Feature/OPED
The NSE, Oscar Onyema Foundation and Corporate Governance
By Olufemi Awoyemi
“Ethics is knowing the difference between what you have a right to do and what is right to do.” – Potter Stewart.
The mandate given to the newly constituted executive management of the NSE post-Ndi Okereke-Onyuike was to develop, grow and implement an exchange driven by, and able to hold itself to the best possible standards of governance and to exercise extreme caution where any appearance of or circumstance may present itself.
The exchange has been executing this mandate without incident till Friday, August 17, 2018 when it supervised the launch of a private foundation of the CEO at its office, including organizing a bell ringing session; an activity hitherto reserved for departing CEOs.
This is an isolated case but one that indicates acquiescence, if not support from the NSE Council – the mandate keepers. Mr Oscar Onyema is thoughtful, professional and a gentleman who has every right to pursue socially uplifting causes. It is a good thing to do but not sufficient to meet the highest standards of corporate governance; in so far as he holds the position of the CEO of the exchange.
I believe that this was an honest mistake devoid of ulterior motives yet has however thrown up obvious conflicts arising from the use of the exchange in the launch and promotion of the foundation. The related issues, impact and implications arising therefrom and related to now forms the subject of this memo to the market.
That said, when it comes to how and what Oscar Onyema, the NSE Council and indeed the foundation should decide next on this matter, sovereignty over decision-making does not rest with commentators and independent analysts like me; they rarely do. It will be one in which the parties will have to make in the best interest of the market – as they wish to be remembered.
It is my expectation that pedigree, intent and value orientation(s) will kick in and corrective action will be taken to make this a non-issue.
Context Matters
Market operators know the story of Ndi Okereke-Onyiuke’s 2008 outing under the aegis of “Africans for Obama Campaign”, the fund-raising that followed, and the ensuing governance issues raised concerning the director-general’s role and that of the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE) as an institution.
Students of Nigerian corporate governance history will equally recall that Ndi’s mistake here was to repeat the May 2005 act by then President Obasanjo to invite and receive donations into the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) project which was launched in Abeokuta with the goal of raising N7 billion for the project, while he was still in office.
It would appear that the Nigerian Stock Exchange hasn’t grasped that history lesson fully. Instead, the exchange seems to be acting out the same script, the consequence of which would indicate sadly that there is no institutional memory or sustained desire to elevate the governance environment in our markets beyond where it bottomed out.
To “mobilise and sensitise Africans about the Obama policies and message”, Ndi Okereke-Onyuike, OON, then Director-General/CEO of the Nigeria Stock Exchange in 2008 organized and caused to be held an August 11, 2008 glamorous fundraiser where business leaders and high-society elites paid up for tables. This generated a whole lot of heat and enquiry for which she was cleared of any wrongdoing because no Nigerian laws were broken. That said, the fact that US laws prohibited overseas donations ab-initio made the purpose, positioning and promotion of the fundraiser and the associated role of the exchange a continuing corporate governance concern, especially on matters bothering on conflict of interest and of roles.
To demonstrate and deepen democracy in Nigeria, then President Obasanjo initiated and caused to be incorporated on November 12, 2002 the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library Foundation and subsequently held a fundraiser on Saturday, May 14, 2005 for the said presidential library. Donors to this project included oil companies, financial institutions, business leaders and high-society elite.
Good Intentions Actualized Should Matter & Be Encouraged In Our Society
The referenced saga above exemplifies Oscar’s predicament with the launch on Friday, August 17, 2018 at the Exchange, of the ONO Foundation, which for all intents and purpose speaks to our common humanity and response to the plea for private sector leaders to play a structured role in helping to build a better society.
Babatunde Folawiyo, a well-regarded business leader and chairman, board of trustees, ONO Foundation, echoed the message from Oscar Onyema when he said “the foundation is borne out of an understanding that the society of our dreams cannot materialize if its future (the children and the youth) are not properly trained, inspired and equipped to be the catalyst and springboard of change and growth”.
Good Intentions, Bad Optics For Governance
The reasoning for the foundation is not a problem and should not be a subject of a debate. The issue however is with the launch signaling, timing, linkage to the exchange and role of the principal progenitor in current status. It is all about corporate governance which according to Advocate Johan Myburgh “is not a matter of right or wrong; it is more nuanced than that.” The nuance is exemplified in the optics.
This was an Oscar Onyema who was the CEO of the NSE but decided to seat for the exams of the Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers (CIS), passed and thus conferred esteem upon the practice members. He is, and has always been committed to market best practice and this is the threshold with which the current optics is being viewed.
The deployment of socially uplifting projects in pursuit of the common good seldom succeed when deployed under a cloud of ethical and governance challenges. Instead of saluting Oscar however for the launch as he did it, we may unfortunately end up seeing him as a conspicuous victim here of his own good track record to date on the subject of best practice and higher standards corporate governance.
There must be a more cogent explanation for the role of the exchange beyond rules, conventions and privileges given what we know of the man and his service pedigree. I am not aware of any known case of any wrongdoing against the CEO but believe that the elimination of ‘incestuous relationships’ is critical to the functioning of the exchange CEO in the discharge of the CEO’s responsibilities.
Oscar N. Onyema OON is the CEO of the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE), a position he was employed to on 4 April 2011; and for which he is currently serving a second five-year term. He has over twenty years working experience in the United States of America‘s financial markets and the Nigerian information technology sector. Onyema is also the Chairman of the Central Securities Clearing System (CSCS) Plc, a fellow and member of the Governing Council of the Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers of Nigeria (CIS), the President of the African Securities Exchanges Association (ASEA), a Global Agenda Council member of the World Economic Forum (WEF), member of the Board of Trustees of the Investors’ Protection Fund (IPF), and he serves on the boards of all subsidiaries of The Exchange, National Pension Commission of Nigeria, FMDQ OTC PLC.
In his work coverage, he had served as the senior vice president and chief administrative officer at American Stock Exchange (Amex), which he joined in 2001 and has the unique distinction of being the first person of colour to hold that position, and was instrumental in integrating the Amex equity business into the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) Euronext equity business after the latter’s acquisition of Amex in 2008. He then managed the NYSE Amex equity trading business, which he helped position as a premier market for small and mid-cap securities.
Oscar, an alumnus of Harvard Business School where he completed the Advanced Management Program, is no slouch and he knows his onions.
It is this level of responsibility, engagement and exposure that defines minimum expectations and professional conduct which makes it all the more baffling why he would allow his name to be associated with, or involved in the implied, if not apparent conflict of role situation, the launch of the Oscar N. Onyema Foundation (ONO) at the premises of the exchange presents.
The Nigerian Stock Exchange (as a self-regulatory organization), has done a lot of work in the areas of corporate governance and has adopted best practices as a key element in achieving its vision and mission. This is well articulated and demonstrated by its governing board – the National Council of the Exchange – who regards corporate governance as fundamentally important to the discharge of its responsibilities and its conduct in all its dealings with its stakeholders.
It would thus stand to reason therefore that any appearance of conflict will be an issue to be addressed under risks associated with the executive committee’s mandate.
Identifying Risks And Concerns
This Friday escapade and the questions it threw up, ought to have been an issue which the governing council ought to have addressed its minds to prior to the event; and immediately afterwards vis-à-vis the obvious corporate governance implications arising therefrom, in a clime like ours and at a time like this; especially when juxtaposed against our recent history of an incestuous relationship-biased regulatory environment, and the steps needed to restore confidence in the financial market system, nay the capital market.
The fact that, three or more years after, the board of the Securities & Exchange Commission (SEC) of Nigeria has not been officially constituted illuminates actions taken by a SRO operating in a governance challenged environment more clearly.
Taking together, a common view of the ONO foundation profile the existence or implied infusion of a real or perceived conflict of interest or/and role situation on face value; at the minimum.
An attempt to articulate and decouple the two roles the CEO of the exchange seeks to play here is both a matter of precedence and corporate governance ethos at the exchange.
The primary concerns relate to the determination of the following:
As an employee of the exchange, was there a need for, and was a request made, and an approval granted by the Council of the Exchange.
Was there an approval for the CEO to serve as a trustee and board member of a privately funded foundation named after him?
Would having a foundation bearing his name and having some aspects of its objects similar to undertaking by the exchange’s CSR plan have led to a consequential review of best efforts (including for example the mentoring program)?
Would conducting such a launch in the exchange and deploying its resources in the public engagements require an approval? and
Did the council consider it fit and proper to approve the hosting of a bell ringing session for the CEO, an otherwise revered activity reserved as a sending-off gesture by the exchange for deserving executives; especially when such administrative approvals were vested in the CEO (the beneficiary in this case)?
Is it an allowable practice for a serving CEO to hold a board/trustee position in a private entity (including an NGO with related parties on board) while in office?
Are there provisions for handling co-board positions with directly related party(ies) of a listed entity in the code and are there waivers for this?
Are there disclosures of a conflict of interest or role requirements for:
The exchange’s CEO where such a proposition presents itself?
Any member with direct or indirect dealings with the exchange?
The elimination of safeguards or wall between the exchange and the foundation?
What advisory will the NSE provide to firms who approach it seeking guidance in deciding which social cause (CSR) is priority to the exchange between NSE’s CSR activities (corporate cancer funding, schools program etc) and the ONO foundation’s programs?
Would the duplicitous representation not serve to convey and deliver an “unintended consequence” on stakeholders involved with the exchange, who would feel the pressure and compulsion to “support” the CEO’s foundation as part of ‘good relationship management?
Would such support contributions not qualify as in-kind benefits or/and possibly a vehicle for the inducement of a principal officer of the exchange?
Under what circumstance is such a practice allowable for other executive committee members who may also be so motivated to pursue such socially beneficial cause(s)?
A review of these possible scenarios and best practice cases guided us to reaching a position, if not a conclusion – that this was a bad precedence and one that the market and principals need to work together on by elevating thought to resolve along the lines of institution building.
Legality And Capital Market Governance
As a collective, we seem to have come a long way from the 2008 discourse level which by 2014 had produced an NSE well aware of the need for a higher standard of corporate governance as Oscar Onyema himself brilliantly espoused in Corporate Governance: Ideas & Changes in the Nigerian Capital Market
Nigerians have since risen up and humiliated their political class over its handling of financial conduct, and particularly of the level of impairment evident in the regulators ability to rise above the numerous incestuous relationships they are often cluttered with.
Indeed and sadly, the generality of the public have come to accept and see nothing terribly unusual about their sense of powerlessness and alienation from the responsibility imperative of regulators, which it has been proven collectively, brought us to the state where we felt a wholesome change was need in our markets in 2010.
If we cannot change behaviour at the level of the sovereign, we can at least do this effectively at the level of industry and thus help provide teachable lessons for the development of the culture required to raise governance standards in the country and create a veritable example for listed entities.
This is one of such unique opportunities.
Moving on from here would require more than compliance with existing rules, conventions, laws and statutes – it requires setting new standards beyond rules to help us untangle roles and relationships.
Conflict of Interest – Overcoming Potential Impediments
Conflict of interest is difficult to define, yet it often appears obvious to many people who think they know it when they see it. If ever there was an issue that captures this sentiment, this foundation launch offers us an opportunity to discuss the grey areas inherent in our codes and how we should walk through them.
The legal definition of conflict of interest, usually set out in conventions, rules and laws governing non-profit entities and indeed SRO’s, is very specific and covers relatively few situations. Most conflicts fall into the ‘grey area’ where ethics and public perception are more relevant than statutes or precedents.
For this purpose, conflict of interest is therefore placed in the background to raise the much informed argument about the ‘conflict of roles’ which arises whenever the personal or professional responsibilities of a market-based entity and board member appear to be potentially at odds with the best interests and objectives of the market as a fair and level playing space.
Such possible areas of conflict (in roles/interest) can be narrowed down to the following ‘cultural’ issues, viz:
Conflict by association – linkage of the exchange to the foundation;
Conflict arising from relationship with board members;
Conflict arising from professional responsibility;
Conflict arising from precedence; and
Conflict arising from related parties and entanglement.
It is obvious that there is so much to unpack here. I must however crave the markets indulgence to draw a close on this memo on the premise established – i.e. that the appearance of a conflict of interest is a minimum criteria for council oversight in the affairs of the NSE.
While it is my hope and expectation that responsible parties singled out here will respond and take appropriate actions; it comforts me to leave you with the words of Bishop Desmond Tutu, from whom we may draw the inspiration needed to act in the circumstance, viz:
“We must not allow ourselves to become like the system we oppose. We cannot afford to use methods of which we will be ashamed when we look back, when we say, ‘…we shouldn’t have done that.’ We must remember, my friends, that we have been given a wonderful cause. The cause of freedom! And you and I must be those who will walk with heads held high. We will say, ‘We used methods that can stand the harsh scrutiny of history.’”
Olufemi Awoyemi is the Founder and Chief Executive Officer of Proshare Nigeria Limited.
Feature/OPED
Nigerian Opposition: What You Have to Do
By Prince Charles Dickson, PhD
“And Jesus said to Judas… what you are going to do, do quickly.”
There is a hard, almost rude lesson in that line. History does not wait for the timid to finish their committee meeting. Politics, especially Nigerian politics, is not kind to hesitation dressed as strategy. It rewards those who understand timing, nerve, structure, and the brutal arithmetic of power. That is where the Nigerian opposition now stands: not at the edge of impossibility, but at the edge of urgency.
The first truth is the one opposition politicians do not enjoy hearing at rallies where microphones are loud, and introspection is scarce. They are not getting it right. The evidence is not only in Tinubu’s strength, but in their own disorder. INEC said on February 5, 2026, that there were now 21 registered political parties and warned that persistent internal leadership crises within parties pose a serious threat to democratic consolidation. Eight days later, the commission formally released the notice and timetable for the 2027 general elections. In other words, this is no longer the season of abstract grumbling. The whistle has gone. The race is live.
Yet the opposition often behaves like students who entered the examination hall with righteous anger but forgot their pens. Too much of its energy is spent on lamentation, rumours, courtroom oxygen, personality feuds, and that old Nigerian hobby of mistaking noise for architecture. You cannot defeat an incumbent machine by forming a WhatsApp coalition of wounded egos and calling it national salvation. Voters may clap for drama, but they still ask the unromantic question: who is in charge, what is the plan, and why should we trust you with the keys?
Now comes the more uncomfortable truth. The opposition is not facing an ordinary incumbent. It is facing Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man whose political DNA was forged in opposition. He is not merely benefiting from power; he understands opposition as craft, pressure, infiltration, timing, persistence, and theatre. In his June 12, 2025, Democracy Day speech, he taunted rivals by saying it was “a pleasure to witness” their disarray, while also reminding Nigerians that he once stood almost alone against an overbearing ruling machine. This was not casual banter. It was a warning shot from a politician who knows both the grammar of resistance and the machinery of incumbency.
That is why copying Tinubu’s old template will not be enough. Yes, the coalition instinct is understandable. In July 2025, major opposition figures, including Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, aligned under the ADC banner, presenting themselves as a bulwark against one-party drift, with David Mark as interim chairman. But here is the problem: Tinubu’s own coalition history worked not simply because men gathered in one room and glared at the ruling party. It worked because there was a disciplined merger logic, state-level anchoring, message coordination, and a ruthless understanding of elite bargaining. What the present opposition sometimes offers instead is photocopy politics with low toner: a coalition of convenience trying to frighten a man who practically wrote the Nigerian handbook on political accommodation, defection management, and patient conquest.
This is also why the opposition’s moral complaint, though not baseless, cannot be its only language. Yes, concerns about democratic shrinkage are real. Tinubu himself publicly denied that Nigeria is moving toward a one-party state, even as defections from opposition parties to the APC intensified and his own party welcomed them. But to say “democracy is in danger” is not yet the same thing as building a democratic alternative. Nigerians do not eat constitutional anxiety for breakfast. They want a credible opposition that can protect pluralism and still explain food prices, jobs, security, power supply, transport costs, and what exactly it would do on Monday morning after taking office.
On the government’s side, the picture is mixed enough to make both triumphalism and apocalypse look unserious. Reuters reported this week that the World Bank expects Nigeria’s economy to grow by about 4.2% in 2026, with external buffers improving and the debt-to-GDP ratio falling for the first time in a decade. Inflation had eased to 15.06% in February from roughly 33% in late 2024. Those are not imaginary numbers, and any fair-minded analysis must admit that Tinubu’s reforms have altered the macroeconomic conversation. But the same report warned that the Iran war has pushed fuel prices up by more than 50%, with obvious consequences for transport, food, and household pain. Add the continuing insecurity, underscored again this week by the killing of a Nigerian army general in Borno, and the government begins to look like a man who has repaired the roof but left half the house still flooding. That is not a collapse. It is not a command either. It is a meandering reform under political stress.
So, what must the opposition do, and do quickly? First, it must stop making Tinubu the only subject of the campaign. Anti-Tinubu is not a manifesto. It is a mood. Moods trend; structures win. Second, it must settle leadership questions early and publicly, because no voter wants to hire a rescue team still fighting over the steering wheel. Third, it needs an issue coalition, not just an elite coalition. Security, inflation, youth jobs, electricity, federalism, and institutional reform must become a coherent national offer, not a buffet of press conference talking points. Fourth, it must build from the states upward. Presidential romance without subnational organisation is political karaoke: loud, emotional, and usually off-key by the second verse.
Fifth, it must look seriously at the legal terrain. The Electoral Act 2026 has made party organisation even more central. PLAC notes that the new law tightens party registration rules, removes deemed registration, expands INEC’s regulatory discretion, and preserves the fact that candidates still need political parties as the vehicle for contesting most elective offices because independent candidacy is not permitted. In plain language, parties matter even more now. A fragmented opposition is therefore not just aesthetically untidy. It is strategically suicidal.
Still, there are dangers in the opposite direction, too. A desperate anti-Tinubu mega-bloc could become a cargo truck of incompatible ambitions. If all it offers is the promise to defeat one man, it may reproduce the same habits it condemns once power arrives. Nigeria does not need a ruling party so swollen that democracy gasps for air. But it also does not need an opposition whose only ideology is turn-by-turn revenge. The health of democracy lies somewhere between monopoly and mob. It requires competition with content, not merely competition with bitterness. Tinubu himself, in that same June 12 speech, defended multiparty politics even while mocking the opposition’s disorder. That irony should not be wasted. He has thrown them both an insult and an assignment.
So, yes, the opposition is right to worry. But worry is not a strategy. Outrage is not an organisation. The coalition is not coherent. And history is not sentimental. The man they are up against is ruthless, seasoned, and intimate with the dark arts of democratic combat. He knows the game. Some of his opponents are still learning the rules from old newspaper cuttings.
Which brings us back to the scripture. What you are going to do, do quickly. Not recklessly. Not hysterically. Quickly. Settle your house. Name your purpose. Offer something fresher than recycled indignation. Build a machine that is not merely anti-Tinubu but pro-Nigeria in a way ordinary Nigerians can feel in their pockets and in their pulse. Otherwise, the opposition will keep arriving at battle dressed in borrowed armour, only to discover that the tailor works for the man they came to unseat—May Nigeria win!
Feature/OPED
The Digital Imperative for Women-Led Businesses in Nigeria
By Gloria Onosode
Nigeria is targeting an ambitious $1 trillion economy by 2030. To achieve this, women-led businesses must transition from mere passive observers to primary growth drivers at the heart of the economy and strategic participants in their respective industries.
According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the increased ownership rate of MSMEs by women represents a significant contribution to economic growth and job creation. Digital empowerment for these enterprises must move from being a social responsibility or gender support initiative to contributing to broader economic development.
To reach the $1 trillion GDP milestone, women-led businesses must be positioned to operate at a macroeconomic scale. This requires moving beyond subsistence trading and into the digital value chain. For instance, a fashion designer in Aba, through digital positioning, can access broader markets and commercial networks and thereby facilitate better record-keeping and data-driven decision-making, supporting improved financial record-keeping, which may be considered in credit assessments by financial institutions.
FairMoney Microfinance Bank (MFB), a bank licensed and regulated by the Central Bank of Nigeria, contributes to the digital transitioning of small businesses in Nigeria by providing tools specifically designed for the realities of the Nigerian entrepreneur. For women, whose businesses often fluctuate with seasonal demands or family needs, the ability to protect and grow capital is paramount. FairMoney MFB offers features that empower women to move from informal ‘under-the-mattress’ savings to digitised interest-bearing savings products. By embracing digital transition, tech-based saving platforms can enable business owners to set specific goals, such as purchasing new equipment, saving towards business goals in a disciplined manner, while earning interest at applicable rates.
For that business owner who requires immediate liquidity, our flexible savings feature offers interest while allowing for withdrawal access that is subject to applicable terms and conditions to cover emergency restocks. For longer-term scaling, our fixed-term savings feature allows entrepreneurs to lock away funds for a fixed period and accrue interest based on product terms, subject to terms and conditions. By automating savings and providing interest at applicable rates, FairMoney MFB is designed to support financial planning and resilience over time for women-led SMEs.
Nigerian women are among the most entrepreneurial globally, consistently defying structural barriers to build enterprises from the ground up. According to the Small and Medium Enterprise Development Agency of Nigeria (SMEDAN), Nigeria has approximately 39.6 million nano, micro, small, and medium enterprises. Charles Odii, Director General at SMEDAN in 2024, also recently shared that approximately 72% of these enterprises are now classified as being owned or led by women. This is a significant jump from previous years, which hovered around 40–43%, largely due to the surge in ‘nano’ and ‘micro’ home-based businesses. These female-led enterprises are the primary engines of job creation and community stability.
Despite this drive, women entrepreneurs face a unique set of structural hurdles that stifle their ability to scale. The ‘financing gap’ remains the most formidable obstacle. The World Bank IFC Nigeria2Equal initiative reports that while Nigeria has one of the highest female entrepreneurship rates globally, the credit gap for these women is estimated at over 2.9 trillion Naira, forcing them into the ‘savings and family’ funding model.
The case for supporting these businesses extends beyond equity; it is rooted in the ‘multiplier effect’. Research demonstrates that women reinvest up to 90% of their income into their families and communities, specifically in education, healthcare, and nutrition. Supporting these enterprises is, therefore, a direct investment in Nigeria’s human capital. By bringing these businesses into the formal sector, the accuracy of economic planning will be improved. When a woman-led SME flourishes, the benefits ripple across the entire socioeconomic landscape.
The future of the Nigerian economy is intrinsically tied to the success of its women. When we prioritise women-led businesses, we are not merely fulfilling a gender quota; we can contribute to unlocking economic potential across sectors. By bridging the digital gap and providing robust financial tools for saving and credit to women-led businesses, Nigeria can begin to support the growth of micro-enterprises over time. A $1 trillion Nigeria is not just a dream; it represents a significant opportunity that can be progressively realised by the resilient women entrepreneurs of our nation.
Gloria Onosode is the Director of Enterprise Sales at FairMoney Business
Feature/OPED
Premium Entertainment Without the Premium Price Tag
These days, surviving in Nigeria feels like a full-time job on its own.
Before the month even properly begins, salary has already been divided into transport, fuel, food, bills, subscriptions, and every other expense that somehow keeps increasing. For many 9–5ers, the routine has become painfully familiar: wake up early, battle traffic, survive the stress of work, battle traffic again, and get home completely drained, only to realise even the simple things that help you unwind now have to be carefully budgeted for.
Because in this economy, everybody is cutting costs. People are thinking twice before ordering food. They are postponing shopping plans. They are reducing unnecessary spending. And for many, one of the first things to go has been entertainment.
The same streaming platforms and premium subscriptions people once paid for without thinking have now become part of the “maybe next month” list. Not because people suddenly stopped loving movies, series, football, or reality TV, but because when inflation keeps rising, and fuel costs continue to affect everything, entertainment starts to feel like a luxury.
But that is exactly why affordability in entertainment matters now more than ever and why GOtv continues to stand out as a brand that genuinely keeps everyday Nigerians in mind.
Rather than assuming quality entertainment should only be accessible to people willing to spend heavily, GOtv has consistently positioned itself as a platform built with everyday Nigerians in mind, creating options that allow people to still enjoy premium entertainment without having to break the bank.
Take the GOtv Smallie package, for example.
For as low as ₦1,900 a month, subscribers get access to over 35 channels, including approximately 19 to 21 local channels, sports content, and 15+ channels across news, music, movies, lifestyle, kids, and general entertainment.
And for those who prefer longer payment plans, it is also available in:
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Quarterly – ₦5,100
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Annual – ₦15,000
What makes this even better is that, despite being the most affordable package, Smallie still offers something for everyone.
It is not one of those basic plans where you pay less and get almost nothing. Whether you are the family member who loves African movies, the sports enthusiast who never wants to miss a match, the parent looking for kids’ content, or the person who just wants background TV after a stressful day, there is something to watch.
And for viewers who want even more variety, GOtv has other packages across different price points:
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GOtv Jinja – ₦3,900
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GOtv Jolli – ₦5,800
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GOtv Max – ₦8,500
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GOtv Supa – ₦11,400
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GOtv Supa Plus – ₦16,800
So, whether you’re going for the most affordable option or something with a more premium feel, there’s always a GOtv package that fits comfortably into different lifestyles and budgets.
At a time when everyday decisions are increasingly shaped by cost, GOtv quietly fills an important gap by keeping quality entertainment within reach for more people, because beyond the hustle, the traffic, the deadlines, and the constant pressure of trying to keep up with life in today’s economy, there is still a need for simple moments of joy and escape. Those small pauses in the day where you can switch off, relax, and just enjoy something light without overthinking it.
And that’s really the point: entertainment shouldn’t feel like another financial burden.
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