Feature/OPED
Understanding Corporate Procurement of Power in Sub-Saharan Africa
By Mike Webb
Renewable technologies are evolving at a rapid pace and have seen a dramatic decline in the costs associated with its procurement. This provides the opportunity for corporates to reap the benefits of procuring renewable energy directly from generators through the use of a power purchase agreement (corporate PPAs). Corporate PPAs aim to provide corporates with lower or more stable electricity costs and grid reliability and can contribute significantly to their sustainability targets.
Despite these benefits, corporate PPAs have struggled to take off in sub-Saharan Africa, commonly as a result of regulatory challenges. That being said, there are signals that several markets are evolving and opening up the potential for corporate PPAs. More regulators are considering options to change their power markets to favour this energy transition.
What is a Corporate PPA?
Firstly, a PPA is a contract between a generator of electricity and buyer to purchase electricity (whether physically or notionally) at a pre-agreed price for a pre-agreed period. The buyer of electricity is very often an electricity utility or registered electricity retailer. Alternatively, a corporate (as the end user) can choose to take control of its electricity procurement by contracting either directly or indirectly with a generator. This is a corporate PPA.
Corporates tend to procure their power from renewable energy generators and given the abundance of solar resources on the continent, this is the most common energy source for corporate PPAs in Africa. However, there is a lack of knowledge and understanding on the part of many corporate customers as to how they can structure, price and implement a corporate PPA.
The current regulatory framework
The key issue that obstructs the use of corporate PPAs in most markets is that a licence is required to either operate a power asset or sell power, or both. Most markets have a threshold where a licence is required, usually ranging between 100kW and 1000kW. Where projects exceed these thresholds, the PPA will often be structured as a hire-purchase agreement or lease to avoid the application of the licence requirement. However, in addition to triggering unfavourable tax consequences (where the PPA becomes a contingent liability on the corporate’s books), these solutions carry enforceability risk and may not pass a lender’s bankability requirements. It’s worth noting that there are currently no licence requirements in Senegal and Mozambique and the threshold in Uganda for a licence is 2000 kW. Most other African markets covered in our report, Opportunities for Corporate Procurement of Power in Sub-Saharan, do have licence requirements in some form.
In addition to licence requirements, some jurisdictions require approval from the local distribution network operator to install an on-site power plant (e.g. rooftop solar PV). This approval can be difficult to obtain and sometimes gets held up in months of administrative delays.
Market reforms
As the energy transition (which is a move to decarbonised, decentralised and democratised power markets) slowly makes its way into sub-Saharan Africa, some utilities and regulators are showing signs of key market reforms that will enable more opportunities for corporate PPAs. For example, as of 1 September 2019, Namibia will introduce a new energy policy that will allow the bilateral trading of power between generators and customers. In a small power market such as Namibia, the opportunities may be limited. However, it is expected that neighbouring countries, such as Zambia, could follow Namibia in this reform.
A key reform required in power markets to unlock opportunities of corporate PPA is net metering, where plants are able to supply unused power into the grid in return for a feed-in tariff. This is not available in most countries in sub-Saharan Africa and where it is available, such as South Africa, the tariff is often too low to enhance the economics of the project.
As a result of strong resources, as well as poorly maintained and limited grid networks, sub-Saharan Africa has seen an increase in the roll out of mini-grids. Rapid technological development and operational efficiencies have made mini-grids a practical, cost effective and viable solution to electrify rural areas. In Africa, over 2,000 mini-grids have been identified, with solar projects accounting for 40%. It is expected that the number of mini-grids may increase to 16,000 by 2023. The International Energy Agency estimates that at least 40% of new power connections in sub-Saharan Africa during the next decade will be provided by mini-grids. For example, Rwanda plans to provide over 90% of its electricity supply through mini-grids by 2024.
The regulatory environment around mini-grids in Africa can be quite different depending on the country. Tanzania has fairly clear policies and regulations that favour mini-grids. Nigeria has issued regulation detailing the framework for the establishment of mini-grids. Uganda is currently developing a mini-grid framework with the support of various donor programmes. Similarly, Rwanda has been in consultation with private mini-grid companies in the development of their mini-grid framework.
The Southern African Power Pool
A good sign that the power market is maturing is the increase in trading activity in the Southern Africa Power Pool (SAPP) in the last 18 months, which is beginning to show signs of a functional power pool. The SAPP currently serves more than 300 million people and has an available generation capacity of 67.19 GW.
A total of 2,124 GWh was traded on the SAPP market during 2018, resulting in USD 106.6 million being exchanged on SAPP’s competitive market. Current operating members of SAPP include Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Namibia’s move to allow bilateral trading is expected to extend into the use of the SAPP. As the approval of the relevant utility is required for a person to become a participant in the SAPP, these signs are positive.
Countries to watch
In terms of sub-Saharan Africa countries to watch for corporate PPA opportunities, Nigeria, Ghana and Kenya stand out, based on positive economics and relatively accommodating regulatory systems. Senegal, Uganda and Rwanda, with increasing grid tariffs and reasonable momentum in renewable energy adoption, also offer opportunities. However, due to the small nature of the commercial and industrial power demand, the scalability of project portfolios appears to be limited.
South Africa, being the most industrialised economy in Africa, is often considered a good starting point for corporate PPA development. Regulatory and policy uncertainty have been the main reasons why adoption has been relatively low. However, continued increases in Eskom supplied grid electricity tariffs has resulted in a notable increase in corporate PPAs over the last 18 months. This is expected to grow further once the Integrated Resource Plan is finalised and regulations are aligned.
Renewable energy benefits
The corporate PPA market is also critical to facilitating the development of new renewable energy facilities in Africa, as part of or additional to any legislated renewable energy resource allocation, by providing or underwriting longer-term PPAs with renewable energy developers. Developers face constant challenges in securing grid supplied renewable energy projects including unbankable PPAs, administrative delays, policy uncertainty and difficulties in negotiating with incumbent utilities. Corporate PPAs allow developers the opportunity to negotiate directly with the customer, by-passing some of these challenges and ensuring that much needed renewable energy projects go ahead.
Mike Webb is a Senior Associate, Banking & Finance at Baker McKenzie Johannesburg
Feature/OPED
Nigerian Opposition: What You Have to Do
By Prince Charles Dickson, PhD
“And Jesus said to Judas… what you are going to do, do quickly.”
There is a hard, almost rude lesson in that line. History does not wait for the timid to finish their committee meeting. Politics, especially Nigerian politics, is not kind to hesitation dressed as strategy. It rewards those who understand timing, nerve, structure, and the brutal arithmetic of power. That is where the Nigerian opposition now stands: not at the edge of impossibility, but at the edge of urgency.
The first truth is the one opposition politicians do not enjoy hearing at rallies where microphones are loud, and introspection is scarce. They are not getting it right. The evidence is not only in Tinubu’s strength, but in their own disorder. INEC said on February 5, 2026, that there were now 21 registered political parties and warned that persistent internal leadership crises within parties pose a serious threat to democratic consolidation. Eight days later, the commission formally released the notice and timetable for the 2027 general elections. In other words, this is no longer the season of abstract grumbling. The whistle has gone. The race is live.
Yet the opposition often behaves like students who entered the examination hall with righteous anger but forgot their pens. Too much of its energy is spent on lamentation, rumours, courtroom oxygen, personality feuds, and that old Nigerian hobby of mistaking noise for architecture. You cannot defeat an incumbent machine by forming a WhatsApp coalition of wounded egos and calling it national salvation. Voters may clap for drama, but they still ask the unromantic question: who is in charge, what is the plan, and why should we trust you with the keys?
Now comes the more uncomfortable truth. The opposition is not facing an ordinary incumbent. It is facing Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man whose political DNA was forged in opposition. He is not merely benefiting from power; he understands opposition as craft, pressure, infiltration, timing, persistence, and theatre. In his June 12, 2025, Democracy Day speech, he taunted rivals by saying it was “a pleasure to witness” their disarray, while also reminding Nigerians that he once stood almost alone against an overbearing ruling machine. This was not casual banter. It was a warning shot from a politician who knows both the grammar of resistance and the machinery of incumbency.
That is why copying Tinubu’s old template will not be enough. Yes, the coalition instinct is understandable. In July 2025, major opposition figures, including Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, aligned under the ADC banner, presenting themselves as a bulwark against one-party drift, with David Mark as interim chairman. But here is the problem: Tinubu’s own coalition history worked not simply because men gathered in one room and glared at the ruling party. It worked because there was a disciplined merger logic, state-level anchoring, message coordination, and a ruthless understanding of elite bargaining. What the present opposition sometimes offers instead is photocopy politics with low toner: a coalition of convenience trying to frighten a man who practically wrote the Nigerian handbook on political accommodation, defection management, and patient conquest.
This is also why the opposition’s moral complaint, though not baseless, cannot be its only language. Yes, concerns about democratic shrinkage are real. Tinubu himself publicly denied that Nigeria is moving toward a one-party state, even as defections from opposition parties to the APC intensified and his own party welcomed them. But to say “democracy is in danger” is not yet the same thing as building a democratic alternative. Nigerians do not eat constitutional anxiety for breakfast. They want a credible opposition that can protect pluralism and still explain food prices, jobs, security, power supply, transport costs, and what exactly it would do on Monday morning after taking office.
On the government’s side, the picture is mixed enough to make both triumphalism and apocalypse look unserious. Reuters reported this week that the World Bank expects Nigeria’s economy to grow by about 4.2% in 2026, with external buffers improving and the debt-to-GDP ratio falling for the first time in a decade. Inflation had eased to 15.06% in February from roughly 33% in late 2024. Those are not imaginary numbers, and any fair-minded analysis must admit that Tinubu’s reforms have altered the macroeconomic conversation. But the same report warned that the Iran war has pushed fuel prices up by more than 50%, with obvious consequences for transport, food, and household pain. Add the continuing insecurity, underscored again this week by the killing of a Nigerian army general in Borno, and the government begins to look like a man who has repaired the roof but left half the house still flooding. That is not a collapse. It is not a command either. It is a meandering reform under political stress.
So, what must the opposition do, and do quickly? First, it must stop making Tinubu the only subject of the campaign. Anti-Tinubu is not a manifesto. It is a mood. Moods trend; structures win. Second, it must settle leadership questions early and publicly, because no voter wants to hire a rescue team still fighting over the steering wheel. Third, it needs an issue coalition, not just an elite coalition. Security, inflation, youth jobs, electricity, federalism, and institutional reform must become a coherent national offer, not a buffet of press conference talking points. Fourth, it must build from the states upward. Presidential romance without subnational organisation is political karaoke: loud, emotional, and usually off-key by the second verse.
Fifth, it must look seriously at the legal terrain. The Electoral Act 2026 has made party organisation even more central. PLAC notes that the new law tightens party registration rules, removes deemed registration, expands INEC’s regulatory discretion, and preserves the fact that candidates still need political parties as the vehicle for contesting most elective offices because independent candidacy is not permitted. In plain language, parties matter even more now. A fragmented opposition is therefore not just aesthetically untidy. It is strategically suicidal.
Still, there are dangers in the opposite direction, too. A desperate anti-Tinubu mega-bloc could become a cargo truck of incompatible ambitions. If all it offers is the promise to defeat one man, it may reproduce the same habits it condemns once power arrives. Nigeria does not need a ruling party so swollen that democracy gasps for air. But it also does not need an opposition whose only ideology is turn-by-turn revenge. The health of democracy lies somewhere between monopoly and mob. It requires competition with content, not merely competition with bitterness. Tinubu himself, in that same June 12 speech, defended multiparty politics even while mocking the opposition’s disorder. That irony should not be wasted. He has thrown them both an insult and an assignment.
So, yes, the opposition is right to worry. But worry is not a strategy. Outrage is not an organisation. The coalition is not coherent. And history is not sentimental. The man they are up against is ruthless, seasoned, and intimate with the dark arts of democratic combat. He knows the game. Some of his opponents are still learning the rules from old newspaper cuttings.
Which brings us back to the scripture. What you are going to do, do quickly. Not recklessly. Not hysterically. Quickly. Settle your house. Name your purpose. Offer something fresher than recycled indignation. Build a machine that is not merely anti-Tinubu but pro-Nigeria in a way ordinary Nigerians can feel in their pockets and in their pulse. Otherwise, the opposition will keep arriving at battle dressed in borrowed armour, only to discover that the tailor works for the man they came to unseat—May Nigeria win!
Feature/OPED
The Digital Imperative for Women-Led Businesses in Nigeria
By Gloria Onosode
Nigeria is targeting an ambitious $1 trillion economy by 2030. To achieve this, women-led businesses must transition from mere passive observers to primary growth drivers at the heart of the economy and strategic participants in their respective industries.
According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the increased ownership rate of MSMEs by women represents a significant contribution to economic growth and job creation. Digital empowerment for these enterprises must move from being a social responsibility or gender support initiative to contributing to broader economic development.
To reach the $1 trillion GDP milestone, women-led businesses must be positioned to operate at a macroeconomic scale. This requires moving beyond subsistence trading and into the digital value chain. For instance, a fashion designer in Aba, through digital positioning, can access broader markets and commercial networks and thereby facilitate better record-keeping and data-driven decision-making, supporting improved financial record-keeping, which may be considered in credit assessments by financial institutions.
FairMoney Microfinance Bank (MFB), a bank licensed and regulated by the Central Bank of Nigeria, contributes to the digital transitioning of small businesses in Nigeria by providing tools specifically designed for the realities of the Nigerian entrepreneur. For women, whose businesses often fluctuate with seasonal demands or family needs, the ability to protect and grow capital is paramount. FairMoney MFB offers features that empower women to move from informal ‘under-the-mattress’ savings to digitised interest-bearing savings products. By embracing digital transition, tech-based saving platforms can enable business owners to set specific goals, such as purchasing new equipment, saving towards business goals in a disciplined manner, while earning interest at applicable rates.
For that business owner who requires immediate liquidity, our flexible savings feature offers interest while allowing for withdrawal access that is subject to applicable terms and conditions to cover emergency restocks. For longer-term scaling, our fixed-term savings feature allows entrepreneurs to lock away funds for a fixed period and accrue interest based on product terms, subject to terms and conditions. By automating savings and providing interest at applicable rates, FairMoney MFB is designed to support financial planning and resilience over time for women-led SMEs.
Nigerian women are among the most entrepreneurial globally, consistently defying structural barriers to build enterprises from the ground up. According to the Small and Medium Enterprise Development Agency of Nigeria (SMEDAN), Nigeria has approximately 39.6 million nano, micro, small, and medium enterprises. Charles Odii, Director General at SMEDAN in 2024, also recently shared that approximately 72% of these enterprises are now classified as being owned or led by women. This is a significant jump from previous years, which hovered around 40–43%, largely due to the surge in ‘nano’ and ‘micro’ home-based businesses. These female-led enterprises are the primary engines of job creation and community stability.
Despite this drive, women entrepreneurs face a unique set of structural hurdles that stifle their ability to scale. The ‘financing gap’ remains the most formidable obstacle. The World Bank IFC Nigeria2Equal initiative reports that while Nigeria has one of the highest female entrepreneurship rates globally, the credit gap for these women is estimated at over 2.9 trillion Naira, forcing them into the ‘savings and family’ funding model.
The case for supporting these businesses extends beyond equity; it is rooted in the ‘multiplier effect’. Research demonstrates that women reinvest up to 90% of their income into their families and communities, specifically in education, healthcare, and nutrition. Supporting these enterprises is, therefore, a direct investment in Nigeria’s human capital. By bringing these businesses into the formal sector, the accuracy of economic planning will be improved. When a woman-led SME flourishes, the benefits ripple across the entire socioeconomic landscape.
The future of the Nigerian economy is intrinsically tied to the success of its women. When we prioritise women-led businesses, we are not merely fulfilling a gender quota; we can contribute to unlocking economic potential across sectors. By bridging the digital gap and providing robust financial tools for saving and credit to women-led businesses, Nigeria can begin to support the growth of micro-enterprises over time. A $1 trillion Nigeria is not just a dream; it represents a significant opportunity that can be progressively realised by the resilient women entrepreneurs of our nation.
Gloria Onosode is the Director of Enterprise Sales at FairMoney Business
Feature/OPED
Premium Entertainment Without the Premium Price Tag
These days, surviving in Nigeria feels like a full-time job on its own.
Before the month even properly begins, salary has already been divided into transport, fuel, food, bills, subscriptions, and every other expense that somehow keeps increasing. For many 9–5ers, the routine has become painfully familiar: wake up early, battle traffic, survive the stress of work, battle traffic again, and get home completely drained, only to realise even the simple things that help you unwind now have to be carefully budgeted for.
Because in this economy, everybody is cutting costs. People are thinking twice before ordering food. They are postponing shopping plans. They are reducing unnecessary spending. And for many, one of the first things to go has been entertainment.
The same streaming platforms and premium subscriptions people once paid for without thinking have now become part of the “maybe next month” list. Not because people suddenly stopped loving movies, series, football, or reality TV, but because when inflation keeps rising, and fuel costs continue to affect everything, entertainment starts to feel like a luxury.
But that is exactly why affordability in entertainment matters now more than ever and why GOtv continues to stand out as a brand that genuinely keeps everyday Nigerians in mind.
Rather than assuming quality entertainment should only be accessible to people willing to spend heavily, GOtv has consistently positioned itself as a platform built with everyday Nigerians in mind, creating options that allow people to still enjoy premium entertainment without having to break the bank.
Take the GOtv Smallie package, for example.
For as low as ₦1,900 a month, subscribers get access to over 35 channels, including approximately 19 to 21 local channels, sports content, and 15+ channels across news, music, movies, lifestyle, kids, and general entertainment.
And for those who prefer longer payment plans, it is also available in:
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Quarterly – ₦5,100
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Annual – ₦15,000
What makes this even better is that, despite being the most affordable package, Smallie still offers something for everyone.
It is not one of those basic plans where you pay less and get almost nothing. Whether you are the family member who loves African movies, the sports enthusiast who never wants to miss a match, the parent looking for kids’ content, or the person who just wants background TV after a stressful day, there is something to watch.
And for viewers who want even more variety, GOtv has other packages across different price points:
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GOtv Jinja – ₦3,900
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GOtv Jolli – ₦5,800
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GOtv Max – ₦8,500
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GOtv Supa – ₦11,400
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GOtv Supa Plus – ₦16,800
So, whether you’re going for the most affordable option or something with a more premium feel, there’s always a GOtv package that fits comfortably into different lifestyles and budgets.
At a time when everyday decisions are increasingly shaped by cost, GOtv quietly fills an important gap by keeping quality entertainment within reach for more people, because beyond the hustle, the traffic, the deadlines, and the constant pressure of trying to keep up with life in today’s economy, there is still a need for simple moments of joy and escape. Those small pauses in the day where you can switch off, relax, and just enjoy something light without overthinking it.
And that’s really the point: entertainment shouldn’t feel like another financial burden.
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