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Unending Debate About State Police in Nigeria

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By Jerome-Mario Utomi

As we ‘labour’ under the illusion of nation-building, it is painfully obvious that closely allied to poverty is the high rate of unemployment which has markedly distorted development indicators in the country.

Worse than the above reality is the new awareness that the defective nature of the nation’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) has equally discouraged and crippled development in the country to the extent that it is presently a major contributor to the mirage of problems confronting the nation. Its weak provisions have more than anything else conspired with other socio-economic challenges to make it possible for us as a nation to keep “doing the same thing over and over again and expect a different result”.

Essentially, when one takes a cursory look at insecurity in the country which includes but is not limited to banditry, armed robbery, and kidnapping among others, it is easy to detect that menace did not just start in the country.

Remember the kidnap of Chibok Schools girls on April 14, 2014, under President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s administration. Remember also during President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, the kidnap of the University of Maiduguri lecturers in July 2017, the kidnap of six aid workers on July 18, 2019, and the Kankara schoolboys’ kidnap on December 11, 2020, among others.

However, the painful part of the present discourse is that a peep into the successive federal governments (executive and legislative) reveals that they were arguably gifted with the best trained and most highly skilled in various areas of endeavour. Yet, they were unable to recognize that “extraordinary conditions call for extraordinary remedies” or figure out what their real responsibilities are to go ahead and perform it in ways that enhance the life chances of Nigerians.

This failure is most visible in their inability to understand why banditry is on the increase, and why the existing police system no longer supports the original roadmap for crime control and prevention. Such failure is exacerbated by the utter lack of political will to challenge the basic assumptions in the nation’s constitution to see why the creation of state police has become the only way to fight criminality not just in Nigeria but across the globe.

Aside from the new awareness that globally, leadership/governance can no longer be viewed in a unitary way as such thinking is both old school and outdated, if objective analysis can replace emotional discussion regarding state police, it is glaring that, there are no federal police or state police models, but there are fundamental differences between the two. While cultural and geographical homogeneity which are strong factors and advantages of state policing are lost in federal policing, state police depend on these factors and more such as history and friendship to keep the society orderly and without anarchy. This value no doubt makes a productive policing without disorder. And state governments can fulfil this obligation.

To further arrive at the answer, one will again remember that even former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged the imperativeness of community/state police but lacked the political will to implement it.

The facts are there.

In August 2019, while he played host to the traditional rulers from the northern part of the country led by the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, the president, according to reports, stated that “the ongoing reform of the police would include recruitment of more hands, cultivation of stronger local intelligence and networking with communities, traditional rulers and adequate training. This in specific terms will include recruiting more police officers from their local government areas, where they would then be stationed in the best traditions of policing worldwide. Working with the state governments; we intend to improve the equipping of the police force with advanced technology and equipment that can facilitate their work.”

From the virtues and attributes of his speech, he not only underlines the importance of but underscores the virtues and attributes of recruiting more police officers from their local government areas, where they would then be stationed in the best traditions of policing worldwide.

Precisely, this form of security design is what the pro-state police and nations’ restructuring advocates demand. Particularly as it is obvious that the vast majority of states can afford to equip their officers with the sophisticated security gadgets the president listed above.

The next question is; having seen the usefulness of recruiting, and allowing officers to work in their familiar environments, what alternative is open to the nation?

In my view, there is no alternative to having state police that are adequately equipped completely answerable and controlled by the state governors.

Also important is the fact that there were mistakes made by the immediate past administration that President Bola Ahmed Bola Tinubu must avoid.

First is that during his campaign in 2015, the former  President promised to “initiate action to amend the Nigerian Constitution with a view to devolving powers, duties, and responsibilities to states to entrench true Federalism and the Federal spirit”. The second and very fundamental is that on Monday 1, January 2018, he said among other things that “no human law or edifice is perfect, whatever structure we develop must periodically be perfected according to the changing circumstances and the country’s socio-economic developments”. In the face of all these propositions, he made no effort to have any of them actualized.

For me, nation restructuring vis-a-vis state police should be viewed as those structures that must periodically be perfected according to the changing circumstances and the country’s socio-economic developments.

Regardless of what others may say, if providing adequate security for the masses is the government’s priority, it should be the collective responsibility of the country’s citizens to contribute to the success of the process. What the masses are saying and wanting in my understanding is that the padding of the second schedule of the exclusive legislative list, of our 1999 constitution with about 68 items has made Abuja suffer ‘political obesity’ and need to shed some weight via power devolution.

As noted in my previous intervention, the over-bloated exclusive list has made our nation currently stand in an inverted pyramid shape with more power concentrated at the top and the base not formidable enough making collapse inevitable if urgent and fundamental steps are not taken. What the proponents of state police/restructuring are saying is that the majority of the items are too trivial for the federal government to handle and should serve the greater good of the people if left in the hands of both the state and the local government.

This is the hub of the masses’ expectations. Items such as police and some government security services, mines and minerals; including oil fields, oil mining geological surveys, control of parks, stamp duties, public holidays, taxation of incomes, profits and capital gains, and insurance among others to my mind should find their ways back to the states and the local councils.

Above all, while we keep in mind these lessons learned from our nation’s politicisation of law enforcement, and think about the broader threat of insecurity in the country which has become a reality to worry about, I must quickly conclude that as a nation, we will be sadly mistaken if we feel that the nation will defeat criminal activities without state police or continue with the habit of tackling the challenge which has morphed to the ‘next level’ with the same thinking used when they were created.

Utomi is the Programme Coordinator of Media and Policy for Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos. He can be reached via je*********@***oo.com/08032725374

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Building 234 Solutions: A Response to Everyday Workforce Challenges

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Owoloye Emmanuel 234 Solutions

By Owoloye Emmanuel

Every business starts with a problem. For us, that problem was hiding in plain sight.

Across organisations, we kept seeing HR professionals, payroll teams, and business leaders spend significant time navigating processes that should be simpler. Employee records sat across multiple systems, payroll processes required manual intervention, and routine workforce tasks often became more complicated than they needed to be.

As businesses grow, workforce operations naturally become more complex. Yet many organisations still rely on disconnected tools and workflows that create unnecessary friction for both employers and employees.

The consequence is more than operational inefficiency. HR teams spend valuable time managing systems instead of supporting people. Business leaders struggle to access timely workforce insights, while employees experience delays in processes that should be seamless.

These weren’t isolated challenges. They were recurring realities across workplaces, regardless of industry or size.

That observation led us to a simple question: what if workforce management could be easier?

What if HR, payroll, and workforce operations could work together within a single, connected experience?

That question became the foundation for 234 Solutions.

We are building 234 Solutions with a clear belief that workplace technology should reduce complexity, not add to it. Our goal is to help organisations spend less time navigating processes and more time focusing on productivity, growth, and people.

As we prepare for launch, our focus remains simple: building practical solutions for real workplace challenges and helping organisations create better experiences for the people who power them every day.

Owoloye Emmanuel is the founder of 234 Solutions

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The Role of TV in Preserving African Stories and Identity

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Preserving African Stories

Scroll through social media today, and you will notice something interesting: everyone is either reacting to a series, quoting a movie line, or debating a character as though they personally know them. Beneath the memes and binge-watch culture, however, lies something deeper. Television remains one of the most powerful tools shaping how Africans see themselves, remember their history, and tell their own stories. In a continent as diverse and expressive as Africa, that matters more than ever.

TV as a Cultural Archive, Not Just Entertainment

Long before streaming algorithms began shaping our viewing habits, television was already preserving African identity. From Nollywood dramas that capture the rhythm of everyday Lagos life to documentaries exploring Maasai traditions and Ghanaian folklore, TV has served as a living archive of the continent’s stories.

It preserves more than entertainment; it preserves language, culture, humour, values, and shared experiences. Unlike fleeting social media content, television allows stories to unfold with depth, exploring the realities of family, tradition, ambition, and modern African life without reducing them to stereotypes. That is the power of TV: preserving not just stories, but perspective.

Why Representation on TV Still Matters

There is a subtle but important truth: if people do not see themselves on screen, they may begin to believe their stories are not worth telling. This is why African TV content is more than entertainment; it is affirmation.

Seeing a character who speaks like you, struggles like you, or celebrates like your community does something powerful. It validates identity and challenges outdated narratives that have historically defined Africa through external lenses.

This is where MultiChoice Group, through platforms such as DStv and GOtv, plays an important role. They do not simply broadcast content; they help distribute cultural memory at scale.

GOtv, DStv, and the Everyday African Viewer

Think about a typical evening in many African homes: the TV is on in the background, someone is laughing at a comedy show, another person is watching a local series, and someone else is catching up on the news. That shared viewing experience remains very real.

Through platforms such as DStv and GOtv, African households are exposed to a blend of local storytelling and global content. More importantly, they have helped amplify African-produced content by bringing Nollywood films, African reality shows, talk shows, and documentaries into mainstream rotation.

It is not just about access. It is about visibility.

A young filmmaker in Lagos today is more likely to believe their story matters because they have seen similar stories broadcast widely. A child in Accra grows up hearing familiar accents and seeing environments that look like their own on screen, not as exceptions, but as the norm.

TV Is Also Shaping Modern African Identity

African identity is not static; it is evolving. Television reflects that evolution in real time.

Today, audiences see:

  • Young Africans balancing tradition and modern dating culture

  • Stories tackling mental health in African households

  • Fashion and music influences spreading through TV series

  • Political satire shaping public conversation

Conversations that were once confined to homes are now being explored on screen, giving audiences the language to discuss issues that were previously unspoken.

In many ways, television is doing what oral tradition has always done: passing stories, values, humour, warnings, and history from one generation to the next. The difference is that today’s griots are writers, directors, and broadcasters.

The Future: From Watching to Owning Our Narratives

The next stage of African storytelling is not just about being seen; it is about ownership.

As more African creators produce content and platforms continue to invest in regional storytelling, television becomes more than a mirror. It becomes a tool for shaping how Africa is represented to itself and to the world.

While streaming continues to grow, television, particularly accessible platforms such as GOtv, remains one of the most effective ways to reach everyday audiences across different income levels and regions. After all, storytelling only matters if people can access it.

African stories are not new. They have always existed in families, on streets, in markets, in history books, and through oral traditions. What television has done, and continues to do, is give those stories a stage wide enough for millions to experience them at once.

The next time you watch a local series or documentary on DStv or GOtv, remember that you are not just being entertained. You are participating in the preservation of African identity itself.

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The Future of AI in Nigerian SMEs: Overcoming Barriers to Implementation

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Kehinde Ogundare 2025

By Kehinde Ogundare

Ask a tech entrepreneur in San Francisco what AI means for their business, and they are likely to talk about competitive advantage, product differentiation, and scale. Ask a small business owner in Kano or Onitsha the same question, and the conversation shifts entirely.

For many Nigerian SMEs, the priority is keeping the lights on, managing costs, and finding sustainable ways to grow in a challenging economic environment. This difference in perspective explains why the global AI conversation, often shaped by assumptions about stable infrastructure, deep capital, and abundant technical talent, frequently fails to address the realities facing Nigerian SMEs.

This matters because Nigerian SMEs are not a peripheral concern. In 2024 alone, MSMEs contributed 46.32% to Nigeria’s GDP, accounting for 96.9% of businesses and 87.9% of employment. These businesses are the backbone of the Nigerian economy, and if AI is going to mean anything for Nigeria’s development, it has to work for them in the daily conditions they actually operate in.

However, research drawing on empirical data from 144 Nigerian SMEs found that inadequate infrastructure, low digital literacy, skills shortages, and regulatory gaps are collectively preventing them from meaningfully engaging with AI. Awareness of AI is high and growing. What is missing is a clear and honest conversation about what adoption actually requires in this specific context. The barriers are real, but none of them are insurmountable. The question is whether the tools, pricing models, and support structures being offered to Nigerian SMEs are designed with those barriers in mind, or whether they have been built for another market entirely.

Subscription models making AI affordable for small businesses

When most small business owners hear “AI,” they imagine expensive software, specialist consultants, and a hefty upfront bill.

That assumption is not entirely wrong, but it describes a particular way of buying technology, not AI itself. The shift that makes AI genuinely accessible at the SME level is the move away from large, one-time capital purchases towards tools that charge a predictable monthly subscription. Businesses can pay for what they use, scale back when necessary, and avoid the debt that a major technology investment can create.

The deeper opportunity here is consolidation. Many SMEs are already spending money across multiple disconnected tools—one for invoicing, another for customer records, another for stock tracking—none of which talk to each other. An integrated platform that handles several of these functions together, with AI built in, can actually cost less than the sum of those separate subscriptions while giving business owners a clearer picture of their operations.

With margins already under pressure, any technology a business adopts needs to visibly show an increase in productivity or bottom line. Subscription-based, integrated platforms, priced transparently and honestly, are the model that best fits this reality.

Infrastructure challenges demand a mobile-first approach

No conversation about technology in Nigeria is complete without confronting the infrastructure problem, and AI is no exception. Nigeria continues to face major infrastructure barriers, including limited broadband access, unreliable power supply, and high data costs, all of which constrain deeper AI adoption. These are structural features of the operating environment that any sensible technology strategy must account for today.

The electricity situation alone is significant. The World Bank estimates that the lack of stable electricity costs Nigeria’s economy approximately $26.2 billion annually, equivalent to about 2% of GDP, forcing many businesses to run on expensive diesel generators. That cost ripples outward.

In practical terms, AI tools built for Nigeria cannot assume a stable broadband connection or a computer that is always powered on. The tools that will actually get used are the ones that work on a smartphone, consume minimal data, and can function offline when connectivity drops, syncing back up when it returns. The mobile phone is already how many Nigerian SME owners run their businesses. AI that meets them there, rather than demanding infrastructure they do not have, is AI that has a genuine future in this market.

The direction is clear: build capability from within, using tools that make that possible. Recent AI performance research reveals that 64% of African workers are already actively using AI at work, signalling massive grassroots readiness and driving forward-thinking organisations across Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa to aggressively prioritise internal upskilling frameworks to bridge the talent gap.

As the policy groundwork is being laid, the commercial ecosystem is beginning to respond. What remains is a clear-eyed acceptance that AI tools built for this market need to look different from those built for markets with different realities. Low cost, low bandwidth, and usability for non-technical people are not modest ambitions; they are the actual requirements. Build for those realities, and AI has a real future in Nigeria’s SME economy.

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