Feature/OPED
Reflecting on a Catholic Priest’s 30 years Of Liberal Thoughts
By Jerome-Mario Utomi
Taken objectively, Rev. Fr. Victor Ibude, from Agbor, Delta State, Nigeria, is a Catholic Priest ordained about 30 years ago precisely in the year 1993, who in the first instance went to the seminary with no ambition of becoming a priest but only went in thanksgiving to God for aiding him score distinction in his examination as conducted by the West African Examination Council (WAEC).
He was, however, through divine arrangement and natural order of things, ordained a Priest of the Catholic Church on the aforementioned date.
Essentially, by his ordination which was administered by His Lordship, Most Rev. (Dr) Anthony Gbuji, Bishop of Issele-Uku Diocese (as he then was), Fr. Victor, like other Rev. Fathers in the catholic faith, became a Priest, a Prophet and a King, laced with the capacity to perform every spiritual, human and other responsibility associated with the position/office.
Beyond these statutory responsibilities, a peep into his 30-year existential journey in Priesthood reveals something new and different. He is not only embodied with a spiritual relationship with God, which of course is a prerequisite demand for the vocation but principally exudes a liberal thought system that positively defines his views and approach to issues.
The above unique attributes daily manifest through exceptional intellectual achievements among other documented feats. recently came to the fore during a media parley with him, as part of a programme lined up to mark his 30th Priestly ordination cum book presentation slated for Sunday, December 10, 2023, in Alisimie village, Ika South Local Government Area of Delta state.
Aside from revealing that he has authored over fifty (50) books on different topical issues, with plans underway to hit 100 books at a record time, Fr. Ibude, who was a Professor of Philosophy, used to his credit, the opportunity provided by the interview to highlight on critical human and developmental issues as well as addressing some unsettled religious doctrinal commentaries.
Beginning with insight into his choice of priesthood as against other fields of endeavours, Fr. Ibude explained that his going to the seminary was a result of an event that occurred during his West African Examination Council WAEC examination.
He said in part; when I had my first WAEC, I did not pass all my papers. Then, I went to Lagos where I showed my results to my siblings. I was enrolled to attend a lesson. While attending the lesson, I was still active in church. My elder brother, Edward reported me to my elder sisters, telling them I was too ‘churcheous’ and not focusing on my studies.
So, there was a conference over the matter and during the discussion, I told them that my result was already known to me. So, I mentioned that I would score distinctions in the forthcoming examination. My brother decided to make a bet with me that if I should score any distinction, he would give me twenty naira (N20). At the end of the day, when the result was released and I had distinctions, my brother wrote me a letter telling me that God wrote the examination for me. Then since God wrote the examination for me, I decided to go and thank him by going to the Seminary.
Asked if he believes in reincarnation, which happens to be one of the doctrines that the Catholic Church frowns at, he answered this way;, as a Catholic and a Christian, I was going with the waves that the church does not believe in reincarnation. However, I wrote my first work on reincarnation when I was in secondary school class five. The title was The Wonders of Reincarnation. Now, I learnt from my parents. My father was not a Catholic. He belonged to Cherubim and Seraphim. They taught me and my siblings how each of us was incarnate of somebody who was gone. The stories were so clear to me and that was how I started getting interested in the fact that these people were giving us facts that you can see.
So, why are we having doubts about this? Eventually, when I entered seminary, I decided to give myself into understanding of the philosophy of reincarnation. I started researching on it. Eventually, my final thesis in philosophy was on reincarnation. Then what was my conclusion?
My conclusion was that there exists reincarnation. That was where the issue is. How did I come to that conclusion knowing that the church does not believe in reincarnation? Luckily for me, because of my test, I came across the work of Saint Paul in 1st Thessalonians 5 v 23, where St. Paul talked about the tripartite nature of man.
All the while, we talked about the dual nature of man. Man is soul and body. We don’t talk about the third part of man which is the spirit. So, when I came across this version of St. Paul of man being three and not two, the whole mystery of reincarnation became so clear. Reincarnation happens in reality not because of the soul but because of the spirit.
So, as we speak, my position on it is still the same.
As for the church’s position, it is still not clear about the whole idea because the church essentially is the people in it. And the people in it are the theologians. Theologians are the people studying it. So, it is a work in progress. We’re still studying, we’re still doing our research and we’re still writing on it. He stressed.
From doctrinal commentary to evaluation of his 30years sojourn on earth as a Priest, again, he captured it this way; well, the journey has been a serious one. There was a time I had a serious challenge. At that time, some issues were provoking me. One, as a priest, I found out that the word Father was no longer a name but a demand. People make demands of you. I was not sure I could carry the load of the challenge of people’s demands. That was one.
The second one was discovering that ordination does not make you a saint automatically. I thought passion dies with ordination. That was when I decided I wanted to go to the monastery. And I went to the monastery. I was in the monastery for about a week because I was studying their spirituality. After that, I decided I was going to live a monastic life. I asked for permission but the bishop refused. That was how I didn’t go to the monastery, he concluded.
Asked about his position on the proliferation and commercialization of churches, the Man of God, declared that he has no problem with such development. Quoting John Cardinal Onaikan, when he was asked about the issue of church proliferation, he came out with the notion that it would have been worse if there were no churches. That was his position and if you look at it, these churches are still relevant. Take as an illustration; if people are left on their own without churches, they tend to be worse off. The church has succeeded in making us better.
Continuing, he added the commercialisation of churches on its part has an advantage too. We the Catholics, without this Commercialization of churches, don’t think we would have been challenged to be evangelical and charismatic. They have their relevance. Look at Europe and America where the churches are not as challenged as we are here, you could see that the churches there are dying. So, it is to our advantage.
While noting that the church is doing something but not doing enough to curb the moral decadence in society, the Catholic cleric insisted that the church in itself accommodates culture. ‘It is called inculturation. And for some time now, I’ve been doing what is called inculturation mass where i incorporate tradition into the mass. I’ve been having it in many of the parishes because the church made provision for this. It’s just that we Africans don’t seem to be open to these things. We the blacks don’t seem to appreciate what we have’.
Asked to explain why he reportedly threw up controversy in his Seminary days with his assertion that catholic priests marry, he answered, saying; Yes, I was trying to throw up a controversy. In my class 6 in the seminary, I was having difficulties with the system. Like I said, I was into music. So, my life was a social life. They were already telling me that I was too social and that it was not the life of a priest.
But I was not giving it up because that was what I liked. So, it was clear to me that those in charge were not comfortable with it. And the only thing they could do was to send me away but how they were going to send me away, I didn’t know. So, when the examination came, they asked me the question and I said it was a way of them telling me to go. I was not even afraid of going in the first place. So, that was why I did that.
Asked what kept him going as a Priest despite the challenges in the past thirty years, Fr. Victor has this to say, listen to him; Well, I would say it’s my prayer life. I have a very rigorous prayer life. I have a basic prayer system. Like every day, I spend one hour in church. It’s a practice I learnt in secondary school and I kept doing it.
On his active involvement in active charity, the Priest succulently explained as follows; well, growing up. Like in primary school, I used to follow the African Culture where your siblings and relations usually eat together. When we cook rice, it’s always a special day. Each time they come, my siblings will expect me to share my food with my age mates. It makes me uncomfortable because why will I be sharing my food? Why don’t they have their own? At that moment, I was challenged. Charity was difficult for me but from that background, I was forced to give up what is mine.
From that moment also, I started learning. I had to learn on time because it was becoming an issue. From there, I started learning how to give out to the poor. I started giving to the extent that when it was time for my first WAEC that was one of the reasons why I didn’t pass my first WAEC. The money I was given for Agric practical, as I was on my way to pay it, I met a beggar. I took the money and gave the beggar. So, that has been the background.
Asked to advise public officeholders and Nigerians as a whole, he called on all to seek the face of God.
‘For a long time now, I have something I call my NGO. The NGO aims to help solve matters that are within my reach. If I am driving along the road and I see that there is something on the road, I will stop and remove it. I have been preaching it and have also been living with it. Do something for somebody. Charity is our African philosophy. It’s just that we have lost it. And if everybody is good to the other, everybody will be comfortable. Nobody will be stealing. People are stealing because we are not appreciative of what we have’.
On his proposed University and retreat centre, Father explained that he started thinking about having a retreat centre where people can go to rest, to be on their own because Agbor doesn’t have that. So, that was how the whole thing started.
‘After that, I realized also that there is a lot of knowledge that has not been encapsulated in this part of the world. We have so much to offer. Also, we don’t have anywhere to go for a holiday here. If I’m thinking of going on holiday, I’m always thinking of leaving the vicinity. But why am I going out? It’s because I can hardly find places to go around here. So, this is the idea behind it,’ he concluded.
Feature/OPED
Preventing Financial Crimes Amid Mounting Insecurity: Why Following the Money is Now a Survival Imperative
By Blaise Udunze
Nigeria today faces a sobering dual reality: a deepening security crisis and an entrenched financial-crime ecosystem that quietly feeds, sustains, and normalises that crisis. Across the North, Middle Belt, and parts of the South, kidnappers, bandits, insurgent cells, political actors, compromised security agents, and a complex chain of financial facilitators operate within a shadow economy of violence, one that generates billions, claims thousands of lives, and steadily erodes the authority of the state.
For over a decade, security experts and Nigeria’s international partners have warned that no meaningful progress will be made against insecurity unless the financial oxygen sustaining violence is cut off. Yet the country continues to prosecute its anti-terrorism efforts largely through military responses, as though the conflict could be resolved solely on the battlefield. What remains missing is a decisive, transparent, and politically courageous confrontation with the economic networks that make insecurity profitable.
This war is not only about guns and bullets. It is about money.
Money moves fighters.
Money buys weapons.
Money fuels political desperation.
Money underwrites chaos.
Until Nigeria addresses the financial pipelines behind its insecurity, the crisis will continue to reproduce itself.
Kidnapping: The Lucrative ‘War Fund’ Sustaining Insurgency
The rise in mass kidnappings is neither accidental nor spontaneous. It has evolved into a rational, structured, revenue-generating enterprise.
Appearing on Channels TV’s Politics Today in October 2025, Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed warned that insurgent and bandit groups now treat ransom payments as reliable “war funds.” The data support his claim.
A 2024 survey by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) found that Nigerians paid N2.2 trillion in ransom between May 2023 and April 2024. This astonishing sum does not account for unreported payments made through informal negotiators, mobile transfers, or unregulated community channels.
Kidnapping has matured into a fully formed economy with well-defined roles: negotiators, informants, logistics providers, cash couriers, and security collaborators. Proceeds are reinvested in weapons, motorcycles, communication devices, safe houses, and even land acquisitions.
In the words of a security analyst, “Every successful kidnapping is a fundraiser.”
Sabotage from Within: Keffi’s Explosive Memo and a System Built to Fail
If Nigeria’s external security threats are troubling, the internal compromises are even more alarming.
A leaked memo by Major General Mohammed Ali Keffi accused senior government and military officials of diverting billions of naira earmarked for arms procurement under former Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai. Keffi’s allegations included:
– Weapons paid for but never delivered
– Falsified battlefield reports
– Civilian casualties mislabelled to justify inflated expenditures
– Political interference obstructing investigations into terror financing
His claims echoed the earlier warning by Gen. T.Y. Danjuma, who accused sections of the military of working in concert with armed groups and abandoning vulnerable communities.
Keffi’s memo became even more consequential following the 2025 detention of former Attorney General Abubakar Malami by the EFCC over allegations of money laundering, terrorism financing and suspicious financial activity linked to 46 bank accounts.
Together, these revelations paint a disturbing picture: even as Nigerians endure mass abductions, elements within the political and security elite appear to be enabling or shielding the financial networks behind the violence.
Why the Crisis Persists: A Financial Crime Lens
Nigeria’s insecurity cannot be divorced from the environment in which illicit finance thrives. Key enablers include:
- Informal Economies and Unregulated Cash Flows
With over 70 percent of rural transactions still cash-based, terror groups exploit:
– Hawala networks
– POS and mobile-money agents
– Cattle markets and mining sites
– Barter systems centred on livestock and grains
These channels operate beyond the reach of AML/CFT systems.
- Identity Fraud and Weak KYC Enforcement
– Criminal networks routinely open accounts with:
– Fake NINs
– Compromised SIM cards
– Recycled BVNs
– Mule identities
- Collusion within Financial Institutions
The EFCC estimates that up to 70 percent of financial crimes involve bank personnel, primarily through:
– Unauthorised cash withdrawals
– Suppressed Suspicious Transaction Reports (STRs)
– Manipulated internal alerts
- Weak Prosecution and Political Interference
Cases drag on for years, and many evaporate entirely before reaching court often due to political considerations.
- Ungoverned Spaces
Large territories across the North serve as hubs for:
– Arms trafficking
– Illegal mining
– Kidnap-for-ransom camps
– Cross-border smuggling
Public Patience Thins: NLC Moves to the Streets
Public frustration is reaching a boiling point. On December 10, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) announced a nationwide protest scheduled for December 17, citing the “degenerating security situation” and the rise in mass abductions.
The NLC condemned the November 17 abduction of female students in Kebbi, noting that security personnel had been withdrawn from the school shortly before the attack. The union called the act “dastardly and criminal” and directed all affiliates and civil-society partners to fully mobilise for the protest.
This marks a significant shift. For the first time in years, Nigeria’s most influential labour body is placing insecurity at the centre of national mobilization, further underscoring the argument that the current crisis is not simply a security failure but a systemic breakdown of governance, accountability, and financial integrity.
The Financial Engine of Terror: The 23 Suspects Who Moved Billions
A Sahara Reporters investigation uncovered a network of 20 Nigerians and three foreign nationals allegedly linked to the financing of Boko Haram and ISWAP. Their transactions, running into hundreds of billions, were quietly channeled through personal and corporate accounts.
Among those named:
– Alhaji Saidu Ahmed, Zaria businessman: N4.8bn inflows
– Usaini Adamu, Kano trader with 111 accounts: N43bn inflows, N50bn outflows
– Muhammad Sani Adam, forex and precious stones dealer: N54bn across 41 accounts
– Yusuf Ghazali, a forex trader linked to UAE-convicted terrorists, operated 385 accounts
– Ladan Ibrahim, a Sokoto official, is accused of diverting public funds
– Foreign actors included the late Tribert Ayabatwa (N67bn inflows) and Nigerien arms dealer Aboubacar Hima, who moved over $1.19 million.
Strikingly, several of the suspects arrested in 2021 were quietly released without trial, continuing a pattern of impervious investigations and political bottlenecks.
This network confirms a painful truth: Nigeria’s insecurity is not driven solely by men wielding rifles in the bush. It is sustained by individuals in cities, businesses, and bureaucracies, people with access, influence, and remarkable financial mobility.
The Political Dimension: Irabor’s Revelation and the Unnamed Sponsors
The political undertone of Nigeria’s insecurity was reinforced by the former Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor (rtd), who admitted that politicians were among those financing terror groups. According to him, some trials were conducted “away from public consumption.”
His statement revived key questions:
– Why is the state shielding the identities of terror sponsors?
– Who benefits from the secrecy?
– What political consequences are being avoided?
Security sources told TruthNigeria that Nigeria’s published list of 19 terror financiers in 2024 represented only a fraction of the full network.
Baba-Ahmed’s accusation that former Kaduna Governor Nasir El-Rufai was part of the political forces that aggravated Northern insecurity, an accusation the former governor has previously denied, adds further urgency to demands for transparency.
The Human Cost: Expanding Killing Fields
Despite repeated assurances, violence continues to spread:
– 303 students and 12 teachers abducted in Niger State
– 38 worshippers kidnapped in Kwara
– Simultaneous raids across Plateau, Kaduna, Benue, and Niger
– Whole communities uprooted by weekly attacks
As Amnesty International observed, “In many rural communities, only the graveyards are expanding.”
SBM Intelligence now describes large portions of the North as “open killing fields,” areas where the state’s influence has collapsed, and community vigilantes have become the default security providers.
Expert Voices: Why Nigeria Must Finally Follow the Money
Security experts converge on a single message: Nigeria cannot defeat terrorism without dismantling its financial infrastructure. Dr. Friday Agbo, a security researcher, disclosed, “Terror groups survive because their financial lifelines remain untouched.”
Jonathan Asake, analyst and former SOKAPU president, said, “Publish the full Dubai list. Without transparency, impunity will remain the norm.”
Gen. Irabor (rtd.) revealed, “There are politicians involved. The conflict is multi-layered: ideology, criminality, and political manipulation.”
These assessments underscore one reality: ideology is secondary. Money is primary. It is the oxygen of Nigeria’s terror landscape.
What Must Change
Nigeria must elevate financial crime to the level of a national-security emergency. Key reforms include:
– Integrating BVN-NIN-SIM identity databases and upgrading real-time monitoring
– Targeting illicit markets: illegal mining hubs, cattle markets, unregulated border posts
– Deploying AI-driven analytics to detect layered transactions, mule networks, and ransom flows
– Strengthening bank compliance units and protecting whistleblowers
– Improving inter-agency intelligence sharing (EFCC, NFIU, DSS, NDLEA, Police, CBN)
– Criminalising unexplained wealth, especially in conflict zones
– Investing in safe-school infrastructure, rural policing, and local reporting channels
Choosing Truth Over Convenience
Nigeria’s two-front war is neither mysterious nor new. It is a well-documented, financially engineered crisis protected by silence, vested interests, and institutional decay. The NLC’s mobilisation signals a turning point; citizens are unwilling to accept official evasions while insecurity intensifies. To end this crisis, Nigeria must:
– Expose and prosecute terror financiers
– Purge corrupt insiders in the security system
– Dismantle ransom economies
– Strengthen financial intelligence
– End political protection for criminal networks
Until these reforms are pursued with integrity, billions will continue to move, weapons will continue to flow, and Nigeria will continue to bleed.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Championing Ethical Sourcing Within Dairy Communities
Human Rights Day often centres on themes of dignity, equity, and freedom. Yet for many Nigerians, these rights are not debated in courtrooms they are expressed in the ability to access nutritious food, build meaningful livelihoods, and secure a healthy future for their families. Nutrition, in this sense, becomes a fundamental human right.
Despite a growing population and rising nutrition needs, Nigeria faces a pressing dairy reality. The country remains heavily dependent on dairy imports, leaving nutritional access vulnerable and local capacity underdeveloped. This is not just an economic concern; it is a human one. When families cannot easily access affordable, high-quality dairy, the foundations of health and development are weakened.
It is within this context that Arla Nigeria operates not merely as a dairy company, but as a nutrition powerhouse committed to nourishing a nation. Our ambition extends beyond selling products. We are working to build the foundations of a stronger, more resilient local dairy sector that supports food security, economic participation, and national progress.
At the heart of our efforts is the Damau Integrated Dairy Farm in Kaduna Statea fully operational modern farm designed to demonstrate what responsible, efficient, and scalable dairy production can look like in Nigeria. Arla Nigeria produces its own milk on-site, ensuring quality, safety, and consistency as we continue building the systems required for a sustainable local value chain. In fact, until our yoghurt factory launches, the reverse is true: some stakeholders purchase milk from us.
But infrastructure alone is not the story. What truly matters is the human impact surrounding the farm.
Arla Nigeria has been intentional about engaging and empowering the communities around Damau. By creating employment opportunities for local residents, providing skills development, and contributing to community growth, we are ensuring that the benefits of dairy development extend beyond production lines. This is development rooted in people where progress is measured in livelihoods improved and opportunities created.
As Arla Nigeria continues to expand operations, our long-term commitment remains clear: to contribute meaningfully to local milk sourcing and value chain development, strengthening Nigeria’s capacity to feed itself. Backward integration is not a slogan for Arla Foods; it is a structured pathway with building responsibly and sustainably. From farm systems to future household milk initiatives, the goal is to create a model that supports farmers, enhances productivity, and drives economic inclusion in the years ahead.
On Human Rights Day, the conversation often revolves around preventing harm avoiding exploitation, ensuring fair labour, and upholding ethical standards. These are essential, but they are only the beginning. True respect for human rights means creating enabling systems that allow people to thrive.
With Arla Foods, that begins with nutrition. Milk is a super food, rich in essential nutrients that support growth and development. Ensuring access to such nutrition contributes directly to national well-being and productivity. When we help secure a healthier population, we strengthen the foundation for education, economic participation, and long-term prosperity.
This is why Arla believes that dairy is not just food it is nutrition, livelihood, and progress. By investing in sustainable production, community development, and future local sourcing capabilities, Arla Nigeria is contributing to food security and economic growth in a tangible, measurable way.
Ultimately, ethical business is not defined by corporate language or labels. It is defined by the stability, nourishment, and dignity it brings to people’s lives. As Nigeria celebrates Human Rights Day, let us recognise that the right to nutrition and the opportunity to build a better future are among the most powerful rights we can help protect.
Feature/OPED
In Praise of Nigeria’s Elite Memory Loss Clinic
By Busayo Cole
There’s an unacknowledged marvel in Nigeria, a national institution so revered and influential that its very mention invokes awe; and not a small dose of amnesia. I’m speaking, of course, about the glorious Memory Loss Clinic for the Elite, a facility where unsolved corruption cases go to receive a lifetime membership in our collective oblivion.
Take a walk down the memory lane of scandals past, and you’ll encounter a magical fog. Who remembers the details of the N2.5 billion pension fund scam? Anyone? No? Good. That’s exactly how the clinic works. Through a combination of political gymnastics, endless court adjournments, and public desensitisation, these cases are carefully wrapped in a blanket of vagueness. Brilliant, isn’t it?
The beauty of this clinic lies in its inclusivity. From the infamous Dasukigate, which popularised the phrase “arms deal” in Nigeria without actually arming anything, to the less publicised but equally mystifying NDDC palliative fund saga, the clinic accepts all cases with the same efficiency. Once enrolled, each scandal receives a standard treatment: strategic denial, temporary outrage, and finally, oblivion.
Not to be overlooked are the esteemed practitioners at this clinic: our very own politicians and public officials. Their commitment to forgetting is nothing short of Nobel-worthy. Have you noticed how effortlessly some officials transition from answering allegations one week to delivering keynote speeches on accountability the next? It’s an art form.
Then there’s the media, always ready to lend a hand. Investigative journalists dig up cases, splash them across headlines for a week or two, and then move on to the next crisis, leaving the current scandal to the skilled hands of the clinic’s erasure team. No one does closure better than us. Or rather, the lack thereof.
And let’s not forget the loyal citizens, the true heroes of this operation. We rant on social media, organise a protest or two, and then poof! Our collective short attention span is the lifeblood of the Memory Loss Clinic. Why insist on justice when you can unlook?
Take, for example, the Halliburton Scandal. In 2009, a Board of Inquiry was established under the leadership of Inspector-General of Police, Mike Okiro, to investigate allegations of a $182 million bribery scheme involving the American company Halliburton and some former Nigerian Heads of State. Despite Halliburton admitting to paying the bribes to secure a $6 billion contract for a natural gas plant, the case remains unresolved. The United States fined the companies involved, but in Nigeria, the victims of the corruption: ordinary citizens, received no compensation, and no one was brought to justice. The investigation, it seems, was yet another patient admitted to the clinic.
Or consider the Petroleum Trust Fund Probe, which unraveled in the late 1990s. Established during General Sani Abacha’s regime and managed by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, the PTF’s operations were scrutinised when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo assumed office in 1999. The winding-down process uncovered allegations of mismanagement, dubious dealings, and a sudden, dramatic death of a key figure, Salihijo Ahmad, the head of the PTF’s sole management consultant. Despite the drama and the revelations, the case quietly faded into obscurity, leaving Nigerians with more questions than answers.
Then there is the colossal case of under-remittance of oil and gas royalties and taxes. The Federal Government, through the Special Presidential Investigatory Panel (SPIP), accused oil giants like Shell, Agip, and the NNPC of diverting billions of dollars meant for public coffers. Allegations ranged from falsified production figures to outright embezzlement. Despite detailed accusations and court proceedings, the cases were abandoned after the SPIP’s disbandment in 2019. As usual, the trail of accountability disappeared into thin air, leaving the funds unaccounted for and the public betrayed yet again.
Of course, this institution isn’t without its critics. Some stubborn Nigerians still insist on remembering. Creating spreadsheets, tracking cases, and daring to demand accountability. To these radicals, I say: why fight the tide? Embrace the convenience of selective amnesia. Life is easier when you don’t worry about where billions disappeared to or why someone’s cousin’s uncle’s housemaid’s driver has an oil block.
As World Anti-Corruption Day comes and goes, let us celebrate the true innovation of our time. While other nations are busy prosecuting offenders and recovering stolen funds, we have mastered the fine art of forgetting. Who needs convictions when you have a clinic this efficient? Oh, I almost forgot the anti-corruption day as I sent my draft to a correspondent very late. Don’t blame me, I am just a regular at the clinic.
So, here’s to Nigeria’s Memory Loss Clinic, a shining beacon of how to “move on” without actually moving forward. May it continue to thrive, because let’s face it: without it, what would we do with all these unsolved corruption cases? Demand justice? That’s asking a lot. Better to forget and focus on the next election season. Who knows? We might even re-elect a client of the clinic. Wouldn’t that be poetic?
Now, if you’ll excuse me, I have a new scandal to ignore.
Busayo Cole is a Branding and Communications Manager who transforms abstract corporate goals into actionable, sparkling messaging. It’s rumored that 90% of his strategic clarity is powered by triple-shot espresso, and the remaining 10% is sheer panic. He can be reached via busayo@busayocole.com.
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