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ROLAC, SCRAP-C: Spreading Message of FOI Act in Nigeria

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FOI Act

By Walter Duru

From East to the West, North and South, the Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption-ROLAC programme of the European Union and the Strengthening Citizens Resistance Against the Prevalence of Corruption – SCRAP-C programme of the United Kingdom Aid have been traversing the length and breadth of Nigeria, spreading the good news of the Freedom of Information Act.

For ROLAC, an anti-corruption programme funded by the European Union, but managed by the British Council, the journey started with an assessment of the use and implementation of the Freedom of Information Act 2011. The assessment, conducted in collaboration with the Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria – FOICN and Media Initiative against Injustice, Violence and Corruption-MIIVOC on one hand, and the Federal Ministry of Justice on another hand, focused on four states of: Adamawa, Kano, Lagos and Anambra, and of course, the Federal capital territory for federal Public Institutions and civil society organisations.

The need for empirical data on the level of citizens’ knowledge and use of the FOI Act on one hand and the level of compliance with the provisions of the Act by public institutions on the other hand informed the decision of the ROLAC programme to support a Rapid Response Assessment on same. The Assessment of the level of FOI implementation and compliance among federal public institutions, as well as state public institutions in Adamawa, Kano, Lagos and Anambra was the crux of the study for public institutions. Structured Questionnaire, Observation and Personal Interview were the instruments used for data collection. The choice of the four states and the federal capital territory was informed by the fact that they are the focal states/areas of operation of the ROLAC programme.

The study was coordinated by the leadership of the Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria. Findings show that the knowledge gap on the provisions and use of the FOI Act remains wide, particularly, at the state level, requiring that deliberate steps be taken to enhance same.

According to the findings, the percentage level of awareness of public institutions on the FOI Act in Adamawa is 9%; Lagos- 20%; Kano -11%; Anambra -10%; while the federal capital territory is 35%.

On compliance, the percentage level of public institutions with the FOI Act in Adamawa is 0%; Lagos – 10%; Kano – 7%; Anambra – 0%, while the federal capital territory is 25%.

On the part of the Civil Society, about 90% of the respondents in Adamawa have no knowledge of the provisions and application of the FOI Act; 87% in Lagos; 93% in Kano and 91% in Anambra do not know the provisions and applications of the FOI Act.

On the use of the FOI Act, data gathered shows that 93% of respondents in Adamawa state have never made an FOI request; 87% in Lagos; 91% in Kano and 90% of civil society actors studied in Anambra have never made an FOI request.

The findings therefore informed ROLAC’s decision to, in collaboration with the Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria-FOICN, Media Initiative against Injustice, Violence and Corruption-MIIVOC and the Federal Ministry of Justice to commence an elaborate capacity building programme, targeting state and non-state actors in the areas studied.

The overall objective was to increase citizens’ demand for accountability and transparency from public institutions, through enhanced awareness and capacity on effective use of the FOI Act on the demand side (civil society); and to improve compliance and implementation of the FOI Act on the supply side (public institutions). So far, two states- Adamawa and Kano have benefited from the week-long capacity building exercise, which took stakeholders through the rudiments, provisions, application and all the elements of the FOI Act, 2011. Lagos State is next to benefit from the exercise. Following the trainings, excited Kano State Civil Society actors are firing from all corners, making demands on public institutions.

The ROLAC FOI trainings are delivered by the Chairman, Board of Governors, Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria- FOICN, Dr. Walter Duru, Secretary of the Board of FOICN, Longe Ayode and Mr. Benjamin Okolo, Head, FOI Unit of the Federal Ministry of Justice, who always leads the Ministry’s team. Pwanakei Dala, ROLAC’s anti-corruption programme officer is always on ground to give support, while the ROLAC Staff in the focal states ensure that everything is in place for each of the trainings. ROLAC’s anti-corruption Programme Manager, Emmanuel Uche is always on ground to show leadership.

The highlights of the training are Paper presentations, practical FOI request writing by civil society participants; practical writing of responses to FOI requests by participants from public institutions, interactive and experience sharing sessions, questions and answers sessions, among others.

Speaking on the progress recorded so far, ROLAC’s Anti-Corruption Programme Manager, Mr. Emmanuel Uche expressed delight at the interest of citizens of the states to participate in governance, taking advantage of the FOI Act.

Uche, an anti-corruption expert described the Freedom of Information Act as the foundation stone for strengthening democratic values.

“The FOI Act is the most critical foundation stone for strengthening democratic values of any society. Democracy, which is also one of the core tenets of a free society is based on choice. Choice is not possible where citizens do not have perfect access to information on the available choices. Access to information law is one of the best things that have happened to Nigeria.”

Speaking on ROLAC’s interest in FOI, National Programme Manager, Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Programme, Mr. Danladi Plang described the Act as central to the work of the programme, following its capacity to entrench openness in governance.

“Well, ROLAC has three central themes – Criminal Justice, Anti-corruption and Access to Justice. Our work on the FOI supports and complements the work on anti-corruption, particularly, in the area of prevention. Increased citizens’ use of the FOI Act will improve transparency in the system. When public institutions realize that citizens now have a law that empowers them to ask questions about government business and get the answers they desire, they will be a bit more circumspect. There is no doubt that effective implementation of the FOI Act will prevent and reduce corruption in Nigeria”

Lamenting over the low compliance level with the Act, Plang identified low awareness on the existence and provisions of the Act as one of the challenges, promising that ROLAC will do more in spreading the message of the FOI Act. He added that the “FOI Act can help to open up government for citizens participation,” making a strong case for grassroots advocacy on the Act.

Frowning at the reluctance of some state governments to implement the FOI Act, Plang argued that “a reasonable government should encourage the citizens to participate in governance, if they are genuinely interested in the welfare of the citizens.”

Adding her voice, Component Manager on Enhancing Civil Society Engagement in Criminal Justice and Anti-Corruption Reforms, Toyosi Giwa described ROLAC’s Civil Society FOI engagements as strategic.

According to her, “for Civil Society to effectively engage the government, they need to have their capacity enhanced. Our interest in training Civil Society on the use of the FOI Act is aimed at deepening their understanding of the provisions and applications of the Act to enable them apply same effectively. Government is not usually too responsive to the citizens. One of the tools to hold the government accountable is the FOI Act. We are committed to enhancing citizens’ capacity on FOI Act to increase their participation in governance, with a view to ensuring that transparency is a culture in Nigeria’s public institutions.”

Impressed by the impact of the engagements so far, Giwa stressed: “Available statistics show that some of the civil society actors in the states we have trained are already using the law. This is very encouraging. Reports we are getting from Kano State, for instance are very encouraging. It shows the quality of engagement; but we are not there yet. We want to start seeing the outcome of those FOI requests and positive responses from public institutions.”

Continuing, she stressed that “low knowledge and application of the FOI Act is as a result of opaqueness of government. If government is open, it should even be promoting the FOI act. The ongoing training is timely. The approach of ROLAC is also very good. Training public institutions alongside civil society is a brilliant approach, so they are on the same page. A lot of awareness still needs to be created.”

She however advised civil society actors in Nigeria to remain steadfast in their efforts in speaking for the people.

In another development, as part of its support towards ensuring openness in public service and effective citizens’ participation in governance, the Strengthening Citizens’ Resistance Against Prevalence of Corruption – SCRAP-C Project organised a 3-day training (in three different locations) for civil society organisations and citizens in Nigeria on the use of the Freedom of Information Act, 2011.

The first phase of the training was held in three locations: Lagos (for south-west participants), Uyo (for south-south participants) and Enugu (for south east participants). The training was carefully designed to build the capacity of participants to have a working knowledge of the purpose, provisions, application and benefits of the FOI Act. It was further intended that at the end of the training, participants drawn from across the Southeast, South-South and South Western states of Nigeria, were empowered with enhanced capacity in the use of the FOI Act. It was aimed at deepening participants’ understanding of the law.

The training was delivered by four resource persons: Newton Otsemaye, Project Manager, SCRAP-C; Chairman, Board of Governors, Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria and Executive Director, Media Initiative against Injustice, Violence and Corruption-MIIVOC, Dr. Walter Duru; Dr. Tope Olaifa of Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta and Mr. Ezenwa Nwagwu of ‘Say No Campaign’.

Speaking on the relevance of the training, SCRAP-C Project Manager, Newton Otsemaye explains:

“SCRAP-C is interested in enhancing the capacity of civil society to participate actively in the anti-corruption war. The FOI Act is a veritable tool for the citizens to hold the government accountable. The idea is that ensuring that the citizens understand the provisions and application of the FOI Act is one sure way of increasing their participation by asking relevant questions regarding government activities. We are interested in ensuring that the citizens take advantage of the FOI Act to make the government more accountable.”

The SCRAP-C project is a 5-year UKaid supported project through the Anti-Corruption in Nigeria (ACORN) Programme. The project seeks to address corruption through change in social norms and attitudes that encourage corruption in Nigeria. The project is managed by a consortium of three National Civil Society Organisations: ActionAid Nigeria, Centre for Democracy and Development, and Centre for Communication and Social Impact.

With the great efforts of ROLAC and SCRAP-C in FOI implementation, donor agencies have shown that they are indeed interested in the development of Nigeria by supporting initiatives that will open up government to the citizens.

ROLAC, in addition to operating at the federal capital-Abuja, has four focal states of Adamawa, Kano, Lagos and Anambra. SCRAP-C has six states- Akwa Ibom, Bornu, Enugu, Kaduna, Kano/Jigawa and Lagos. Other donor agencies should quickly take steps to support the spread of the message of the FOI Act to other parts of the federation.

Citizens must therefore take advantage of the FOI Act to participate in governance, hold the government accountable and secure the future of the citizens yet unborn.

Until citizens own the anti corruption war, it may not go far. One sure instrument for an effective war against corruption in Nigeria is the FOI Act. All Nigerians must therefore embrace it, take advantage of it and participate in the business of governance.

Public Institutions/office holders themselves must realize that they manage the people’s resources on trust. Any government that claims to have the interest of the citizens at heart must therefore support the vigorous implementation of Nigeria’s Freedom of Information Act.

A culture of transparency and accountability in governance is the surest solution to Nigeria’s woes. This, the FOI Act can achieve. No genuine anti-corruption war can be won without the vigorous implementation of the FOI Act.

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

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Measures at Ensuring Africa’s Food Sovereignty

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Africa's Food Sovereignty

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

China’s investments in Africa have primarily been in the agricultural sector, reinforcing its support for the continent to attain food security for the growing population, estimated currently at 1.5 billion people. With a huge expanse of land and untapped resources, China’s investment in agriculture, focused on increasing local production, has been described as highly appreciable.

Brazil has adopted a similar strategy in its policy with African countries; its investments have concentrated in a number of countries, especially those rich in natural resources. It has significantly contributed to Africa’s economic growth by improving access to affordable machinery, industrial inputs, and adding value to consumer goods. Thus, Africa has to reduce product imports which can be produced locally.

The China and Brazil in African Agriculture Project has just published online a series of studies concerning Chinese and Brazilian support for African agriculture. They appeared in an upcoming issue of World Development.  The six articles focusing on China are available below:

–A New Politics of Development Cooperation? Chinese and Brazilian Engagements in African Agriculture by Ian Scoones, Kojo Amanor, Arilson Favareto and Qi Gubo.

–South-South Cooperation, Agribusiness and African Agricultural Development: Brazil and China in Ghana and Mozambique by Kojo Amanor and Sergio Chichava.

–Chinese State Capitalism? Rethinking the Role of the State and Business in Chinese Development Cooperation in Africa by Jing Gu, Zhang Chuanhong, Alcides Vaz and Langton Mukwereza.

–Chinese Migrants in Africa: Facts and Fictions from the Agri-food Sector in Ethiopia and Ghana by Seth Cook, Jixia Lu, Henry Tugendhat and Dawit Alemu.

–Chinese Agricultural Training Courses for African Officials: Between Power and Partnerships by Henry Tugendhat and Dawit Alemu.

–Science, Technology and the Politics of Knowledge: The Case of China’s Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centres in Africa by Xiuli Xu, Xiaoyun Li, Gubo Qi, Lixia Tang and Langton Mukwereza.

 Strategic partnerships and the way forward: African leaders have to adopt import substitution policies, re-allocate financial resources toward attaining domestic production, and sustain self-sufficiency.

Maximising the impact of resource mobilisation requires collaboration among governments, key external partners, investment promotion agencies, financial institutions, and the private sector. Partnerships must be aligned with national development priorities that can promote value addition, support industrialisation, and deepen regional and continental integration.

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Recapitalisation Without Transformation is a Risk Nigeria Cannot Afford

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CBN Gov & new Bank logo

By Blaise Udunze

In barely two weeks, Nigeria’s banking sector will once again be at a historic turning point. As the deadline for the latest recapitalisation exercise approaches on March 31, 2026, with no fewer than 31 banks having met the new capital rule, leaving out two that are reportedly awaiting verification. As exercise progresses and draws to an end, policymakers are optimistic that stronger banks will anchor financial stability and support the country’s ambition of building a $1 trillion economy.

The reform, driven by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) under Governor Olayemi Cardoso, requires banks to significantly raise their capital thresholds, which are set at N500 billion for international banks, N200 billion for national banks, and N50 billion for regional lenders. According to the apex bank, 33 banks have already tapped the capital market through rights issues and public offerings; collectively, the total verified and approved capital raised by the banks amounts to N4.05 trillion.

No doubt, at first glance, the strategy definitely appears straightforward with the idea that bigger capital means stronger banks, and stronger banks should finance economic growth. But history offers a cautionary reminder that capital alone does not guarantee resilience, as it would be recalled that Nigeria has travelled this road before.

During the 2004-2005 consolidation led by former CBN Governor Charles Soludo, the number of banks in the country shrank dramatically from 89 to 25. The reform created larger institutions that were celebrated as national champions. The truth is that Nigeria has been here before because, despite all said and done, barely five years later, the banking system plunged into crisis, forcing regulatory intervention, bailouts, and the creation of the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON) to absorb toxic assets.

The lesson from that experience is simple in the sense that recapitalisation without structural reform only postpones deeper problems.

Today, as banks race to meet the new capital thresholds, the real question is not how much capital has been raised but whether the reform will transform the fundamentals of Nigerian banking. The underlying fact is that if the exercise merely inflates balance sheets without addressing deeper vulnerabilities, Nigeria risks repeating a familiar cycle of apparent stability followed by systemic stress, as the resultant effect will be distressed banks less capable of bringing the economy out of the woods.

The real measure of success is far simpler. That is to say, stronger banks must stimulate economic productivity, stabilise the financial system, and expand access to credit for businesses and households. Anything less will amount to a missed opportunity.

One of the most critical issues surrounding the recapitalisation drive is the quality of the capital being raised.

Nigeria’s banking sector has reportedly secured more than N4.5 trillion in new capital commitments across different categories of banks. No doubt, on paper, these numbers may appear impressive. Going by the trends of events in Nigeria’s economy, numbers alone can be deceptive.

Past recapitalisation cycles revealed troubling practices, whereby funds raised through related-party transactions, borrowed money disguised as equity, or complex financial arrangements that recycled risks back into the banking system. If such practices resurface, recapitalisation becomes little more than an accounting exercise.

To avert a repeat of failure, the CBN must therefore ensure that every naira raised represents genuine, loss-absorbing capital. Transparency around capital sources, ownership structures, and funding arrangements must be non-negotiable. Without credible capital, balance sheet strength becomes an illusion that will make every recapitalisation exercise futile.

In financial systems, credibility is itself a form of capital. If there is one recurring factor behind banking crises in Nigeria, it is corporate governance failure.

Many past collapses were not triggered by global shocks but by insider lending, weak board oversight, excessive executive power, and poor risk culture. Recapitalisation provides regulators with a rare opportunity to reset governance standards across the industry.

Boards must be independent not only in structure but also in substance. Risk committees must be empowered to challenge executive decisions. Insider lending rules must be enforced without compromise because, over the years, they have proven to be an anathema against the stability of the financial sector. The stakes are high.

When governance fails, fresh capital can quickly become fresh fuel for old excesses. Without governance reform, recapitalisation risks reinforcing the very weaknesses it seeks to eliminate.

Another structural vulnerability lies in Nigeria’s increasing amount of non-performing loans (NPLs), which recently caused the CBN to raise concerns, as Nigeria experiences a rise in bad loans threatening banking stability.

Industry data suggests that the banking sector’s NPL ratio has climbed above the prudential benchmark of 5 per cent, reaching roughly 7 per cent in recent assessments. Many of these troubled loans are concentrated in sectors such as oil and gas, power, and government-linked infrastructure projects, alongside other factors such as FX instability, high interest rates, and the withdrawal of Covid-era forbearance, which threaten bank stability.

While regulatory forbearance has helped maintain short-term stability, it has also obscured deeper asset-quality concerns. A credible recapitalisation process must confront this reality directly.

Loan classification standards must reflect economic truth rather than regulatory convenience. Banks should not carry impaired assets indefinitely while presenting healthy balance sheets to investors and depositors.

Transparency about asset quality strengthens trust. Concealment destroys it. Few forces have disrupted Nigerian bank balance sheets in recent years as severely as exchange-rate volatility.

Many banks still operate with significant foreign exchange mismatches, borrowing short-term in foreign currencies while lending long-term to clients earning revenues in naira. When the naira depreciates sharply, these mismatches can erode capital faster than any credit loss.

Recapitalisation must therefore be accompanied by stricter supervision of foreign exchange exposure, as this part calls for the regulator to heighten its supervision. Banks should be required to disclose currency risks more transparently and undergo rigorous stress testing at intervals that assume adverse currency scenarios rather than best-case outcomes. In a structurally import-dependent economy, ignoring FX risk is no longer an option.

Nigeria’s banking system has long been characterised by excessive concentration in a few sectors and corporate clients, which calls for adequate monitoring and the need to be addressed quickly for the recapitalisation drive to yield maximum results.

Growth in most advanced economies comes from the small and medium-sized enterprises that are well-funded. Anything short of this undermines it, since the concentration of huge loans to large oil and gas companies, government-related entities, and major conglomerates absorbs a disproportionate share of bank lending. This has continued to pose a major threat to the system, as the case is with small and medium-sized enterprises, the backbone of job creation, which remain chronically underfinanced. This imbalance weakens the economy.

Recapitalisation should therefore be tied to policies that encourage credit diversification and risk-sharing mechanisms that allow banks to lend more confidently to productive sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology rather than investing their funds into the government’s securities. Bigger banks that remain narrowly exposed do not strengthen the economy. They amplify its fragilities.

Nigeria’s macroeconomic conditions, which are its broad economic settings, are defined by frequent and sometimes sharp changes or instability rather than stability.

Inflation shocks, interest-rate swings, fiscal pressures, and currency adjustments are not rare disruptions; but they have now become a normal part of the economic environment. Despite all these adverse factors, many banks still operate risk models that assume relative stability. Perhaps unbeknownst to the stakeholders, this disconnect is dangerous.

Owing to possible shocks, and when banks increase their capital (recapitalisation), it is required that banks adopt more sophisticated risk-management frameworks capable of withstanding severe economic scenarios, with the expectation that stronger banks should also have stronger systems to manage risks and survive economic crises. In Nigeria today, every financial institution’s stress testing must be performed in the face of the economy facing severe shocks like currency depreciation, sovereign debt pressures, and sudden interest-rate spikes.

Risk management should evolve from a compliance obligation into a strategic discipline embedded in every lending decision.

Public confidence in the banking system depends heavily on credible financial reporting.

Investors, analysts, and depositors need to be able to understand banks’ true financial positions without navigating non-transparent disclosures or creative accounting practices, which means the industry must be liberated to an extent that gives room for access to information.

Recapitalisation provides an opportunity to strengthen the enforcement of international financial reporting standards, enhance audit quality, and require clearer disclosure of capital adequacy, asset quality, and related-party transactions. Transparency should not be feared. It is the foundation of trust.

One thing that must be corrected is that while recapitalisation often focuses on financial metrics, the banking sector ultimately runs on human capital.

Another fearful aspect of this exercise for the economy is that consolidation and mergers triggered by the reform could lead to workforce disruptions if not carefully managed. Job losses, casualisation, and declining staff morale can weaken institutional culture and productivity. Strong banks are built by strong people.

If recapitalisation strengthens balance sheets while destabilising the workforce that powers the system, the reform risks undermining its own economic objectives. Human capital stability must therefore form part of the broader reform strategy.

Doubtless, another emerging shift in Nigeria’s financial landscape is the rise of digital financial platforms that are increasingly changing how people access and use money in Nigeria.

Millions of Nigerians are increasingly relying on fintech platforms for payments, microloans, and everyday financial transactions. One of the advantages it offers is that these services often deliver faster and more user-friendly experiences than traditional banks. While innovation is welcome, it raises important questions about the future structure of financial intermediation.

The point here is that the moment traditional banks retreat from retail banking while fintech platforms dominate customer interactions, systemic liquidity and regulatory oversight could become fragmented.

The CBN must see to it that the recapitalised banks must therefore invest aggressively in digital infrastructure, cybersecurity, and customer experience, while cutting down costs on all less critical areas in the industry.

Nigerians should feel the benefits of recapitalisation not only in stronger balance sheets but also in faster apps, reliable payment systems, and responsive customer service.

As banks grow larger through recapitalisation and consolidation, a new challenge emerges via systemic concentration.

Nigeria’s largest banks already control a significant share of industry assets. Further consolidation could deepen the divide between dominant institutions and smaller players. This creates the risk of “too-big-to-fail” banks whose collapse could threaten the entire financial system.

To address this risk, regulators must strengthen resolution frameworks that allow distressed banks to fail without triggering systemic panic, their collapse does not damage the whole financial system, and do not require taxpayer-funded bailouts to forestall similar mistakes that occurred with the liquidation of Heritage Bank.  Market discipline depends on credible failure mechanisms.

It must be understood that Nigeria’s banking recapitalisation is not merely a financial exercise or, better still, increasing banks’ capital. It is a rare opportunity to rebuild trust, strengthen governance, and reposition the financial system as a true engine of economic development.

One fact is that if the reform focuses only on capital numbers, the country risks repeating a familiar pattern of churning out impressive balance sheets followed by another cycle of crisis.

But the actors in this exercise must ensure that the recapitalisation addresses governance failures, asset quality concerns, risk management weaknesses, and transparency gaps; and the moment this is done, the banking sector could emerge stronger and more resilient.

Nigeria does not simply need bigger banks. It needs better banks, institutions capable of financing innovation, supporting entrepreneurs, and building economic opportunity for millions of citizens.

The true capital of any banking system is not just money. It is trust. And whether this recapitalisation ultimately succeeds will depend on whether Nigerians see that trust reflected not only in financial statements but in the everyday experience of saving, borrowing, and investing in the economy. Only then will bigger banks translate into a stronger nation.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com

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When Expertise Meets Politics: The Rejection of Professor Datonye Dennis by Lawmakers

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Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia

By Meinyie Okpukpo

In a development that has generated debate within both political and medical circles in Rivers State, the Rivers State House of Assembly recently declined to confirm Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia as a commissioner-nominee submitted by the state governor, Siminalayi Fubara.

The decision followed a tense screening session in Port Harcourt and has raised broader questions about the intersection of politics, governance, and the role of technocrats in public administration.

For many in Nigeria’s medical community, Professor Alasia is not simply a nominee rejected by lawmakers. He is a respected physician, academic, and nephrology specialist whose decades-long career has contributed significantly to medical practice and training in the Niger Delta and across Nigeria.

The Political Drama Behind the Rejection

Professor Alasia was among nine commissioner nominees submitted by Governor Fubara to the Rivers Assembly as part of efforts to reconstitute the State Executive Council following the dissolution of the cabinet earlier in 2026. After deliberations, the Assembly confirmed five nominees but rejected four, including Professor Alasia.

During the screening exercise, lawmakers raised concerns about discrepancies in Alasia’s birth certificate as well as the absence of a tax clearance certificate among the documents he submitted to the Assembly. Although the professor offered explanations and apologised for the missing tax document, a motion was moved on the floor of the House recommending that he should not be confirmed. The Assembly subsequently voted against his nomination. Some lawmakers also cited what they described as “poor performance” during the screening exercise as part of the reasons for their decision. The outcome has since become one of the most talked-about developments from the commissioner screening exercise, largely because of Alasia’s distinguished professional background.

Who Is Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia?

Professor Alasia is widely known in Nigeria’s healthcare sector as a consultant nephrologist and Professor of Medicine with long-standing service at the University of Port Harcourt Teaching Hospital (UPTH). At UPTH, he served as Chairman of the Medical Advisory Committee (CMAC), a key leadership position responsible for overseeing clinical governance, medical standards, and patient-care policies in one of Nigeria’s foremost teaching hospitals.

He also previously held the role of Deputy Chief Medical Director, contributing significantly to hospital administration and the implementation of medical policies within the institution.

In addition to his clinical responsibilities, Professor Alasia has been deeply involved in academic medicine, combining medical practice with teaching and research in the university system.

Advancing Nephrology Care in Nigeria

Professor Alasia specialises in nephrology, the branch of medicine that deals with kidney diseases. This area of medicine is particularly important in Nigeria, where hypertension and diabetes have contributed to a growing number of kidney failure cases.

Through his work as a consultant nephrologist, he has been involved in:
Diagnosis and treatment of kidney diseases
Management of chronic kidney failure
Development of nephrology services in tertiary hospitals
Training doctors in renal medicine
His contributions have helped expand specialised kidney care within the Niger Delta region.
Training the Next Generation of Doctors
Beyond clinical practice, Professor Alasia has also played an important role in medical education.

Teaching hospitals like UPTH serve as the backbone of Nigeria’s medical training system. Within this system, professors supervise:
Residency training programmes
Specialist physician development
Medical student education
Clinical research mentorship
Through these responsibilities, Professor Alasia has helped mentor and train numerous doctors who now practice across Nigeria and beyond.
Leadership in Hospital Administration
Professor Alasia’s role as Chairman of the Medical Advisory Committee at UPTH placed him at the centre of hospital governance.
The position involves responsibilities such as:
Oversight of clinical governance
Enforcement of patient-care standards
Coordination of medical departments
Implementation of healthcare policies

The CMAC position is widely regarded as one of the most influential clinical leadership roles in Nigerian teaching hospitals.

Politics Versus Professional Expertise

The rejection of Professor Alasia highlights a broader issue often seen in Nigerian governance—the tension between professional expertise and political scrutiny. On one hand, the Assembly maintains that its decision reflects its constitutional duty to thoroughly vet nominees and ensure that those appointed to public office meet all necessary requirements. On the other hand, some observers argue that professionals with long careers outside politics may sometimes struggle to navigate political screening processes that are often designed with career politicians in mind.

What Happens Next?

With four nominees rejected during the screening exercise, Governor Fubara may be required to submit new names to the Assembly in order to complete the composition of the State Executive Council.
For Professor Alasia, however, the Assembly’s decision does not diminish a career built over decades in medicine, medical education, and hospital administration.

Conclusion

Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia represents a class of Nigerian professionals whose influence lies primarily outside the political arena. As a professor of medicine, consultant nephrologist, and hospital administrator, his contributions to medical training and kidney disease management remain significant.

Yet his experience before the Rivers State Assembly reflects a recurring reality in Nigerian public life: even the most accomplished technocrats must still navigate the complex and often unforgiving terrain of politics.

Meinyie Okpukpo, a socio-political commentator and analyst, writes from Port Harcourt, Rivers State

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