By Isah Kamisu Madachi

The furore about whether the tax laws should be implemented or not has passed. The nationwide discussions about the discrepancy between the gazetted version and the version passed by the National Assembly have also faded. January 1 has come and gone, and many changes, especially around digital transactions, are already beginning to manifest, as provided for under the new tax law. The consolidated tax laws under the tax reform regime are now in force and, as a citizen, I hope they are backed by strong accountability mechanisms and oversight to ensure that collected taxes are used for the right purposes.

However, there is a major policy gap I observed at the very last minute of the law’s implementation which, if left unaddressed, may not only undermine the effectiveness of the law but also cause more harm to its objectives. If I were to estimate, I would say that less than 5% of Nigerians understand what the new tax law contains, how it works, and what it does not do. This knowledge gap has created a fertile ground for misinformation, disinformation, and fake news.

In the past few days, I have personally encountered many people who told me they had withdrawn all the money saved in their bank accounts and converted it to cash. They said they no longer trust cashless transactions. Some were told that every single transaction, irrespective of the amount, would attract a flat ₦50 charge.

Others were also told that just keeping money in their accounts would lead to monthly deductions, or that a 5% of their savings would be deducted every month for the tax. None of these claims could be traced to any provision of the law, yet they are widely being shared with absolute confidence.

Another unfortunate experience, was my encounter with a young and vibrant POS agent from whom I regularly withdraw cash. He told me he had shut down his business. According to what he was told, every ₦500,000 transaction would attract ₦15,000 in tax, every ₦5 million would attract ₦250,000, and any transaction above ₦1,000 would automatically be charged ₦50.

He was also told these deductions would be accumulated and collected at the end of the month, and that’s what frightened him most. He used to make transactions of an average of ₦50 million per month. With this information, he now chose to abandon his livelihood. Whether these claims are true or false is not the most important when one considers the damage such misinformation is already causing.

There is also a growing narrative, particularly on social media, that every transaction must now be clearly explained in the narration section. People are being told they must specify whether the money is for savings, shopping, gifts, rewards, profit, or salary. A counter-narrative exists saying this is false. Sadly, the average Nigerian does not know which version to believe. In an environment where official clarity is weak, rumours travel faster than facts.

If I were to document all the misinformation circulating about the new tax law, it would take more than a newspaper opinion. New versions emerge almost every hour. The most alarming outcome of this misinformation is how people are altering their economic behaviour. Businesses are being abandoned. Trust in digital finance is being eroded. People are deserting the cashless system out of fear, believing their money is no longer safe in the banking system.

The only effort I am aware of to address this information gap is the reported engagement of social media influencers to enlighten the public. If this effort has begun, it is not enough. If it has not, then it is urgently needed. But beyond influencers, one must ask: what happened to local radio stations? Radio remains the primary source of information for millions of Nigerians, especially in rural areas. The law should be broken down and discussed in local languages on local radio.

There are also a proliferation of online television platforms operating across social media spaces. The tax reform committee should strategically collaborate with them to explain the law in simple and creative ways. Influencers alone cannot carry this burden. Public communication must be broader, more structured, and more deliberate.

The Federal Ministry of Information also has a central role to play here. There is an urgent need for a simplified version of the tax law and other versions translated into local languages, and disseminated in collaboration with state ministries of information. Students, heads of households, community leaders, traders, and small business owners must all be deliberately engaged. Town hall meetings, especially in peri-urban communities, should be organized. They are necessary to counter the scale of misinformation already circulating.

When people are largely unaware of what a law entails, dysfunction is inevitable. The law may exist, but its implementation will be undermined by fear, resistance, and unintended consequences. By the look of things, those who understand the new tax law are currently the fewest in Nigeria, even among the highly educated. If this gap remains wide open, the law may struggle to achieve its intended outcomes.

Now that it’s here, I hope, and I genuinely pray, that if effectively implemented and properly communicated, the new tax laws will become one of the long-awaited channels for fixing many of Nigeria’s challenges. But without deliberate public education, I doubt if the policy can yield the desired result.

Isah Kamisu Madachi is a public policy enthusiast and development practitioner. He writes from Abuja and can be reached via: [email protected]

By Timi Olubiyi, PhD

I pray that the new year, 2026, unfolds with fresh opportunities, meaningful growth, and endless possibilities. Amid the many emerging topical issues, this piece focuses on a troubling trend in academia: the growing reliance on predatory publications and the declining pursuit of reputable, recognised journals.

For many academics, particularly early-career scholars, mid-career academics facing promotion bottlenecks, adjunct and contract lecturers under publish-or-perish pressures, and even senior scholars navigating international mobility aspirations, evolving global performance metrics, and global competitiveness, this piece is intended as a lifeline, offering clarity, guidance, and reassurance at a critical moment in evolving scholarly environment.

Predatory publications are sometimes legitimate outlets that promise rapid academic publication but without the expected integrity of research or known ethical reputation, and oftentimes quality is compromised for cash for these publications. This alarming trend is not only undermining careers but also diminishing the visibility and impact of knowledge in shaping global scientific discourse.

From an African perspective, the damage caused by predatory publishing goes far beyond wasted money; it quietly erodes academic credibility, blocks international mobility, and traps scholars within local systems that increasingly struggle to meet global university standards.

Predatory journals thrive where demand for publication is high, and support structures are weak. In many African universities from observation, promotion and appointment criteria emphasise quantity over quality and indexed publications.

The disturbing finding is that often times there are no clear differentiation between indexed and non-indexed publication. As a result, many university-based journals have become the default publishing route but these journals are largely not indexed in reputable databases like Scopus, Web of Science, ABDC (Australian Business Deans Council) and ABS (Association of Business Schools) journal ranking systems which should increase quality and standards. These non-indexed journals journals are sometimes institutionally encouraged, yet they rarely offer the global visibility, citation impact, or academic recognition required for international competitiveness.

For a scholar whose work never leaves these local publishing ecosystems, the world remains largely unaware of their research, no matter how insightful or relevant it may be. Yet perhaps the most painful consequence of predatory publishing is loss of global opportunities, and systematic underestimation of impact.

African academics are frequently judged as underperforming, not because they lack ideas, rigour, or relevance, but because their work is largely invisible on global platforms. From the author’s observation, a striking number of African scholars have no Scopus profile at all, or profiles are with very low visibility, despite years of teaching and publishing as experienced lecturers, senior researchers, and even professors. This invisibility feeds a damaging cycle because when it comes to international evaluation limited indexed output is seen and it is assumed that African scholars have limited scholarly contribution, while local systems continue to reward these non-indexed publications that do not translate into global recognition.

The danger becomes most visible when academics attempt to cross borders physically or professionally. Because for international job applications, visiting fellowships, postdoctoral positions, and global research collaborations increasingly rely on transparent metrics: indexed publications, citation records, journal rankings, and evidence of international engagement.

An academic who has published extensively in non-indexed or predatory journals may appear productive on paper locally, but he is invisible internationally. Hiring committees in Europe, North America, Asia, and increasingly the Middle East are trained to recognise predatory outlets; rather than viewing such publications as achievements, they quickly interpret them as red flags, questioning the rigour, ethics, and peer-review exposure of the candidate.

In this way, predatory journals do not merely fail to help academics they actively ruin their global prospects. The contrast between quality publishing and predatory publishing is very clear and obvious. Because quality publishing follows strict academic standards like peer review, transparency, and ethical practices, predatory publishing on the other hand ignores these standards and mainly exists to collect fees from authors without providing real scholarly value.

A single well-placed article in a reputable indexed journal can open doors to international conferences, editorial invitations, collaborative grants, and academic networks.

For example, Nigerian and Kenyan scholars who publish in respected international journals often find themselves invited to review manuscripts, join global research teams, or contribute to policy-oriented projects at the African Union, World Bank, or UN agencies. These opportunities rarely come from non-indexed or predatory outlets because such journals are not read, cited, or trusted beyond narrow circles. Visibility, in the modern academic world, is currency, and predatory journals offer the illusion of productivity without the substance of impact.

So, what is the future of African academics in a globalised academic labour market? As universities worldwide shift toward international rankings, global partnerships, and research impact metrics, African scholars’ risk being locked out not because they lack intellectual capacity, but because their work is trapped in publishing systems that the global academy does not recognise. The danger is a growing academic isolation, where African knowledge circulates locally but fails to influence global debates or attract global opportunities. The solution lies not in rejecting local journals outright, but in redefining academic ambition and preparedness.

African academics must increasingly think beyond local promotion requirements and prepare for international exposure from the outset of their careers. This means understanding journal indexing systems, targeting reputable outlets even if acceptance takes longer, and valuing revision and rejection as part of scholarly growth. Universities, in turn, must reform promotion criteria to reward quality, indexing, and impact rather than sheer volume. Training in research methods, academic writing, and ethical publishing should be institutional priorities, not optional extras.

Governments and regulatory bodies can support this shift by funding open-access publication in reputable journals and discouraging the use of predatory outlets in academic evaluation. The suspenseful reality is this: African academics stand at a crossroads. One path leads to rapid local advancement built on fragile publishing foundations, offering short-term comfort but long-term invisibility. The other path is slower, more demanding, and often frustrating, but it leads to global relevance, intellectual exchange, and genuine academic mobility.

Predatory journals promise speed and certainty, but they quietly close doors. Quality publications demand patience and rigor, but they open the world. For African scholars seeking international jobs, collaborations, and influence, the choice is no longer optional it is existential. The future of African academia depends not just on producing knowledge, but on ensuring that knowledge travels, is trusted, and is seen. In this new year and beyond be different, be intentional, be visible, and be globally relevant. Good luck!

How may you obtain advice or further information on the article? 

Dr Timi Olubiyi is an expert in Entrepreneurship and Business Management, holding a PhD in Business Administration from Babcock University in Nigeria. He is a prolific investment coach, author, columnist, and seasoned scholar. Additionally, he is a Chartered Member of the Chartered Institute for Securities and Investment (CISI) and a registered capital market operator with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). He can be reached through his Twitter handle @drtimiolubiyi and via email at [email protected] for any questions, feedback, or comments. The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author, Dr. Timi Olubiyi, and do not necessarily reflect the views of others.

By Abba Dukawa

Kano politics has been thrown into fresh uncertainty following reports that the Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, is planning to defect from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

For years, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso aspired to be Kano’s undisputed political kingmaker. He only succeeded in realizing this ambition by installing his perceived political godson as the current governor of Kano State.

His earlier attempts had failed; notably, the current governor is the only candidate Kwankwaso attempted to install twice.

Even before the recent attempt at reclaiming the political and power throne by its rightful owner, there were widespread insinuations that the relationship between the political godfather and godson was far from cordial, despite both camps publicly maintaining that all was well.

The governor’s recent move to cross over to the ruling party has been strongly opposed by the state party leadership and the NNPP’s national leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. This development has triggered internal disagreements within the NNPP, particularly between supporters of the governor and loyalists of the Kwankwasiyya movement.

Since news broke of Governor Abba’s intention to defect to the APC, claims have circulated  that he was acting with Kwankwaso’s consent.  Those who believed that Governor Abba planned to defect with Kwankwaso’s approval made a grave misjudgment.

This is not a coordinated plan; rather, it is a political conflict akin to that between a father and a son.

From a rational political standpoint, the situation reflects a deep and intense struggle—a clear attempt at reclaiming the throne between the Governor of Kano State and the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.

By all political indicators, the governor’s effort to reclaim the throne appears aimed at securing absolute control and liberating himself from total submission to the national leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement.

In response to the unfolding conflict, the NNPP national leader has intensified efforts to rally federal and state lawmakers, local government chairmen, and party structures to remain loyal to him. Kwankwaso’s reaction has been firm but defensive.

Kwankwaso, addressing them, reportedly stated that it was evident the governor was abandoning the NNPP for the APC and that any member wishing to follow him was free to do so. He reminded them that they won the election by divine grace alone, asking rhetorically: “Will the God who gave us power in 2023 not still be there in 2027?”

He has denied any involvement in defection plans and reaffirmed his loyalty to the NNPP and its ideology, warning supporters against what he described as “betrayal. However, events on the ground tell a different story, as several local government chairmen, along with state and federal lawmakers, appear to be gravitating toward the governor’s camp.

Ahead of his anticipated defection and in a bid to strengthen his political base, the governor has reportedly been working behind the scenes to secure the support of National Assembly members and NNPP members of the State House of Assembly and the local government council chairman.

Although no official statement has been issued by the governor’s office  since reports of the planned defection emerged, the body language of prominent government officials suggests that the plan is already in motion and that it is only a matter of time. So far, only the Speaker of the State Assembly, Yusuf Falgore, has publicly endorsed the governor’s planned defection. Sources also indicate that a significant number of local government chairmen have joined the governor’s defection train.

Blind Kwankwasiyya members ideologues fail to distinguish between political betrayal and the pursuit of independence. Politics, after all, is about survival and adaptation.

Most Kwankwasiyya members are youths. Where were they when Kwankwaso parted ways with Hamisu Musa, Musa Gwadabe, and Dauda Dangalan? Kwankwaso rose under mentorship before charting his own course. Where were they when Abubakar Rimi broke away from Aminu Kano in ’79-’80, pursuing his own path? When Abdullahi Ganduje split from Kwankwaso, he faced ridicule and insults.

These same critics should appreciate Abba Gida-Gida’s restraint in not publicly recounting the unpleasant experiences surrounding his emergence as governor under the NNPP.

The Kwankwaso–Abba conflict is, at its core, politics in its truest form—a search for solutions and self-determination. There is a clear distinction between betrayal in politics, the pursuit of solutions, and the quest for independence from total submission.

If Governor Abba succeeds in taking the bulk of NNPP’s structure to APC, it’ll be a major symbolic blow to Kwankwaso’s influence . It seems Kwankwaso’s biggest fear is Abba taking the state with him, leaving him with a movement without a state .

The plan Abba defection from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) could reshape Kano’s politics significantly- APC regains dominance in Kano, strengthening its position ahead of 2027- NNPP’s national relevance takes a hit, struggling to recover from losing its only governor Kwankwasiyya faces a tough test without state power, potentially losing influence. New alliances might emerge as Yusuf’s move triggers political recalibrations across the North.

Game of Power: Throne Reclaim

Dukawa writes from Kano and can been reached via [email protected]