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State of the World: Business, War, Economics, Civilization, Trade & Politics




By Nneka Okumazie

It is likely that a key reason for Asia’s powerful rise in recent decades is that white people fell into a deep perilous sleep – with no wakefulness in sight.

There is something significant to free enterprise – cold hard cash. And Asia continues to beat them at their own game.

Capitalism, predicated on competitive productivity, found fertility in Asia, as the whites optimized for profit, which goes to some, and waned in – a – collective progress.

Budget cuts, deficits, dismaying healthcare situations, austerity, unemployment, recession, etc. are bells of a decline, though strengths abound in other areas.

There is wealth in the dirt and for centuries, the whites were able to pass around aspects of the unpleasant – in important but profitable work – to others.

But this, for Asia, unlike others in the past for situation, prescience, etc. was willing to seem dumb and get roughened, learn, position, get better and become the engine of global supply.

Though many posit paths for Asia’s not so simple rise, one thing is clear, they took advantage.

The rise of Asia does not mean they would overpower the world, or lead it – unlikely, at least through this century, but they have taken hold of something that in possession of the whites may have been – some – more equitable for the world.

The rise of the dominant civilization through centuries came with trenchant imagination, invention, overwhelming courage, in-group fairness, trust, some integrity, rarefied observation, impermeable loyalty, push-pull drive or attempt propensity, spot-opportunity-alertness, etc.

But these, for more whites, continue to recede.

It is true that after near matchless excellence through history, to relish and chill, because with what should be part decline – remains far ahead of most of the world.

Though emerging differently – Asia was able to soup together their ways and other aspects of growth determinism.

There is no way it should not have been obvious that in a capitalist society, the most important sector is the economy and the most important field is economics.

Another dance is of the drifter’s drum.

Once the economy falters – others follow.

Most of the things that grow – commercially – are for perceived value, graded by price.

Big stuff like the defence that grows across nations – seeming to defy local economics, is not by itself growth but a governance tumour.

There is the security hallucination of weapons first, forgetting the economy is the greatest weapon.

Aside from growing wastes with rusty weapons across zones, there are categories that will almost never be used, not because there won’t be conflicts but because there is less incentive for self-destruction, for those that have things going – somewhat – well for them.

Also, those in power, who initiate wars, often believe that they can win and retain power, not because they see it as a path to ruin.

So, battles are often circumspectly selected, and the mad person is not that crazy – at least initially.

There is a point of enough for direct weapons of war – in proportion to priority objectives.

But there may never be enough for indirect weapons of war – economy, food, development, etc.

The groupies for direct weapons forget that some of the leading nations of present-day productivity are not the most abundant with weapons. Those, for years, on weapons speedway focused on it, to lead, losing out on other areas, as others rose.

Some countries almost seem to have outsourced their defence. Also, there is a high attraction for others to have an alliance with those who make stuff, or maybe prioritize them.

More weapons may mean an appetite for conflict or hyper-belligerence.

Conflicts remain uncertain with the use of fair weapons, as well unclear benefits amid so much noise.

The economic decline may – maybe – be turned around with invasion centuries ago – and then occupation, but with horror weapons now and continuous options for resources and production elsewhere, weapons winders bear economic senescence.

Some may argue the need for new frontiers of defence, yes, maybe, but the economy, economy mostly.

There should be at least hundreds of new economic ideas tested on small scale across locations – to find new options with demand, supply and more.

Economics should be the most with the number of tryouts seeking how to make progress in a changing world, but painfully, most in the field are showroom economists, displaying data prowess, bickering over trends and terms but deficient in applicable economic ideas for continuous progress.

They have become watchers of the gauge, rather than seek hundreds of mobility alternatives to keep the economic cargo moving; that if some parts go to others, there should be tens of options to redirect the loss in gainful ways.

There are some big ideas on what to do in some cases and sometimes just one. If the best to come up with is just one, not at least twenty, it has already failed. Who cares about prestigious titles, degrees, places or roles if they have little ideas in their field on how to move all forward as they watch their civilization asphyxiate?

Most economists in recent decades had no major paths for the future. They sheltered in the lack-of-better-ideas prison, similar now by most economists, towards the future, with resignation. Such a shame that they know how many economic troubles had been responsible for problems across the world throughout history, but refuse to drive economics reproductively with great ideas for new options regardless of what emerges and how tough it gets, uncertainties or catastrophes.

Most economists are an embarrassment, with nothing to contribute to progress than – to be dated analysis, debates over who crashes first, sham indicators and void revisions.

They forget how responsible they are not just for their own civilization, but also for the developing world since the majority of the developing world will never do anything new for themselves except copy from elsewhere, or adopt something really insignificant to their collective progress and yell.

Many years ago, the rigid capitalism models, caused lots of union troubles that may be led, in part, to horror stance that maybe also led, in part, to trouble ideologies years on. Economy first, but most economists show no leadership, so the advantage is taken of their turf for all kinds of illegal stuff.

If for example, in many developing countries, someone asks some people, why are you involved in organized crime? They may give common ludicrous answers, but one thing they don’t often say:

They want to be regarded.

In many developing countries, money – per capitalism copy – rules, so not having means being nothing, and many don’t want this.

So, for them, it is a status game, show-off and classifying display to appear better than others.

Status is worthless.

It is not often obvious because most people want to be admired, but status by itself – as a destination, not a tool – is worthless.

The world is a collection of segmented countries. If developed countries are trains on their tracks, and some emerging nations too are, some developing nations have no trains, no tracks and their people are standing by.

In that no progress situation, some are better off, so instead of most seeking ways to found a new track, or repurpose an old track, get some locomotor and get started, their people on that ground, table on status, use possessions or exposure to class, so as to distinguish selves from others.

Some get aboard other trains, do OK, but mostly get sucked in becoming little to progress.

They may not see it but are insignificant in how most act or appear, to many on trains of progress.

Who cares that someone in some null developing country somewhere drives a cool vehicle?

What does it solve? What does that do for the world or their people per progress?

There is some developing country somewhere, with their reputable companies, neighbourhoods, schools, positions, tribalism, with people there thinking they have it all, who cannot look at themselves at how backwards they are, and find ways to collectively go forward.

Most often forget that individual success is mostly an opportunity to take the collective risk so that if it works, it benefits them and their people. But unfortunately, these places lack much, while getting consumed by petty heavy nonsense, repeating the same with many of their progenitors.

There is often an insistence on education, democracy, freedom, transparency, etc. Those are cool indexes but are like the tenth need for most developing countries.

Since their schools mostly don’t have advanced facilities or much, rather than focus on studying what others are studying, yet not great at it, they should instead have institutes of imagination, colleges of observation, labs of integrity, departments of courage, groups of fairness, schools of trust and integrity.

Most of the countries lack these. There is hardly a way for most new leaders or many of the sham revolutions to do much.

Why won’t many be corrupt?

On the ground, the goal is to make it comfortable or maybe find ways to feel better than others, etc.

What a joke for all the symbolism from most of these places that they just cannot have basic fairness.

Conferences, summits or gatherings to discuss their nothing subjects all lack emotional observation, no exception.

The same way status is worthless in those countries is the same way status is worthless anywhere in the world.

The moving train has several mechanical parts, it is possible to be on an amazing train and have others work on the ugly parts, but after a while, those tending and supplying the ugly parts hold some power. Status may still seem valid, but others handle something important.

Status, Rolodex or connections, as the way things should happen, is part of the model of economic decline.

It was cool monarchy powered stuff, but with similar, now, in parallel to Asia’s fierce economic procession, doom, doom.

There are many of the bygone eras who hardly saw the future. Then in their status, feeling like the centre of all, are gone, faded, irrelevant, not remembered. This is often forgotten by many in the present.

There are people who for whatever reason believe that being born white or in some associated country means being special, or better than others, NO it does not.

Those in the tug for this or against can’t see their loss in economic substitution.

For some, they claim they are protecting civilization, or others from taking over, but this will not happen.

Mostly, in these major countries, they have so many programs, to assist the sick, the troubled, those in need, including interventions, tips against addiction, harm, etc. The summary of the message is don’t waste your life, even if it achieves nothing grand per se, just do OK, and who knows, it might.

Now, in some places, certain tiny groups say they have to do ruinous martyrdom to conquer others. So an ideology that tells people to waste their life will conquer a place already evolved to cherish life?

It won’t happen.

Most of the fears are diversions from an economy that has cratered and no answer, so find something to grab minds and leave out answers.

Whatever the future may hold, hate is not the future.

Deception is not the future.

It is possible to predict their directions, but both will not win.

In hindsight deceit revealed is sometimes more than disappointing, just like hate, greed, lust, evil, wickedness, etc.

It is easier to predict the future, with themes than with events.

The future is extremism, though could be in useful stuff.

Extremism, not moderation will be the future, from different directions.

Though Asia made it, they don’t have big ideas that would move them or the world far super forward.

The world too is short on answers.

The fields that produce studies and should quadruple outputs, to close in on pervasive progress face funding cuts and diversions.

Progress stalls because of economics and swing set, post-ideas economists.

Technology is far subject to economics than many believe it is an advance driven progress.

There is a big country whose meaning will – maybe – depend on sabotage and antagonism because they have lost out on the future, so they have to posture with both.

There is also another big country, with super-smart people doing amazingly and leading across fields nationally and internationally, but that country is unlikely to succeed, even if some of their known cognitive snipers elsewhere – come to power.

This is due to religious aggression, certain culture and the funnel of their people to get out to enthusiastically build the civilization of others.

Religion is mostly about association and possession – what the people believe they have. It is not often the most important to decisions as many prioritize whatever according to desires, needs or status, not adherence or pure heart.

The future is religion as well, though may not be just organized.

Some people remain consumed by what skills people would need in future?

Economics is before all, few see it or that it is diseased and needs massive multiple ideas, instead most people run amok seeking scraps of economic servants.

[Matthew 6:21, For where your treasure is, there will your heart be also.]

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The Deplorable State of St Charles College Abavo Delta State



St Charles College

By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi

The barrage of reactions and commentaries that trailed the recently published disturbing pictures that drew the attention of the Delta State government to the visibly distressed structures, dilapidated classrooms with fallen ceilings, windows and doors at Oyoko Primary School, Abavo, Ika South Local Government Area of the state has again given credibility to the belief that a free press is not a privilege but an organic necessity in a great society.

For without reliable and intelligent reporting, the government cannot govern. For there is no adequate way in which it can keep itself informed about what the people of the country are thinking, doing and needing.

Despite this new awareness, what has, however, caused concern among Deltans with critical interest as well as qualifies the development in the state’s education sector as a crisis is a fact that before the dust raised by the ‘deplorable, inhuman and gory account of Oyoko school condition could settle, another was up. This time, it has to do with an eyewitness account of the poor state of a secondary school in Abavo town, St Charles College.

For clarity, St Charles College, he said, was originally built, owned and operated by the Catholic mission in the state. The school has to its credit produced prominent citizens of Ika nation extraction and Nigeria as a whole. Also remarkable is the fact that the college was at a time the only secondary school within the Abavo clan that could boast of boarding facilities. Those were the good old days.

St Charles College Abavo

The school, like other missionary schools in the state, was seized by the state government, mismanaged, starved of funds, stripped of learning convenience, ‘killed’ and the carcass finally returned to the original owners by the administration of Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan without any form of financial mitigation or infrastructural remediation.

The commentator noted with nostalgia that ever since the government led its cold hands on St. Charles, the centre can no longer hold and things fall apart.

Even the new owner (the mission) is currently in search of the courage needed to tackle the degree of infrastructural decay in the school. The once celebrated hostel facility that previously housed students who are today not just prominent but great men in society is presently without a roof, lying lonely, fallow and deserted. The same fate befell the school laboratory building until recently when the old boys of the school took it upon themselves and had the laboratory building roofed. But even with that feat, the science laboratory cannot boast of a single test tube.

This state of affairs, he lamented, is in sharp contrast with the Anambra State experience under Governor Peter Obi’s administration who funded and equipped the schools with state-of-the-art ICT learning facilities, and provided school buses before he seamlessly handed over the school to the missions.

As the author, what is undeniably my concern, in addition to the above awareness, is not the commentator’s admission that the decay in the majority of schools (primary and secondary alike) did not start with the present administration, rather, it is his declaration that if the level of decay in previous administrations were considered a challenge, what is happening presently should be characterized as a crisis.

St Charles College Abavo1

To further consolidate his position, he said; Governor Okowa’s mother is from the Abavo community. For that reason, if the Governor could abandon projects and neglect schools in the community where his mother hails from, that will give an insight to what is happening in other parts of the state.

In May 2015, he added, Governor Ifeanyi Okowa assumed office without doing anything substantial to save these financially emasculated schools returned to the missionaries or serve the people; forgetting that governance is a continuum. The Governor at the beginning of this year (2022) promised these mission schools some money, but such promises like many others have gone with political winds. We are particularly unhappy that Governor Okowa abandoned his people, he concluded.

Let’s assume the state government ignored St. Charles because it has been handed over to the mission and is now not directly under the preview of the government. It will again necessitate the question of how well has the government treated its own secondary schools under its watch?

To answer this perennial question, the findings of this study/research along with collaboration from many other investigations using different procedures suggest that both government secondary schools and the recently handed over mission schools share ‘equal sorrows’, virtues and attributes.

The similarity in structural deficiencies is a common denominator.

St Charles College Abavo2

Take, as an illustration, St Anthony College, Ubulu-Uku, Aniocha South Local Government Area of the state is a wholly owned government model school. But there is nothing model or modern about the school. The classes are far from being 21st-century learning environment compliant. The few new structures found in the school are attributable to the personal efforts of good-spirited individuals and the school’s old boys association.

The school hostel previously reputed for housing over 300 students is now a show of itself- infested with rodents and reptiles-these dangerous animals jostle for space with students. The environment is laced with dilapidated structures, falling windows and surrounded overgrown bushes. Even the promises made by the Secretary to the State Government (SSG) have not appreciably changed St. Anthony College’s misfortune or changed their narratives, he concluded.

Certainly, there is, in my view, a reason to believe that these commentators may not be alone in this line of belief.

For instance, Ika Weekly Newspaper, a well-respected community newspaper based in Agbor, Ika South Local Government Area of the state, in its recent editorial comment entitled Calling on Gov. Okowa to Address the Sorry State of Oyoko Primary Schools Abavo, Ika South Local Government Area of Delta State, among other concerns stated that, “no learning takes place in such an environment. Yes, the students may gather at that point called Oyoko Primary School but we hold the opinion that evidence on the ground cannot qualify or ascribe such an environment as conducive for learning. More pathetically, that such a ‘learning environment’ still exists in the state and in the community where the Governor’s mother hails from, is a painful experience.”

Definitely, in my view, there is a funding challenge in the education sector not just in the state but the nation as a whole. Notwithstanding, this piece believes that in many ways, the present administration in the state may have a sincere desire to move the nation forward, but there are two militating factors. First, there is no clear definition of the problem as it concerns the education sector, the goals to be achieved, or the means chosen to address the problems. Secondly, this is the only possible explanation for this situation.

As an incentive to solve this lingering challenge, the state must depart from the cosmetic approach and get involved with more work and make more reforms. They must look for ways to develop/implement plans and policies that will lead to proper funding of the education sector in the state as any development plan without access to quality education is a sheer waste of time.

Also, drawing a lesson from the Anambra State experience under Peter Obi’s administration will be considered a right step taken in the right direction.

This piece holds the opinion that the state government needs to do this not for political reason(s) but for the survival of our democracy and the future of our children.

Utomi Jerome-Mario is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy), Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), a Lagos-based Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). He can be reached via

St Charles College Abavo3

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Managing Rising Inflation in Nigeria



inflation in Nigeria

By Otori Emmanuel

No doubt, inflation is a barrier to the much a country can do in terms of value and wealth creation as it affects every aspect of its productivity. Tragically, this is currently the state of Nigeria where the purchasing power of the Naira declines day by day. This decline is not without effect on daily living – everything increases as the purchasing power decreases.

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) annual percentage change in value is known as inflation. It accurately gauges how much a portfolio of goods and services prices vary over the course of a year. The CPI for 2022 increased to 15.60 per cent (year-on-year) in January 2022, according to records from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). Based on the NBS, Nigeria’s inflation rate increased from 9.0 per cent in 2015 to 17.71 per cent as of May 2022 (year on year).

It is obvious that over the years, the value of money in Nigeria has been falling, thereby causing a negative impact. Usually, this inflation is expected to reduce purchasing power by 2 per cent or 3 per cent to bounce back to stability but it seems that the inflation in Nigeria has risen above 10 per cent.

In a state like this, Nigeria is gradually tilting into hyper-inflation, thereby reducing the value of the Naira. Over the past 10 years, Nigeria has long struggled with a general increase in the cost of food, goods, and other necessities as well as a decline in buying power which has barely retraced the market.

Inflation rates of 2 per cent to 3 per cent assist an economy because they stimulate consumers to take out more loans and make more expenditures because interest rates are also held at historically low levels at these levels.

How is Inflation caused?

Inflation is brought on by the following among others:

  • Changes in the cost of production and distribution.
  • An imbalance in the money supply and demand.
  • An increase in the tax rate on goods.

As it is known, the value of money decreases when the economy undergoes inflation, which is an increase in the price of goods and services as a result, a given unit of currency now buys fewer products and services.

Implications of Inflation

According to data from the NBS, the economy made an improvement in 2022’s first quarter, as evidenced by a 3.1 per cent growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Both individuals and the nation as a whole are impacted by this high inflation.

The effects on consumers are the harshest – people can no longer maintain a budget since their income is so low. Consumers find it challenging to purchase even the necessities of life due to the high cost of everyday goods. They are forced to request higher pay as a result, which gives them no choice.

Inflation Control

In order to manage inflation, the government and the central bank typically regulate the economy through monetary and fiscal policies. Monetary policy is the principal strategy employed (interest rate fluctuation). However, inflation can be controlled with the following measures:

  • Monetary policy – Reduced economic growth and lesser inflation are the results of lower demand due to higher interest rates. Interest rates can be raised by the central bank in reaction to inflation. Borrowing becomes more expensive and saving becomes more appealing at higher interest rates. Residents will have to make higher lease payments, which would leave them with less money to spend. Consequently, households will be less able and less motivated to spend. Businesses will invest less because corporations won’t be as likely to borrow to finance investments. Therefore, increased interest rates have a significant impact on slowing down investment and consumer expenditure, which results in a slower economic growth rate – inflation also slows down as economic development does.
  • Money supply control – According to monetarists, there is a direct correlation between the money supply and inflation, hence reducing the money supply can indirectly reduce inflation. Reducing inflation should be possible if the expansion of the money supply can be managed. Measures advised by the monetary school of thought include; budget deficit reduction (deflationary fiscal policy), elevated interest rates (contracting monetary policy) and the government’s ability to control the currency type and quantity it issues.
  • Supply-side fiscal policies – Initiatives to make the economy more efficient and competitive, which will drive down long-term expenses as inflation is frequently brought on by ongoing cost increases and weak competition. The economy may become more competitive and inflationary pressures may be reduced with the aid of supply-side policies. For instance, more accommodating labour markets, industries and production activities might help ease the strain on inflation. However, supply-side initiatives may take some time to implement in Nigeria due to the time required for construction and setting up manufacturing operations. In the meantime, this is likely ineffectual against inflation caused by growing demand.
  • Fiscal policy on tax increment – Increased income taxes may have a moderating effect on demand, spending, and rising inflation. Taxes (such as VAT and income tax) can be raised thus decreasing spending by the government to lower inflation. Lowering demand in the economy serves to improve the government’s budget condition. These two measures both slow the expansion of the overall demand, which lowers inflation. Also, reduced Aggregate Demand (AD) growth can lower inflationary pressures without triggering a recession if economic growth is fast.
  • Wages and price control – Theoretically, attempting to restrict wages and prices could assist in lowering inflationary pressures. However, because they are mostly ineffective, they are not frequently employed. Limiting wage growth can aid in containing inflation if wage inflation (produced, for example, by strong unions negotiating for higher real wages) is the primary cause of inflation. Lessening wage growth will lower business expenses and result in a decline in the economy’s excess demand. However, it can be challenging to control inflation through income programs, especially if the unions are strong. Furthermore, pay regulation calls for broad economic cooperation, but businesses that are experiencing a labour shortage will be more motivated to hire staff, even if it means going above and beyond government salary limits.
  • Global investment and exportation – Nigeria investing in remunerative products such as oil investment can help manage inflation less importation and increased exportation can give the Naira a worthy valuable. Nigeria becoming a producer nation should not be overlooked as currently, the least of items are even imported. Exchange rates and other importation policies contribute to decreasing the purchasing power of consumers. As interest rates rise, the value of currencies should rise as well (higher interest rate attracts hot money flows) Inflationary pressure will also be lessened by the exchange rate appreciation through lower cost of imports. As a result of the decreased demand for exports and resulting lower overall demand in the economy, the price of imported commodities (such as gasoline and raw materials) would fall. Since exports become less competitive than domestic markets, exporting businesses will be motivated to reduce expenses and raise competitiveness over time. By affiliating with a fixed exchange rate system, a nation may aim to keep inflation low. According to the reasoning, keeping inflation under control requires discipline, which can only be achieved if a currency’s value is fixed (or semi-fixed). The currency would start to decline if inflation increased because it would lose its appeal.
  • Demonetization and reissuance of money – Conventional policies might not be suitable during a hyperinflationary environment. It can be difficult to alter future inflation expectations. It could be necessary to adopt a new currency or utilize another one, like the dollar, when people have lost faith in a certain currency as in the case of Zimbabwe. The issue of replacing the existing currency with a new one is the most extreme monetary measure. A fresh note is substituted for numerous old notes of money in this manner. The valuation of deposit accounts is also determined in this manner. A measure like this is implemented when there is an excessive amount of note issuance and hyperinflation takes place in the area. This measure has had great success. When a nation has an abundance of illicit currency, this action is frequently taken.
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Forgotten Pacesetters and Faulty Leadership Recruitment




By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi

At a very recent function in Lagos, a participant placed this question before the gathering; what exacerbates Nigeria’s current political and socioeconomic challenges? And just immediately, he got two separate but related responses from two personalities I consider well-informed, self-contained and quietly influential Nigerians.

The first stated thus; the situation (poor leadership) in the country is not party, tribe/ethnic, religion, state governors or federal government insulted. Rather, it is a ‘total national leadership collapse in the country from ‘top to bottom’. It is a brazen manifestation of a bunch that is yet to internalize the fact that power is nothing but the ability to achieve the purpose-a and strength required to bring about social, economic, political, cultural and religious changes.

The second captured his response this way; not that the nation’s leadership is lacking in vision but their vision more often than not is not masses-centred. Even those that could qualify as people purposed are in most cases stripped of clear definition, the goals to be achieved, or the means chosen to address the problems and to achieve the goals and making the entire narrative a crisis is that the system has virtually no consideration for connecting the poor with good means of livelihood-food, job, and security.

This is the only possible explanation for the situation and will continue until the present crop of leaders productively looks back to draw both inspiration and lessons from the nation’s forgotten pacesetters and forbearers such as Pa Obafemi Awolowo, the late premier of the western region of Nigeria; Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and Ahmadu Bello of Eastern and Northern regions respectively; Pa Michael Ajasin of old Ondo State and Ambrose Folorunsho Alli, the one-time Governor of the now defunct Bendel State, he concluded.

Indeed, to any student of history, these facts should not be a surprise.

Maybe I am missing something here but from the above admonition, this piece believed and still believes that what today’s leaders need is to study these departed pacesetters, nationalists and nation builders, to study their history, study the actions of these eminent men, to see how they conducted themselves and to discover the reasons for their victories or their defeats so that they can avoid the later and imitate the former’.

Aside from assisting the nation not to wander in dilemma, the above action is important as ‘knowledge will forever govern ignorance. And people who want to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power that knowledge gives.’

Take, as an example, as documented in his Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947), Pa Awo drew the first systematic federalist manifesto. He advocated federalism as the only basis for equitable national integration and, as head of the Action Group he led demands for a federal constitution, which was introduced in the 1954 Lyttleton Constitution, following primarily the model proposed by the Western Region delegation led by him.

As the premier, he proved to be and was viewed as a man of vision and a dynamic administrator. He was also the country’s leading social democratic politician. He supported limited public ownership and limited central planning in government.

He believed that the state should channel Nigeria’s resources into education and state-led infrastructural development. Controversially, and at considerable expense, he introduced free primary education for all and free health care for children in the Western Region, established the first television service in Africa in 1959, and the Oduduwa Group, all of which were financed from the highly lucrative cocoa industry which was the mainstay of the regional economy.

Under his leadership, nobody needed to fly to Canada or the UK to go and look for an education. It was here.  People from Canada were doing Commonwealth exchange; coming from Canada to go and study at the University of Ife. If you want to go out, it was just for the fun of it not because the education here was inferior to what you are going to get outside.

Awo, Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin, former Governor of old Ondo State, whom many describe as the moving spirit of the Free Education Programme of the defunct Western Region, and Ambrose Folorunsho Alli (22 September 1929 – 22 September 1989), the first civilian governor of the old Bendel State, shone like a billion star in the areas of education, infrastructural provision and nation building. They shared similar but interesting attributes worth emulating by Nigeria’s current crops of leaders.

Ambrose Alli, for example, was a member of the constituent assembly that drafted the 1978 Nigeria constitution. He joined the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and ran successfully as a UPN candidate in the Bendel State governorship election of 1979 and won the election. He founded Bendel State University now Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma. Many campuses in Ekpoma, Abraka and Asaba were established during his tenure. However, with the creation of Delta State by the administration of Gen. Babangida, the university became two universities, namely Delta State University, Abraka and Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, posthumously named after him.

He brought massive development to Bendel in different sectors, from the establishment of numerous post-primary schools and tertiary institutions to the massive construction of roads and housing. His main thrust as governor was to increase educational opportunities. He established over 600 new secondary schools and abolished secondary school fees.

Apart from the establishment of the university, he also established various Colleges of Education in Ekiadolor near Benin City, Agbor, Warri, Ozoro, and three Polytechnics, with a College of Agriculture and Fishery proposed for Agenebode.

He also established four teacher training colleges to supply staff to the new schools, as well as several other higher educational institutions. Other reforms included abolishing charges for services and drugs at state-owned hospitals and eliminating the flat-rate tax.

His administration carried out massive construction of roads to open up the rural areas. In the housing sector, he built low-cost housing estates in Ugbowo, Ikpoba Hill in Benin City, and Bendel Estates in Warri. As Governor, he always wore sandals, joking that he was so busy working in Government House that he never had time to buy shoes for himself. When Ambrose Alli left office in 1983, he retired to his family house.

Aside from the above account, we are equally witnesses to the fact that in the Midwest and Bendel State of old, there existed government-owned companies established by the then leaders. They were established to among other aims create employment while bringing revenue to government coffers.

Examples of such companies include but are not limited to MidWest Lines, Bendel Hotel, Bendel Insurance, and Bendel Glass, among others.

That was in the good old days.

Therefore, as the nation braces up for the 2023 general elections, there is no doubt that presently, Nigeria is at a leadership crossroad and there is a wise saying that “if you do not know the direction you are headed, then, get to the crossroad and you will find the way to your destination’. Nigerians should take hope in the fact that a cross-road is a place of decision, difficult decisions.

Again, ‘it is sometimes convenient to forget. At others, it is uncomfortable to remember. To forget is perhaps one of the greatest gifts of nature. But to remember can also be an invaluable asset sometimes”. It is, therefore, the opinion of this piece that come 2023, Nigerians will not forget the present crossroad. But even if as humans they forget, history will be there to remind them.

Utomi Jerome-Mario is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy), Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), a Lagos-based Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). He can be reached via

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