the incident was the company’s fault.
Despite these beautiful provisions, there exists no appreciable instance within the period under review where such obligations to host communities have been obeyed. This piece also holds the opinion that under the PIA regime, no operator can claim a clean hand when it comes to obeying such laws in Nigeria, and the regulatory agencies have never bothered to hold them accountable for such failures.
Still on inefficiency and insufficiency of PIA provisions to effectively control pollution arising from crude oil exploration and production, this author, in a similar intervention, after a visit to the Niger Delta region, stated that a tour by boat of creeks and coastal communities of Warri South West and Warri North Local Government Areas of Delta state would amply reveal that the much-anticipated end in sight of gas flaring is actually not in sight. In the same manner, a journey by road from Warri via Eku-Abraka to Agbor, and another road trip from Warri through Ughelli down to Ogwuashi Ukwu in Aniocha Local Government of the state, shows an environment where people cannot properly breathe as it is littered by gas flaring points.
To a large extent, the above confirms as true the recently published report, which among other concerns, noted that Nigeria has about 139 gas flare locations spread across the Niger Delta both in onshore and offshore oil fields where gas which constitutes about 11 per cent of the total gas produced are flared.
Apart from the health implication of flared gases on humanity, their adverse impact on the nation’s economy is equally weighty. For instance, a parallel report published a while ago underlined that about 888 million standard cubic feet of gas were flared daily in 2017. The flared gas, it added, was sufficient to light up Africa, or sub-Saharan Africa, generate 2.5 gigawatts (Gw) of power or produce 50 million barrels of oil equivalent (boe) or produce 600,000 metric tonnes of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) per year, produce 22 million tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO2), feed two-three liquefied natural gas (LNG) trains, generate 300,000 jobs, able to attract $3.5 billion investment into Nigeria and has $350 million carbon credit value’. This is an illustrative pointer as to why the nation economically gropes and stumbles.
Banking on what experts are saying, the major reason for the flaring of gases is that when crude oil is extracted from onshore and offshore oil wells, it brings with it raw natural gas to the surface and where natural gas transportation, pipelines, and infrastructure are lacking, like in the case of Nigeria, this gas is instead burned off or flared as a waste product as this is the cheapest option.
It, therefore, remains an ugly narrative that the choice to flare gas in the country is largely predicated on economies. This has been going on since the 1950s when crude oil was first discovered in commercial quantities in Nigeria.
While Nigeria and Nigerians persist in encountering gas flaring in the country, even so, has, successive administrations in the country made both feeble and deformed attempts to get it arrested.
In 2016, before the advent of PIA, President Muhammadu Buhari led administration enacted Gas Flare Prohibition and Punishment), an act that, among other things, made provisions to prohibit gas flaring in any oil and gas production operation, blocks, fields, onshore or offshore, and gas facility treatment plants in Nigeria.
On Monday, September 2, 2018, Dr Ibe Kachikwu, Minister of State for Petroleum (as he then was), while speaking at the Buyers’ Forum/stakeholders’ Engagement organized by the Gas Aggregation Company of Nigeria in Abuja, among other things, remarked thus; ‘I have said to the Department of Petroleum Resources, beginning from next year (2019 emphasis added), we are going to get quite frantic about this (ending gas flaring in Nigeria) and companies that cannot meet with extended periods –the issue is not how much you can pay in terms of fines for gas flaring, the issue is that you would not produce. We need to begin to look at the foreclosing of licenses’. That threat has since ended in the frames, as there has been little or nothing to get the threat actualized.
The administration also launched the now abandoned National Gas Flare Commercialization Programme (NGFCP), a programme, according to the federal government, aimed at achieving the flares-out agenda/zero routine gas flaring in Nigeria by 2020. Again, like a regular trademark, it failed.
Away from Buhari’s administration, in 1979, the then federal government, in a similar style, came up with the Associated Gas Re-injection Act, which summarily prohibited gas flaring and also fixed the flare-out deadline for January 1, 1984. It failed in line with the leadership philosophy in the country.
Similar feeble and deformed attempts were made in 2003, 2006, and 2008. In the same style and span, precisely on July 2, 2009, the Nigerian Senate passed a Gas Flaring (Prohibition and Punishment) Bill 2009 (SB 126) into law, fixing the flare-out deadline for December 31, 2010- a date that slowly but inevitably failed.
Not stopping at this point, the FG made another attempt in this direction by coming up with the Petroleum Industry Bill, which fixed the flare-out deadline for 2012. The same Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) got protracted till 2021 when it completed its gestation and was subsequently signed into law by President Buhari as Petroleum Industry Act (PIA).
To win, the nation must borrow a ‘soul in order to raise a body’. They must seek solutions from the countries that are presently doing well in these areas where we are facing challenges. Part of that effort will require going beyond PIA to recognise the region as a special area for purposes of development. This demand cannot be described as unfounded as it is historically based, logical and factually supported.
Recall that the colonial government, long before independence turned down the demand for a Calabar/Ogoja/Rivers (COR) region/state. But identified the Niger Delta as a troubled spot and recommended to the then Federal Government that the region be regarded as a special area for purposes of development.
Without any shadow of a doubt, I hold an opinion that the federal government’s inability to treat the region as such set the stage for and nourished the restiveness in both the region and the sector.
Most importantly, the people of the region must be directly involved in the management of their resources.
Jerome-Mario is the programme coordinator (Media and Public Policy) at the Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA). He can be reached via Jeromeutomi@yahoo.com/08032725374.
Feature/OPED
Why Youth Engagement is Nigeria’s Agricultural Imperative

By Diana Tenebe
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture, faced with a demographic reality that is both its greatest asset and a significant challenge. With a population where almost 70% are under the age of 30, the nation’s future is undeniably in the hands of its youth.
Yet, the agricultural sector, the traditional backbone of the economy, is in a state of crisis, with an aging farming population and a notable disinterest from the younger generation. This disconnect poses a serious threat to our food security, economic stability, and long-term sustainable development. To navigate this, Nigeria must embark on a deliberate and multi-faceted mission to transform agriculture from a career of last resort into a dynamic, profitable, and respected profession for its youth.
The perception of farming as a life of drudgery, poverty, and limited opportunity is deeply ingrained in the minds of many young Nigerians. This is not without reason. The sector is often associated with backbreaking labor, outdated methods, and significant financial risk. The lack of access to land, credit, and modern technology creates a formidable barrier to entry, pushing aspiring young people towards often non-existent or poorly paid urban jobs. This exodus from rural areas exacerbates the issue, leaving an agricultural sector in need of fresh ideas and a renewed workforce.
To reverse this trend, we must begin by transforming the very image of agriculture. Education is the key. Integrating agriculture, food, and nutrition into the national curriculum from primary school upwards can fundamentally change how young people view the sector. By making it a compulsory subject in secondary schools, we can equip students with practical knowledge and foster an appreciation for the vast opportunities within the food system. School gardens and ‘Farm to School’ initiatives can provide hands-on experience, connecting young minds with the processes of food production and the rewards of a healthy community. By promoting farming as a business, not just a means of subsistence, we can highlight its potential for profitability and professionalism.
Crucially, young Nigerians need to see that success in agriculture is not just possible, but a reality. Showcasing successful young farmers and agripreneurs through media campaigns, documentaries, and digital platforms like Agribusiness TV can provide powerful role models. These stories of innovation, resilience, and financial success can inspire a new generation to reconsider their career paths. Peer-to-peer learning, where successful young farmers share their evidence-based success, is an effective way to demonstrate the viability of modern agricultural practices and encourage others to follow suit.
Beyond changing perceptions, we must address the tangible barriers to entry. Access to finance is paramount. Innovative funding models, including grants, subsidies, and venture capital funds specifically for young agricultural entrepreneurs, can ease the initial burden of starting an agribusiness. Policy reforms that simplify land acquisition and promote cooperative farming models are essential to ensure young people have access to the resources they need. Furthermore, providing training in technical, business, and financial literacy will empower them to develop robust business plans and attract investment.
Perhaps the most potent tool for attracting Nigeria’s tech-savvy youth is technology itself. Modern agriculture is a far cry from the old-school image of a farmer with a hoe. Digital technologies, from mobile apps that provide real-time market prices to blockchain for product traceability, can connect young farmers directly to markets and streamline their operations. The introduction of technologies like hydroponics, aquaponics, and automated farm machinery not only reduces drudgery but also offers attractive, quick-return opportunities. By promoting agri-tech startups and establishing ICT training centers for rural youth, we can position agriculture as a hub of innovation.
The government has a vital role to play in fostering an enabling environment. Initiatives like the National Young Farmers Scheme and partnerships such as the one between the Federal Government and Niger State to empower 100,000 youths are commendable steps. Continued public investment, alongside the involvement of youth in policy dialogue, will signal a genuine commitment to their future in the sector.
Engaging Nigeria’s youth in agriculture is not merely an option—it is a national imperative. By transforming perception, enhancing access to resources, and leveraging technology, we can unlock their immense potential, ensuring a sustainable and prosperous future for the entire nation. The time to act is now.
Diana Tenebe is the Chief Operating Officer of Foodstuff Store
Feature/OPED
Artificial Intelligence: The Indispensable Catalyst for Nigeria’s Agricultural Revolution

By Diana Tenebe
Nigeria’s agricultural sector, a cornerstone of its economy, faces a critical crossroads. While employing a staggering 40% of the population and holding over 84 million hectares of arable land, the industry is hobbled by deep-seated challenges. Low productivity, a fragmented supply chain, poor infrastructure, and a lack of access to financial services are just a few of the hurdles that prevent the sector from reaching its full potential. Coupled with the unpredictable and severe shocks of climate change—from prolonged droughts to devastating floods—these issues threaten the food security of a rapidly growing population.
To truly transform this vital sector, a new approach is needed, one that moves beyond traditional methods and embraces the power of technology. Artificial Intelligence (AI) is not just a futuristic buzzword; it is the imperative for Nigeria’s agricultural revolution. AI holds the key to unlocking higher yields, building resilience, and fostering an inclusive and sustainable food system that can feed a nation and drive economic growth.
The most immediate impact of AI is in the area of precision farming. By integrating AI with technologies like Internet of Things (IoT) sensors, drones, and satellite imagery, farmers can gain an unprecedented understanding of their land. AI-powered systems can analyse real-time data on soil moisture, nutrient levels, and plant health, providing actionable insights for targeted interventions. For instance, smart irrigation systems can optimize water usage, a critical resource in a country facing increasing water scarcity. AI-enabled drones can survey vast farmlands in minutes, identifying early signs of pests or disease and allowing for precise application of pesticides, reducing chemical use and cost. Early trials of these technologies in Nigeria have already demonstrated significant gains, with some reports showing a remarkable 60-70% increase in crop yields.
Climate adaptation is another area where AI’s role is indispensable. Nigeria’s farmers are on the front lines of climate change, enduring erratic rainfall and extreme weather events. AI can provide a shield against this volatility. By analyzing historical weather data and real-time forecasts, AI models can offer accurate, localized predictions. This allows farmers to proactively adjust their planting schedules, select climate-resilient crop varieties, and plan for potential risks, effectively mitigating the devastating impact of droughts and floods.
The economic benefits extend far beyond the farm gate. A significant portion of Nigeria’s agricultural produce is lost due to an inefficient and fragmented supply chain. AI can streamline logistics, optimize transportation routes, and enhance inventory management. By reducing spoilage and waste, AI ensures that more of what is harvested reaches the market, thereby boosting the incomes of farmers and providing a more stable supply of food for consumers. The success of Nigerian agritech companies like Crop2Cash, which has reportedly helped over 500,000 farmers increase their income by up to 70%, demonstrates the tangible economic impact of these technologies.
AI is a powerful tool for promoting financial inclusion and education. Millions of smallholder farmers, who form the backbone of Nigerian agriculture, are often excluded from formal financial systems due to a lack of collateral and credit history. AI-driven fintech solutions can bridge this gap by assessing creditworthiness using alternative data, making it easier for farmers to access the loans and insurance they need to scale their operations. AI-powered mobile apps and chatbots can also serve as virtual extension agents, providing personalized advice on best farming practices, pest control, and crop management, democratizing knowledge and empowering farmers to make better decisions.
Despite this immense potential, the journey towards widespread AI adoption is not without its hurdles. High upfront costs for AI-enabled equipment, a general lack of understanding and experience with these tools, and a preference for traditional methods are all significant barriers. Furthermore, infrastructural gaps, including poor roads and inadequate storage facilities, hinder the seamless implementation of these technologies. Data availability and computational capacity are also key challenges that need to be addressed.
However, the Nigerian government and a burgeoning ecosystem of agritech startups are already paving the way forward. The government’s vision is articulated in initiatives like the National AI Strategy, which aims to establish AI research centers and support R&D. Programs such as the Nigeria Artificial Intelligence Research Scheme (NAIRS) and the NITDA AI Developers Group are building the necessary skills among entrepreneurs and farmers. Strategic partnerships between government bodies, financial institutions, and innovative startups are creating localized solutions that are tailored to the unique conditions of Nigerian agriculture.
Ultimately, AI is not a luxury but an imperative for Nigeria to unlock its agricultural potential. Its successful integration will transform the role of the farmer from a manual laborer to a strategic planner and overseer of a smart, efficient, and sustainable food system.
By investing in infrastructure, fostering strategic partnerships, and prioritizing education and capacity building, Nigeria can harness the power of AI to feed its people, drive economic prosperity, and secure its place as a leader in the African agricultural revolution.
Diana Tenebe is the Chief Operating Officer of Foodstuff Store
Feature/OPED
Nigerian Women Achieve: Lessons in Real Support from the Super Falcons and MTN

When the Super Falcons pulled off their stunning comeback against Morocco to win the 2024 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations, it wasn’t just another title. It was a defining moment. Down by two goals and playing against the host country, the Nigerian women’s team fought back to clinch a 3–2 victory and claim their 10th WAFCON trophy. It was bold, brilliant and beautiful to watch.
But beyond football, something else stood out. In the days that followed, the Falcons shared a handwritten letter addressed to MTN Nigeria. It was signed by their captain, Rasheedat Ajibade, and spoke from the heart. The team acknowledged MTN’s support throughout the tournament, from their pre-match preparations to the warm welcome they received back home. It wasn’t just about appreciation. It was a reflection of what can happen when women are backed, seen and celebrated.
MTN has been the official telecommunications partner of the Nigerian Football Federation for years, and their involvement in football isn’t new. But their support of the women’s team this year was different. It was loud, visible and intentional. The Falcons were first received at the MTN Nigeria headquarters in Ikoyi, where staff lined the building, singing and cheering as the players arrived. The next day, MTN hosted a celebratory breakfast reception in Lagos where the company presented the team and coaching crew with a 150 million naira reward. Of that sum, 115 million went to the players and 35 million to the technical team.
What stood out even more than the money were the words shared by MTN’s CEO, Dr, Karl Toriola. He called the Super Falcons more than athletes. He called them inspirations. He spoke not only of MTN’s pride in their performance but also of the company’s broader commitment to women in leadership. According to Toriola, MTN Nigeria has already surpassed the 50-50 executive management gender representation goal set for 2030, and currently holds one of the most balanced leadership teams on the Nigerian Stock Exchange.
This alignment between external support and internal structure says a lot. MTN is not simply attaching its name to a moment. It is investing in systems that allow women to thrive, whether they’re on the football pitch or in the boardroom. That kind of support is rare, and it matters.
The Falcons clearly see it. In their letter, they described MTN’s role as more than a sponsorship. They acknowledged the power of visibility, of being shown that their achievements are worth celebrating. They also made it clear that this is just the beginning. The WAFCON win was historic, but their sights are set higher. They want to be global contenders, not just local champions.
That journey will require continued support, not just from the Federation or government, but from partners like MTN who understand that progress for women must be intentional and consistent. Backing women means showing up before the trophy is lifted, not just after.
Moments like these show us what is possible when women are supported to rise. And it is not just about football. It is about changing how young girls see themselves. It is about shifting how women are valued in every space. The Falcons said it best in their closing line to MTN: “Together, we’ll keep soaring.”
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