World
Africa Transcending into BRICS+ Orbit

By Professor Maurice Okoli and Professor Chinedu Ochinanwata
After the historic 16th BRICS summit held in October 2024, three African States Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda, among others in Europe (Belarus and Turkey), Asia and Latin America, recognizably became BRICS+ partner states. In total, 13 countries received BRICS partner status, according to declaration reports by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This category of ‘partner states’ was primarily designated as part of the distinctive-focused leeway towards acquiring full membership status in the determined future.
The legitimate implications for being in this category are quite notable and provide colourful heterogeneity to the BRICS+ association. It also encompasses a growing influence, the bubbling upliftment of these countries on another level of the global stage. Of course, these cannot be underestimated in discussing BRICS+, especially in the era of shifting economic architecture and geopolitical situations.
Together, the BRICS members encompass nearly a third of the world’s land surface and almost half of the world’s population. BRICS is an informal association of emerging economies, comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, with the latest additions Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Argentina declined to join at the last moment.
Despite various criticisms raised against a number of countries that ascended into the category of ‘partner states’ for BRICS+, each has its strategic dimension. In assessing particularly African countries – Algeria (North Africa), Nigeria (West Africa) and Uganda (East Africa) – BRICS+ now, has, in the first place, a wider geographical representation across Africa. It is important to reiterate here that Ethiopia, Egypt and South Africa are full-fledged BRICS members.
Ethiopia, by all standards, is a reputable country in East Africa. The continental organisation African Union (AU) is headquartered in its capital, Addis Ababa. Egypt, considered to be a regional power, also plays invaluable roles within the Arab world, specifically in North Africa and in the Middle East region. Without much doubt, the new ‘partner states’ – Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda have indicated their collective commitment to the multifaceted ideals in the declaration adopted in Kazan, Tatarstan Republic.
BRICS’ numerical expansion and quality transformation in January 2024, and the creation of ‘partner states’ in October 2024, both under Russia’s BRICS+ chairmanship have undoubtedly opened doors to new partnership opportunities for Africa.
The strongest question centred on how BRICS’ African partnering states, Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda can strategically position themselves to benefit from the evolving dynamics within BRICS+ while, in this new geopolitical reality, simultaneously navigating for competing geopolitical interests in Africa. There are emerging challenges, but BRICS’s influence is growing and provides an impetus for strengthening relations and working systematically for economic growth, especially in the processes of reshaping economic architecture in this fast-rising multipolar world.
Nigeria and Uganda, as potential partners in the BRICS, could engage in several collaborative initiatives to enhance their economic political and social developments, including trade and investment.
For instance, Nigeria, with its natural resources and increasingly large market, and Uganda, with its agricultural potential, can collaborate to boost intra-BRICS trade and that of intra-Africa trade. In addition to this, exploring investment opportunities in sectors such as manufacturing, production innovation and technology has a clean basis to add value to the raw materials and transform them into exportable products.
Closing related to the above, are pertinent questions of ensuring energy security and infrastructure (transport logistics). Nearly all African countries are griffing for support in technology transfer, and fintech – these largely depend on sustainable energy supply. Consequently, joint initiatives could harness the capabilities of BRICS members, particularly China, India and Russia in these sectors.
By leveraging their respective strengths and, with a focused approach, Nigeria and Uganda could address these shortfalls and deficits, and further down extend assistance across West Africa, and in East Africa. One key advantage is that Uganda has Ethiopia and Egypt as BRICS members, a ready-made basis for BRICS collaboration despite the differences and persistent conflicts in the region. The basic requirement here is to find a common understanding and distinctive focused sectors for collaboration.
Comparatively, there is much-proven evidence and features, including its size of economic power and wealth, its leadership in Africa as an energy power, and its abundant supply of natural resources. This West African country ranks third behind Egypt and South Africa, and Nigeria is qualified for a full-fledged BRICS membership.
Nigeria is often referred to as the Giant of Africa by its citizens due to its large population (estimated at 220m) with a large economy and is considered to be an emerging market by the World Bank. It is, however, believed Nigeria’s foreign relations with the Western powers may be a major reason the country has not yet subscribed to BRICS membership.
Despite this identified political complexity authorities, however, maintain a concrete decision to be made over the next two years, Nigeria’s expected role in BRICS+ could augment Africa’s capability to influence regional trade, economics and politics.
Reports monitored indicated that Nigeria runs a deliberative democratic system. As part of a new foreign policy push to have its voice heard in important global organisations, the Federal Executive Council, and even the National Assembly have to make deliberations and official majority decisions towards joining the BRICS+ association.
Meanwhile, Nigeria is currently in the well-meaning and clearly defined ‘partner states’ category which guarantees collaboration and partnership with BRICS+ members. In addition, it has the possibility of balancing its national interests with the collective goals of the BRICS.
South Africa which ascended to BRICS more than a decade ago has noticeably benefited from its membership. Ethiopia, which was granted BRICS membership status in January 2024 along with Egypt, has significant working relations with China, Russia and India. Based on its strong partnership, China has financed the 20-story office complex, which is one of the most prominent political buildings in Addis Ababa. It was fully funded, designed, built, and furnished by China as a $200m gift to Africa. While India’s case need not be over-emphasized and reiterated, Russia has also followed suit by exploring and making economic investments in Ethiopia.
In November 2022, Algeria officially applied for membership in BRICS. But its official application for BRICS+ membership, at first, attracted debates, and experts raised controversial points in connection with its role with neighbouring Morocco and particularly the Sahel States, including Mali and Niger which are currently undergoing some tectonic political changes and reforms.
Algeria, located in the Maghreb region of North Africa, has strategic importance for external powers such as the United States, Europe, China and Russia as well as those in the Middle East. Its capital and largest city Algiers, situated in the far north on the Mediterranean coast, is considered as a gateway into North Africa, by foreign players. It has a budget of €15.4 billion and provides the bulk of funding through some programmes, as it is included in the European Union’s European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer.
After studying various reports, Algeria has passed through a chequered journey, in fact handling it as a potential opportunity to balance its Maghreb regional position, at least, by obtaining BRICS ‘partner status’ in October 2024. There were serious reports that India vetoed Algeria’s BRICS+ entry at France’s request.
Tension arose over Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger geopolitical crisis in the region, Algeria opposed an ECOWAS military operation in Niger and emphasized the role of diplomacy in bringing about a peaceful solution to the crisis, and refused permission for French military aircraft to fly over Algerian airspace. It was further explained that Paris reportedly pushed New Delhi into using its veto as ‘revenge’ against Algiers for its growing influence in the Sahel and Maghreb region, and as a way to slow down burgeoning ties between Algeria and China.
Nonetheless, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva also opposed Algeria’s entry, according to Anadolu Agency. But while Algeria surpasses Ethiopia in the size of the economy and oil production and, Ethiopia and Egypt in terms of the volume of gas exports, China backed by Russia pushed Algeria to be accepted for partnership status in BRICS+, with the future possibility of attaining full membership. China sees great potential due to its strategic location between Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. China is funding the rehabilitation of the strategic Port of El Hamdania, as Algeria remains an essential part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
On the sidelines of the ninth annual meeting of the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) held in Cape Town, Algeria was authorized to become a member of this financial entity. With its ‘partner status’, Algeria intended to buy shares in the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) for $1.5 billion. In the opinion of Dilma Vana Rousseff, Chair of the New Development Bank, the move to join the bank would mark Algeria’s integration into the global financial system as the ninth member of the multilateral development institution.
On the other hand, Algeria plans to use its fast-tracked initiatives and its ‘partner status’ to ultimately attract BRICS+ members to invest in the free industrial zone with Mauritania and Niger, and then with Tunisia and Libya. Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune underlined this to have massive geopolitical ramifications and could be important to the emerging multipolar goals in the Global South.
Furthermore, Tebboune outlined his government’s plans for economic development over the next 12 months, including the possibility of boosting investments, improving human development, and shifting towards a more advanced export structure relying less on hydrocarbons to qualify for membership into BRICS. With this high desire to be in BRICS+, Algeria still considers Western countries as important partners in trade, security, and other economic areas.
Lately, the BRICS countries have been getting more involved in Africa. The New Development Bank (NDB) was set up to help fund infrastructure and sustainable development projects, not just in BRICS countries but now in other growing economies too. It’s seen as an alternative to big players like the IMF and the World Bank.
The NDB, founded in 2015 by the BRICS countries—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—aims to mobilize resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in emerging economies. It complements the work of existing multilateral and regional financial institutions in promoting global economic growth. In 2021, the bank expanded its membership to include Bangladesh, Egypt, the UAE, and Uruguay.
Despite multiple obstacles within the Arab Maghreb Union, specifically persistent conflict between Algeria and Morocco, in August 2021, Algeria ultimately announced the break of diplomatic relations with Morocco. Besides this, Algeria’s relations are not very cordial with Ethiopia and Egypt which are BRICS members.
As a result, its request to join BRICS was slightly opposed by Ethiopia and Egypt. And of course, Ethiopia and Egypt have conflicts over the Grand Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the Nile River. While Algeria remains an inescapable candidate for BRICS+, both African and foreign experts have argued that with the completion of the Trans-Saharan Highway, it is well positioned to develop BRICS-Sub-Saharan trade. The possibilities are immense, and their sponsorship would make Algeria a truly indispensable member of the BRICS.
In June 2024, the World Bank’s 2024 report marks a turning point for Algeria, which joins the select club of upper-middle-income countries. This economic rise, the result of an ambitious development strategy, places the country in the same category as emerging powers such as China, Brazil and Turkey.
In recent years, the Algerian government has halted the privatization of state-owned industries and imposed restrictions on imports and foreign involvement in its economy. These restrictions would prevent them from benefiting largely from the BRICS+ trade and investment platform created during the summit in Kazan.
That, however, China and Russia have comparatively less practical investment than the Gulf States. For instance, Turkish direct investments have accelerated in Algeria, with total value reaching $5 billion. As of 2022, the number of Turkish companies present in Algeria has reached 1,400, far lower than Russia and China, and any other BRICS+ in an anticipated positive direction. Algeria has the 10th largest reserves of natural gas in the world and is the 6th largest gas exporter. Despite its huge natural resources, the majority of the country’s population (an estimated 45.6 million) is still noticeably impoverished, the overall rate of unemployment was 11.8% in 2023.
South Africa, Ethiopia and Egypt (full members of BRICS+), and Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda (as partner states) have the potential to bring various multifaceted economic and social advantages to the African continent and to a new level at the side of BRICS+ association. In many areas, the partnership could be delivered that are beneficial to Africa, although African members of BRICS+ need to utilize the partnership to the fullest in terms of the potential of the available resources, the potential usefulness of African Continental Free Trade (AfCFTA) and the emerging business opportunities. Last but not least, there is also the need to align these different kinds of partnerships to the common strategic objectives of the African Union.
Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow and lecturer at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia. He serves as an expert at the Roscongress Foundation and the Valdai Discussion Club.
As an academic researcher and economist with a keen interest in current geopolitical changes and the emerging world order, Maurice Okoli frequently contributes articles for publication in reputable media portals on different aspects of the interconnection between developing and developed countries, particularly in Asia, Africa, and Europe. With comments and suggestions, he can be reached via email: markolconsult (at) gmail (dot) com.
Professor Chinedu Ochinanwata is a Nigerian academic and serial entrepreneur. He is a professor of digital economy and innovation, and is currently serving as pioneer director at Nasarawa State University, Keffi Enterprise Centre.
Vice President of African Development Institute of Research Methodology (ADIRM). Email: chineduochi (at) yahoo (dot) com.
World
Trump’s Tariffs, Russia and Africa Trade Cooperation in Emerging Multipolar World

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
With geopolitical situation heightening, trade wars are also becoming increasingly prominent. The 47th United States President Donald Trump has introduced trade tariffs, splashed it over the world. China, an Asian trade giant and an emerging economic superpower, has its highest shared.
South Africa, struggling with its fragile foreign alliances, is seriously navigating the new United States economic policy and trade measures, at least to maintain its membership in the African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA) which is going to expire in September 2025.
It is a well-known fact that AGOA waived duties on most commodities from Africa in order to boost trade in American market. The AGOA also offers many African countries trade preferences in the American market, earning huge revenues for their budgets. Financial remittances back to Africa also play mighty roles across the continent from the United States.
That however, the shifting geopolitical situation combined with Trump’s new trade policies and Russia’s rising interest in Africa, the overarching message for African leaders and business corporate executives is to review the level of degree how to appreciably approach and strengthen trade partnership between Africa and Russia.
The notion of a new global order and frequently phrased multipolar world, indicating the construction of a fairer architecture of interaction, in practical terms, has become like a relic and just as a monumental pillar. Even as we watch the full-blown recalibration of power, the geopolitical reshuffling undoubtedly creates the conditions for new forms of cooperation.
In this current era of contradictions and complexities we are witnessing today, we must rather reshape and redefine rules and regulations to facilitate bilateral and multilateral relations between African countries and Russia, if really Russia seeks to forge post-Soviet strategic economic cooperation with Africa.
In fact, post-Soviet in the sense that trade is not concentrate on state-to-state but also private – including, at least, medium scale businesses. The new policy dealing with realities of the geopolitical world, distinctively different from Soviet-era slogans and rhetorics of ‘international friendship and solidarity’ of those days.
Bridging Africa and Russia, at least in the literal sense of the word, necessitates partial departure from theoretical approach to implementing several bilateral and multilateral decisions, better still agreements reached at previous summits and conferences during the past decade.
Understandably Africa has a stage, Russia termed ‘the struggle against neo-colonial tendencies’ and mounting the metal walls against the ‘scrambling of resources’ across Africa. Some experts argued that Africa, at the current stage, has to develop its regions, modernize most the post-independence-era industries to produce exportable goods, not only for domestic consumption. Now the emphasis is on pushing for prospects of a single continental market, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA).
This initiative, however, must be strategically and well-coordinated well, and here I suggest integration and cooperation starting at country-wide basis to regional level before it broadly goes to the entire continent, consisting 54 independent states.
These are coordinated together as African Union (AU), which in January 2021 initiated the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). With this trading goals in mind, Africa as a continent has to integrate, promote trade and economic cooperation, engage in investment and development. In that direction, genuine foreign partners are indiscriminately required, foreign investment capital in essential for collaboration as well as their entrepreneurial skills and technical expertise.
For instance, developing relations with Asian giants such China and India, the European Union and the United States. A number of African countries are shifting to the BRICS orbit, in search for feasible alternative opportunities, for the theatrical trade drama. In the Eurasian region and the former Soviet space, Kazakhstan and Russia stand out, as potential partners, for Africa.
Foreign Affairs Minister Sergey Lavrov has said, at the podium before the staff and students at Moscow State Institute of International Affairs in September, that trade between Russia and Africa would grow further as more and more African partners continued to show interest in having Russians in the economic sectors in Africa. This provides greater competition between the companies from Western countries, China, and Russia. With competition for developing mineral resources in Africa, it is easier and cheaper for African colleagues to choose partners.
As far back in October 2010, Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry posted an official report on its website that traditional products from least developed countries (including Africa) would be exempted from import tariffs. The legislation stipulated that the traditional goods are eligible for preferential customs and tariffs treatment.
Thereafter, Minister Sergey Lavrov has reiterated, in speeches, trade preferences for African exporters, but terribly failed to honour these thunderous promises. Notwithstanding the above granting trade preferences, there prevailing multitude of questions relating to the pathways of improving trade transactions, and removing obstacles including those Soviet-era rules and regulations.
Logistics is another torny hurdle. Further to this, Russian financial institutions can offer credit support that will allow to localize Russian production in Africa’s industrial zones, especially southern and eastern African regions that show some stability and have good investment and business incentives.
In order to operate more effectively, Russians have to risk by investing, recognize the importance of cooperation on key investment issues and to work closely on the challenges and opportunities on the continent. On one hand, analyzing the present landscape of Africa, Russia can export its technology and compete on equal terms with China, India and other prominent players. On the other hand, Russia lacks the competitive advantage in terms of finished industrial (manufactured) products that African consumers obtain from Asian countries such as China, India, Japan and South Korea.
Compared to the United States and Europe, Russia did very little after the Cold War and it is doing little even today in Africa. On 27th–28th July 2023, St Petersburg hosted the second Russia-Africa summit. At the plenary session, President Vladimir Putin underscored the fact that there was, prior to the collapse of the Soviet, there were over 330 large infrastructure and industrial facilities in Africa, but most were lost. Regarding trade, Putin, regrettably, noted Russia’s trade turnover with the African countries increased in 2022 and reached almost US$18 billion, (of course, that was 2022).
Arguably, Russia’s economic presence is invisible across Africa. It currently has insignificant trade statistics. Until the end of the first quarter of 2025, Russia still has a little over $20 billion trade volume with Africa. Statistics on Africa’s trade with foreign countries vary largely.
For example, the total United States two-way trade in Africa has actually fallen off in recent years, to about $60 billion, far eclipsed by the European Union with over $240 billion, and China more than $280 billion, according to a website post by the Brookings Institution.
According to the African Development Bank, Africa’s economy is growing faster than those of any other regions. Nearly half of Africa is now classified as middle income countries, the numbers of Africans living below the poverty line fell to 39 percent as compared to 51 percent in 2023, and around 380 million of Africa’s 1.4 billion people are now earning good incomes – rising consumerism – that makes trade profitable.
Nevertheless, there is great potential, as African leaders and entrepreneurial community are turing to Russia for multifaceted cooperation due to the imperialist approach of the United States and its hegemonic stand triggered over the years, and now with Trump new trade tariffs and Washington’s entire African policy.
China has done its part, Russia has to change and adopt new rules and regulations, pragmatic approach devoid of mere frequent rhetorics. It is important discussing these points, and to shamelessly repeat that both Russia and Africa have to make consistent efforts to look for new ways, practical efforts at removing existing obstacles that have impeded trade over the years.
Sprawling from the Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean, Russia is a major great power and has the potential to become a superpower. Russia can regain part of its Soviet-era economic power and political influence in present-day Africa.
Certainly, the expected superpower status has to be attained by practical multifaceted sustainable development and by maintaining an appreciably positive relations with Africa. We have come a long way, especially after the resonating first summit (2019 and high-praised second summit (2023), several bilateral agreements are yet to be implemented. The forthcoming Russia – Africa Partnership summit is slated for 2026, inside Africa and preferably in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Kestér Kenn Klomegâh is a frequent and passionate contributor. During his professional career as a researcher specialising in Russia-Africa policy, which spans nearly two decades, he has been detained and questioned several times by Russian federal security services for reporting facts. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted in a number of reputable foreign media.
World
Tariff War Threatens Global Economy, US-China Goods Trade By 80%—WTO DG

By Adedapo Adesanya
The Director General of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Mrs Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has said the US-China tariff war could reduce trade in goods between the two economic giants by 80 per cent and hurt the rest of the world economy.
President Donald Trump raised tariffs on China to 125 per cent on Wednesday as the world’s two largest economies fought over retaliatory levies.
The American President earlier ramped up duties on Chinese goods to 104 per cent, only to hike them further when China retaliated by raising tariffs on US imports to 84 per cent.
In a social media post announcing the moves, President Trump said China had been singled out for special treatment because of “the lack of respect that China has shown to the world’s markets.”
In her reaction to the development, the WTO DG said in a statement that, “The escalating trade tensions between the United States and China pose a significant risk of a sharp contraction in bilateral trade. Our preliminary projections suggest that merchandise trade between these two economies could decrease by as much as 80 per cent.”
She said the United States and China account for three per cent of world trade and warned that the conflict could “severely damage the global economic outlook”.
Even as he slapped further tariffs on China, Mr Trump paused higher tariffs on the rest of the world for 90 days, claiming that dozens of countries reached out for negotiations.
Mrs Okonjo-Iweala warned that the world economy risked breaking into two blocs, one centred around the United States and the other China.
“Of particular concern is the potential fragmentation of global trade along geopolitical lines. A division of the global economy into two blocs could lead to a long-term reduction in global real GDP by nearly seven percent,” she said.
She urged all WTO members “to address this challenge through cooperation and dialogue.”
“It is critical for the global community to work together to preserve the openness of the international trading system.”
“WTO members have agency to protect the open, rules-based trading system. The WTO serves as a vital platform for dialogue. Resolving these issues within a cooperative framework is essential,” she added.
World
AFC Tops $1bn Revenue in 2024 Financial Year

By Adedapo Adesanya
Africa Finance Corporation (AFC), the continent’s top infrastructure solutions provider, has announced its strongest financial performance to date, with total revenue for the year ended December 31, 2024 surpassing $ 1 billion for the first time in its history.
This record performance marks a significant milestone in AFC’s mission to close Africa’s infrastructure gap through scalable, de-risked investments that attract global capital and deliver tangible development outcomes.
The corporation posted a 22.8 per cent increase in total revenue to US$1.1 billion and a 22.3 per cent rise in total comprehensive income to $400 million, up from $327 million in 2023.
AFC’s earnings growth was driven by improved asset yields, prudent cost-of-funds management and sustained traction in advisory mandates.
Further significant financial highlights include net interest income up 42.5 per cent to $ 613.6 million; fee and commission income rose to $109 million, the highest in over five years; operating income climbed 42.7 per cent to $709.7 million; total assets reached a record $14.4 billion, a 16.7 per cent year-on-year increase; liquidity coverage ratio strengthened to 194 per cent, providing over 34 months of cover; and cost-to-income ratio improved to 17.3 per cent from 19.6 per cent in 2023.
According to a statement, AFC said throughout 2024 it continued to scale its impact by mobilising capital for landmark projects across energy, transport, and natural resources.
These included the Lobito Corridor – a cross-border railway development spanning Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Zambia. AFC led the initiative to secure a concession agreement within one year of the initial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), an unprecedented achievement for a project of its scale. In the DRC, AFC also invested $150 million in the Kamoa-Kakula Copper Complex, Africa’s largest copper producer and one of the most sustainable globally, thanks to its high-grade ore and renewable-powered smelter.
Other milestones transactions included financing support for the commissioning of the Dangote Refinery, the largest in Africa, and continued progress on AFC-backed Infinity Power Holding’s 10 GW clean energy ambition, with power purchase agreements secured in Egypt and South Africa.
AFC also invested in the 15GW Xlinks Morocco-UK Power Project, providing $14.1 million to support early-stage development of a transcontinental renewable energy pipeline between North Africa and Europe.
AFC strengthened its capital base and expanded its investor network through several landmark funding initiatives. These included a $ 1.16 billion syndicated loan – the largest in its history, a $500 million perpetual hybrid bond issue, and the successful execution of Nigeria’s first-ever domestic dollar bond, which raised $900 million at 180 per cent oversubscription.
AFC also returned to the Islamic finance market after eight years, closing a $400 million Shariah-compliant facility.
The year also saw strong momentum in equity mobilisation, with $181.8 million in new capital raised from ten institutional investors. These included Turk Eximbank – AFC’s first non-African sovereign shareholder – the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa (BADEA), and several major pension funds spanning Cameroon, Seychelles, Mauritius, and South Africa. Ratings agencies affirmed AFC’s robust credit profile, with AAA ratings from S&P Global (China) and China Chengxin International, and a stable A3 Outlook from Moody’s.
Speaking on the result, Ms Samaila Zubairu, President & CEO of AFC said, “These results send a clear message that strategic investment in African infrastructure creates lasting value for both beneficiaries and investors.”
“In 2024, we exceeded the billion-dollar revenue mark, delivered game-changing projects, and reinforced our financial resilience—demonstrating the scalability of our unique model that blends purpose with performance to accelerate Africa’s economic transformation,” she added.
-
Feature/OPED5 years ago
Davos was Different this year
-
Travel/Tourism9 years ago
Lagos Seals Western Lodge Hotel In Ikorodu
-
Showbiz2 years ago
Estranged Lover Releases Videos of Empress Njamah Bathing
-
Banking7 years ago
Sort Codes of GTBank Branches in Nigeria
-
Economy2 years ago
Subsidy Removal: CNG at N130 Per Litre Cheaper Than Petrol—IPMAN
-
Banking2 years ago
First Bank Announces Planned Downtime
-
Sports2 years ago
Highest Paid Nigerian Footballer – How Much Do Nigerian Footballers Earn
-
Technology4 years ago
How To Link Your MTN, Airtel, Glo, 9mobile Lines to NIN
Pingback: BRICS round-up 20 December 2024 – BRICS Connect