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Africa Transcending into BRICS+ Orbit

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BRICS Countries

By Professor Maurice Okoli and Professor Chinedu Ochinanwata

After the historic 16th BRICS summit held in October 2024, three African States Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda, among others in Europe (Belarus and Turkey), Asia and Latin America, recognizably became BRICS+ partner states. In total, 13 countries received BRICS partner status, according to declaration reports by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This category of ‘partner states’ was primarily designated as part of the distinctive-focused leeway towards acquiring full membership status in the determined future.

The legitimate implications for being in this category are quite notable and provide colourful heterogeneity to the BRICS+ association. It also encompasses a growing influence, the bubbling upliftment of these countries on another level of the global stage. Of course, these cannot be underestimated in discussing BRICS+, especially in the era of shifting economic architecture and geopolitical situations.

Together, the BRICS members encompass nearly a third of the world’s land surface and almost half of the world’s population. BRICS is an informal association of emerging economies, comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, with the latest additions Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Argentina declined to join at the last moment.

Despite various criticisms raised against a number of countries that ascended into the category of ‘partner states’ for BRICS+, each has its strategic dimension. In assessing particularly African countries – Algeria (North Africa), Nigeria (West Africa) and Uganda (East Africa) – BRICS+ now, has, in the first place, a wider geographical representation across Africa. It is important to reiterate here that Ethiopia, Egypt and South Africa are full-fledged BRICS members.

Ethiopia, by all standards, is a reputable country in East Africa. The continental organisation African Union (AU) is headquartered in its capital, Addis Ababa. Egypt, considered to be a regional power, also plays invaluable roles within the Arab world, specifically in North Africa and in the Middle East region. Without much doubt, the new ‘partner states’ – Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda have indicated their collective commitment to the multifaceted ideals in the declaration adopted in Kazan, Tatarstan Republic.

BRICS’ numerical expansion and quality transformation in January 2024, and the creation of ‘partner states’ in October 2024, both under Russia’s BRICS+ chairmanship have undoubtedly opened doors to new partnership opportunities for Africa.

The strongest question centred on how BRICS’ African partnering states, Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda can strategically position themselves to benefit from the evolving dynamics within BRICS+ while, in this new geopolitical reality, simultaneously navigating for competing geopolitical interests in Africa. There are emerging challenges, but BRICS’s influence is growing and provides an impetus for strengthening relations and working systematically for economic growth, especially in the processes of reshaping economic architecture in this fast-rising multipolar world.

Nigeria and Uganda, as potential partners in the BRICS, could engage in several collaborative initiatives to enhance their economic political and social developments, including trade and investment.

For instance, Nigeria, with its natural resources and increasingly large market, and Uganda, with its agricultural potential, can collaborate to boost intra-BRICS trade and that of intra-Africa trade. In addition to this, exploring investment opportunities in sectors such as manufacturing, production innovation and technology has a clean basis to add value to the raw materials and transform them into exportable products.

Closing related to the above, are pertinent questions of ensuring energy security and infrastructure (transport logistics). Nearly all African countries are griffing for support in technology transfer, and fintech – these largely depend on sustainable energy supply. Consequently, joint initiatives could harness the capabilities of BRICS members, particularly China, India and Russia in these sectors.

By leveraging their respective strengths and, with a focused approach, Nigeria and Uganda could address these shortfalls and deficits, and further down extend assistance across West Africa, and in East Africa. One key advantage is that Uganda has Ethiopia and Egypt as BRICS members, a ready-made basis for BRICS collaboration despite the differences and persistent conflicts in the region. The basic requirement here is to find a common understanding and distinctive focused sectors for collaboration.

Comparatively, there is much-proven evidence and features, including its size of economic power and wealth, its leadership in Africa as an energy power, and its abundant supply of natural resources. This West African country ranks third behind Egypt and South Africa, and Nigeria is qualified for a full-fledged BRICS membership.

Nigeria is often referred to as the Giant of Africa by its citizens due to its large population (estimated at 220m) with a large economy and is considered to be an emerging market by the World Bank. It is, however, believed Nigeria’s foreign relations with the Western powers may be a major reason the country has not yet subscribed to BRICS membership.

Despite this identified political complexity authorities, however, maintain a concrete decision to be made over the next two years, Nigeria’s expected role in BRICS+ could augment Africa’s capability to influence regional trade, economics and politics.

Reports monitored indicated that Nigeria runs a deliberative democratic system. As part of a new foreign policy push to have its voice heard in important global organisations, the Federal Executive Council, and even the National Assembly have to make deliberations and official majority decisions towards joining the BRICS+ association.

Meanwhile, Nigeria is currently in the well-meaning and clearly defined ‘partner states’ category which guarantees collaboration and partnership with BRICS+ members. In addition, it has the possibility of balancing its national interests with the collective goals of the BRICS.

South Africa which ascended to BRICS more than a decade ago has noticeably benefited from its membership. Ethiopia, which was granted BRICS membership status in January 2024 along with Egypt, has significant working relations with China, Russia and India. Based on its strong partnership, China has financed the 20-story office complex, which is one of the most prominent political buildings in Addis Ababa. It was fully funded, designed, built, and furnished by China as a $200m gift to Africa. While India’s case need not be over-emphasized and reiterated, Russia has also followed suit by exploring and making economic investments in Ethiopia.

In November 2022, Algeria officially applied for membership in BRICS. But its official application for BRICS+ membership, at first, attracted debates, and experts raised controversial points in connection with its role with neighbouring Morocco and particularly the Sahel States, including Mali and Niger which are currently undergoing some tectonic political changes and reforms.

Algeria, located in the Maghreb region of North Africa, has strategic importance for external powers such as the United States, Europe, China and Russia as well as those in the Middle East. Its capital and largest city Algiers, situated in the far north on the Mediterranean coast, is considered as a gateway into North Africa, by foreign players. It has a budget of €15.4 billion and provides the bulk of funding through some programmes, as it is included in the European Union’s European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer.

After studying various reports, Algeria has passed through a chequered journey, in fact handling it as a potential opportunity to balance its Maghreb regional position, at least, by obtaining BRICS ‘partner status’ in October 2024. There were serious reports that India vetoed Algeria’s BRICS+ entry at France’s request.

Tension arose over Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger geopolitical crisis in the region, Algeria opposed an ECOWAS military operation in Niger and emphasized the role of diplomacy in bringing about a peaceful solution to the crisis, and refused permission for French military aircraft to fly over Algerian airspace. It was further explained that Paris reportedly pushed New Delhi into using its veto as ‘revenge’ against Algiers for its growing influence in the Sahel and Maghreb region, and as a way to slow down burgeoning ties between Algeria and China.

Nonetheless, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva also opposed Algeria’s entry, according to Anadolu Agency. But while Algeria surpasses Ethiopia in the size of the economy and oil production and, Ethiopia and Egypt in terms of the volume of gas exports, China backed by Russia pushed Algeria to be accepted for partnership status in BRICS+, with the future possibility of attaining full membership. China sees great potential due to its strategic location between Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. China is funding the rehabilitation of the strategic Port of El Hamdania, as Algeria remains an essential part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

On the sidelines of the ninth annual meeting of the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) held in Cape Town, Algeria was authorized to become a member of this financial entity. With its ‘partner status’, Algeria intended to buy shares in the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) for $1.5 billion. In the opinion of Dilma Vana Rousseff, Chair of the New Development Bank, the move to join the bank would mark Algeria’s integration into the global financial system as the ninth member of the multilateral development institution.

On the other hand, Algeria plans to use its fast-tracked initiatives and its ‘partner status’ to ultimately attract BRICS+ members to invest in the free industrial zone with Mauritania and Niger, and then with Tunisia and Libya. Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune underlined this to have massive geopolitical ramifications and could be important to the emerging multipolar goals in the Global South.

Furthermore, Tebboune outlined his government’s plans for economic development over the next 12 months, including the possibility of boosting investments, improving human development, and shifting towards a more advanced export structure relying less on hydrocarbons to qualify for membership into BRICS. With this high desire to be in BRICS+, Algeria still considers Western countries as important partners in trade, security, and other economic areas.

Lately, the BRICS countries have been getting more involved in Africa. The New Development Bank (NDB) was set up to help fund infrastructure and sustainable development projects, not just in BRICS countries but now in other growing economies too. It’s seen as an alternative to big players like the IMF and the World Bank.

The NDB, founded in 2015 by the BRICS countries—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—aims to mobilize resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in emerging economies. It complements the work of existing multilateral and regional financial institutions in promoting global economic growth. In 2021, the bank expanded its membership to include Bangladesh, Egypt, the UAE, and Uruguay.

Despite multiple obstacles within the Arab Maghreb Union, specifically persistent conflict between Algeria and Morocco, in August 2021, Algeria ultimately announced the break of diplomatic relations with Morocco. Besides this, Algeria’s relations are not very cordial with Ethiopia and Egypt which are BRICS members.

As a result, its request to join BRICS was slightly opposed by Ethiopia and Egypt. And of course, Ethiopia and Egypt have conflicts over the Grand Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the Nile River. While Algeria remains an inescapable candidate for BRICS+, both African and foreign experts have argued that with the completion of the Trans-Saharan Highway, it is well positioned to develop BRICS-Sub-Saharan trade. The possibilities are immense, and their sponsorship would make Algeria a truly indispensable member of the BRICS.

In June 2024, the World Bank’s 2024 report marks a turning point for Algeria, which joins the select club of upper-middle-income countries. This economic rise, the result of an ambitious development strategy, places the country in the same category as emerging powers such as China, Brazil and Turkey.

In recent years, the Algerian government has halted the privatization of state-owned industries and imposed restrictions on imports and foreign involvement in its economy. These restrictions would prevent them from benefiting largely from the BRICS+ trade and investment platform created during the summit in Kazan.

That, however, China and Russia have comparatively less practical investment than the Gulf States. For instance, Turkish direct investments have accelerated in Algeria, with total value reaching $5 billion. As of 2022, the number of Turkish companies present in Algeria has reached 1,400, far lower than Russia and China, and any other BRICS+ in an anticipated positive direction. Algeria has the 10th largest reserves of natural gas in the world and is the 6th largest gas exporter. Despite its huge natural resources, the majority of the country’s population (an estimated 45.6 million) is still noticeably impoverished, the overall rate of unemployment was 11.8% in 2023.

South Africa, Ethiopia and Egypt (full members of BRICS+), and Algeria, Nigeria and Uganda (as partner states) have the potential to bring various multifaceted economic and social advantages to the African continent and to a new level at the side of BRICS+ association. In many areas, the partnership could be delivered that are beneficial to Africa, although African members of BRICS+ need to utilize the partnership to the fullest in terms of the potential of the available resources, the potential usefulness of African Continental Free Trade (AfCFTA) and the emerging business opportunities. Last but not least, there is also the need to align these different kinds of partnerships to the common strategic objectives of the African Union.

Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow and lecturer at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia. He serves as an expert at the Roscongress Foundation and the Valdai Discussion Club.

As an academic researcher and economist with a keen interest in current geopolitical changes and the emerging world order, Maurice Okoli frequently contributes articles for publication in reputable media portals on different aspects of the interconnection between developing and developed countries, particularly in Asia, Africa, and Europe. With comments and suggestions, he can be reached via email: markolconsult (at) gmail (dot) com.

Professor Chinedu Ochinanwata is a Nigerian academic and serial entrepreneur. He is a professor of digital economy and innovation, and is currently serving as pioneer director at Nasarawa State University, Keffi Enterprise Centre.

Vice President of African Development Institute of Research Methodology (ADIRM). Email: chineduochi (at) yahoo (dot) com.

World

Essent Slashes Contact Centre Technology Costs by 50%

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Essent Energy provider

By Modupe Gbadeyanka

The Netherlands’ largest energy provider, Essent, has cut the technology costs of its contact centre infrastructure by half.

The organisation, which serves 2.5 million customers, recorded zero critical incidents post-migration and improved agent workplace satisfaction by 36 per cent.

The migration was delivered in partnership with AI-first customer experience transformation specialists, Sabio Group, and was completed in under 12 weeks for an operation spanning over 1,000 agents across two locations.

Agents were forced to juggle multiple disconnected screens simultaneously — a workflow that was as inefficient as it was stressful.

“Our agents were constantly working with different screens — multiple chat instances open at once, multiple agent desktop instances. It was messy, and in some cases, quite stressful,” SAFe Product Manager for Customer Interaction, Omnichannel and Digital Transformation at Essent, Michiel Kouijzer, stated.

“A lot of colleagues were saying I was mad for even suggesting this approach. It kind of feels like a victory on a personal level that it did work out. You just have to be a little ambitious — and have the right expert partner who can make it work,” Kouijzer added.

With stable cloud infrastructure now firmly in place, Essent is turning its attention to the capabilities that were impossible in its legacy environment: AI-powered call summarisation, agentic customer self-service, and next-generation workforce optimisation.

Rather than a reckless ‘big bang’ cutover that could have affected service to millions of households, Sabio engineered a phased migration strategy — beginning with Essent’s SME segment to validate technical readiness before scaling to the full enterprise operation.

“This project showcases Sabio’s unique position in the contact centre technology landscape. We’re not just moving Essent to the cloud — we’re establishing a foundation for continuous improvement in their customer experience delivery,” the Country Manager for Sabio Group Benelux, Wouter Bakker, commented.

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Africa: A New Market for Russian Business

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New Market for Russian Business

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

On April 11, the presentation of the book “Africa: a new market for Russian business” took place, which aroused lively diverse interests among business representatives, entrepreneurs and employees of federal structures of Russia. The event was dedicated to discussing the prospects of Russian companies entering the African market and became a platform for the exchange of views and experiences.

Participating guests, packed in the small hall, included:

– representatives of business circles,

– entrepreneurs interested in new directions of development,

– employees of federal agencies curating foreign economic activity.

The presentation was held in a constructive and friendly atmosphere. The author of the book, Serge Fokas Odunlami, detailed the key ideas and conclusions presented in the publication. Particular attention was paid to the practical aspects of operating in the African market, as well as the analysis of opportunities and risks for Russian companies.

During the lively discussion, participants asked questions, shared their experiences and made suggestions for developing cooperation with African countries. This format allowed not only to get acquainted with the content of the book, but also to discuss topical issues of expanding business relations.

Meaning of the book: The publication, “Africa: a new market for Russian business” offers readers not only analytical, but also practical recommendations on investment and market trends, and how to enter the African market. The book will be a useful tool for those considering Africa as a promising destination for investment and business development.

The presentation of the book became a significant event for the Russian business community interested in expanding cooperation with Africa. Serge Fokas Odunlami introduced the participants to the new edition, which is a comprehensive business guide that gives an impetus for dialogue and implementation of joint entrepreneurial projects and corporate initiatives across Africa.

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Ryan Collyer Reveals Reasons Behind Africa’s Significant Energy Deficit

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Ryan Collyer Rosatom CEO

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Perhaps Russia’s state nuclear corporation, Rosatom, is at the frontline, shaping Africa’s energy security. And African countries are also accelerating coordinated efforts to build nuclear power plants primarily to supply their energy, which will drive industrialisation and boost power capacity for domestic utilisation.

Energy experts say adopting nuclear can further support a diverse energy mix, reduce reliance on fossil fuels, and help across the continent. Over the past two decades, Russia has been collaborating with African countries, adopting energy initiatives to provide power to approximately half the continent’s population, and making it an important component of Africa’s future energy strategy and solutions. At this point, however, it is necessary to underline the irreversible fact that Russia’s ultimate goal is to ensure long-term African energy security.

In this interview, Rosatom’s Chief Executive Director for Central and Southern Africa, Ryan Collyer, reiterates the strategic importance of Russia-Africa’s energy cooperation through strengthening bilateral agreements on collaboration on the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Collyer explains that the Russian approach is its ability to offer an integrated solution, from technology and financing to training and localisation. According to him, partnerships must be built on mutual benefit and on the principle of transparency. Here follows the interview excerpts:

What are the expectations, specifically in the nuclear energy sphere, for Africa during the forthcoming Russia–Africa Summit scheduled for 2026?

The expectation is a clear shift from dialogue to delivery. Over the past few years, we have built a strong foundation through agreements, feasibility discussions and partnerships. The 2026 Russia–Africa Summit is an opportunity to demonstrate tangible progress.

In practical terms, I would expect greater focus on implementation readiness. That includes regulatory development, human capital, financing models and localisation strategies. We also expect to see more structured cooperation in areas like small modular reactors, which are particularly relevant for many African grids, as well as stronger emphasis on education and training partnerships. Ultimately, the success of the Summit will be measured by how many initiatives move from concept to execution.

Why, despite many bilateral agreements, is Africa still experiencing a significant energy deficit?

Africa’s energy deficit is not a result of a lack of ambition or agreements. It is primarily a question of scale, financing and infrastructure readiness. Energy projects, especially large-scale ones, require long-term investment, stable policy frameworks and strong institutional capacity. Many countries are working under fiscal constraints, and at the same time, demand is growing rapidly due to population growth and urbanisation. So, even when progress is made, it can be outpaced by rising demand.

It is also important to understand that many agreements are not meant to deliver immediate infrastructure. They are part of a longer preparation cycle, including feasibility studies, regulatory development and workforce training. Nuclear projects in particular are long-term by nature, and while this can be perceived as slow progress, it is actually a reflection of the level of diligence required.

How do you assess the contribution of nuclear energy to climate change mitigation and technological development in Africa?

Nuclear energy plays a dual role in Africa’s development, both as a clean energy source and as a driver of technological advancement. From a climate perspective, nuclear provides reliable, low-carbon electricity at scale. Africa needs a significant expansion of its energy capacity to support economic growth, and this growth must be both stable and sustainable.

Nuclear allows countries to increase power generation without increasing emissions, while ensuring a consistent baseload supply. At the same time, its impact goes beyond electricity. Nuclear technologies support medicine, agriculture, water management and industrial processes. Across Africa, they are already used in areas such as cancer treatment, food preservation and environmental monitoring, making nuclear a broader platform for sustainable development.

In this context, Rosatom offers integrated solutions across the full nuclear value chain. This includes large-scale and small modular reactors, as well as advanced non-power applications such as nuclear medicine and irradiation technologies. Our focus is on delivering practical, tailored solutions that support long-term development and local capacity building.

Is Africa unprepared to deal with nuclear waste, as some critics suggest?

I would say that preparedness varies across countries, but it would be inaccurate to suggest that the issue is being ignored. Responsible nuclear programmes require a comprehensive approach to waste management from the very beginning. This includes legal frameworks, regulatory oversight, storage solutions and long-term planning. These elements are part of international best practice and are supported by organisations such as the IAEA. What is true is that this topic is often undercommunicated in the public space. It should be discussed more openly, because transparency builds trust.

Countries that are serious about nuclear energy understand that waste management is not optional. It is a core component of the programme, and it is addressed in parallel with all other aspects of development. Rosatom offers comprehensive solutions for spent fuel and radioactive waste management. These include technologies for safe storage, transportation, reprocessing and recycling of nuclear materials. In fact, advanced reprocessing solutions allow for the reuse of valuable components of spent fuel, significantly reducing the volume of waste and improving the overall sustainability of the nuclear cycle.

Nuclear power remains controversial. Why do you believe it is important for Africa, and what role does it play in the energy mix?

Africa needs a balanced and pragmatic energy strategy. The conversation should not be about choosing one technology over another, but about building an energy mix that is reliable, affordable and sustainable. Renewables will play a critical role and are already expanding rapidly. However, they are variable by nature. For industrialisation, countries also need stable, continuous power that is baseload. This is where nuclear can make a meaningful contribution. A diversified energy mix that includes renewables, nuclear, hydropower and other sources allows countries to reduce risk, improve energy security and support long-term economic growth.

Nuclear is not the only solution, but it is an important part of a resilient system, especially for countries with growing industrial ambitions. In this context, Rosatom is able to support countries with integrated energy solutions that combine reliability, sustainability and long-term partnership models, tailored to national development priorities.

How can we shift public perception, given the legacy of Chornobyl and Fukushima?

We cannot rewrite history, and we should not try to. Events like Chornobyl and Fukushima shaped public perception for a reason. The starting point is respect for those concerns, not dismissal. At the same time, what is often missing in the conversation is what happened after those events. Chornobyl, in particular, fundamentally reshaped the entire philosophy of nuclear safety. It led to a complete rethinking of reactor design, emergency response, and regulatory oversight. Independent regulators were strengthened, safety responsibilities were clearly separated from operators, and safety culture became not just a principle but a legal requirement supported by continuous drills and probabilistic risk assessments.

Technologically, the industry also changed dramatically. Modern reactors are designed to withstand even worst-case scenarios, with multi-layered “defence-in-depth” systems, core melt traps, and passive safety mechanisms that rely on natural physical processes rather than human intervention. These are not incremental improvements. They are the direct result of lessons learned at a very high cost. But facts alone do not change perception. People do not build trust through reports. They build it through experience and transparency. That is why our approach in Africa is deliberately open.

We create opportunities for students, young professionals and journalists to visit nuclear facilities, research centres and training programmes. When people can see how systems operate, how safety is managed, and how seriously it is taken, the conversation becomes more grounded and less abstract. There is also an important human dimension that is often overlooked.

The history of Chornobyl is not only a story of tragedy. It is also a story of professionalism, responsibility and the people who managed the crisis and generated the knowledge that made today’s safety standards possible. Acknowledging that the full picture helps move the discussion away from fear alone toward understanding. At the same time, we need to broaden the narrative. Nuclear is not only about power generation. It is about cancer treatment, food security, water management and high-skilled employment. When communities begin to connect nuclear technology with real benefits in their own lives, it stops being an abstract risk and starts becoming a practical solution. Ultimately, perception does not change through persuasion. It changes through consistency. Through transparency, long-term engagement, and real-world impact.

What are your final thoughts on Russia’s preparedness to support Africa’s nuclear ambitions?

Russia has demonstrated that it is committed to long-term partnerships in Africa, particularly in the nuclear sector. We are already seeing concrete examples of cooperation in areas such as project development, education and skills transfer. The key strength of the Russian approach is its ability to offer an integrated solution, from technology and financing to training and localisation. Partnerships must be built on mutual benefit and transparency. Africa’s priorities are clear: energy security, economic development and local capacity building. Any partner that is ready to contribute to these goals consistently and practically will have a meaningful role to play. If we look country by country, the picture becomes even more interesting.

Take Ethiopia. This is a country thinking long-term about energy security and industrialisation. It has strong hydropower, but also understands the need to diversify. Ethiopia is prepared to take a big step towards nuclear energy. In Rwanda, the approach is different. It is focused on innovation and speed. There is a strong interest in small and flexible nuclear technologies, alongside active use of nuclear science in healthcare and agriculture. What stands out is the clarity of vision and pace of implementation.

Then, there is Namibia. As a major uranium producer, the question is how to move up the value chain. Partnerships can help connect resources to technology, skills and future energy applications. So, Russia’s role is not one-size-fits-all.

The real strength lies in adapting to each country’s strategy. If that continues, nuclear cooperation becomes not just about energy, but about shaping long-term technological development. Rosatom is one of the few global players capable of delivering the entire nuclear value chain. This includes reactor technologies, fuel supply, waste management solutions, including reprocessing, as well as long-term operational support and human capital development. This comprehensive capability is what allows us to move projects from concept to reality in a structured and sustainable way.

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