World
Africans Have Sympathy for Ukraine—Tafesse
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In this snapshot interview conducted by our media executive Kestér Kenn Klomegâh with Professor Zenebe Kinfu Tafesse, a Senior Lecturer at the Moscow International University, President of the Union of African Diasporas (UAD) and Leader of the Ethiopian Community in Russia, he discusses the current Russia-African relations, the significance of the emerging new world order, the forthcoming Russia-Africa summit planned for July 2023 as well as the Russia-Ukraine war, which enters its first year on Friday, February 24. Here are the interview excerpts:
How would you characterize the emerging new global order or alternative called a multipolar world? Do you think this is good for Africa?
The impression is striking of a flashback to the West-Russia tensions that characterized the second half of the 20th century, from the aftermath of World War II until the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The two rival camps are beginning to openly sketch out the comparison, although observers note significant differences. The developments are reminiscent of the first Cold war – the confrontation between the East and the West.
It seems to me that until a new global order was formed, which everyone is talking about, there was the USA and the USSR and the rest, and now the USA and China. Of course, China is not such a virtual player as the USSR, but now rather increasingly becoming an economic power. China has done a lot for developing countries; therefore, sooner or later, it will become one of the global players… the rest of the new players are regional and are still developing. There is always rivalry in geopolitics. Developing countries, especially in Africa, value the non-interference stance of Russia and China, so if Western countries were to affirm a less moralistic foreign policy, they could shift the balance of power in their favour.
Why do you think China and Russia can lead this new direction in dividing the world? What do China and Russia have in common in Africa?
China is perceived favourably by African policymakers because it represents the aspirations of the developing world. Meanwhile, both China and Russia have greater legitimacy in Africa, considering that they did not possess a colonial empire in the region. The noticeable difference is that Russia’s investment in Africa is not up to the scale of China. Furthermore, it seems that they are not exactly allies or competitors. Now, in my opinion, they are more like-minded about their views on some things, of course, China has a goal and a plan to become one of the leaders in the world, but Russia has not seen this yet (except for the official statements of some politicians).
Do you agree with the opinion of the general public that the global crisis was started by both American President Joe Biden and Russian President Vladimir Putin? And, in particular, what does Africa gain from the Russian-Ukrainian crisis?
I disagree regarding the global crisis; this is a long-standing problem of the centre and periphery of the world. These are financial and market distribution problems. It is a production problem and related to corruption problems of demography. In the end, this is the problem of the lack of faith (trust) when the consciousness of humanity approaches (it happened, the information 21st century opened our eyes to all of us), the problem of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis is a problem of humanity, from which, I hope, all strong and weak countries will learn lessons for the future – but in general, after Joe Biden’s visit to Kyiv on February 20, I think a serious conflict between the US and Russia has already begun.
Obviously, Africa is currently divided primarily due to two main factors: American politics and hegemony and the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. How are these two factors affecting (influencing) the unity of Africa?
In practical reality, Africa is not divided. According to the majority, it maintains a neutral position. Africans, for sure, understand that both the West and Russia have their own geopolitical interests, but at the same time, they understand that Ukraine has suffered. It seems to me that Africans have sympathy for Ukraine, their attitudes and perceptions are different, glaringly indicating that it’s a normal situation. I would like to remind you that Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has, several times, explained Russia’s position – that it is a balance of geopolitical interests, and this forms the core of Russia’s foreign policy. Many people believe that it is imperative to consolidate intra-African solidarity and unity in the context of these global changes, which are marked by worrying uncertainties and could have unforeseeable consequences for Africa.
What can you say about the main trends and directions of Russia’s interaction with Africa over the past few years? So, what can be expected from the next July summit for Africa?
I think there are many expected changes, such as the New Concept of Russia-African policy relations, financial relations, and state investment in Africa and Russia. The most significant positive sign is that Russia has moved from its low-key strategy to vigorous relations. But Russia still needs to find a strategy that reflects the practical interests of Russian business and African development needs, especially in the areas of industry and agriculture. The previous joint declaration has offered the road map, and now Russia has to do more to capitalize on diverse opportunities to increase economic cooperation. Of course, the forthcoming African leaders’ summit is not enough to make all decisions on various aspects of relations with Africa. But if there is a desire of the Russian state, then this will be a platform for future dialogue.
Do you also agree that Russia, at least compared to other external players, has achieved little in Africa over the past decade? What were the main problems and pitfalls in its policy towards Africa?
With the emerging new world order, it is an opportunity to move towards Africa, although many countries largely continue to have the most extensive relationships with their former colonial powers. Africa is described as rich, with enormous untapped resources. From the interpretation of developments on the side of Russia during the past few years, one can smartly agree with the fact that little has been achieved in Africa. There were many official statements, though, acknowledging this level of low performance and economic weaknesses in Africa.
On the other hand, Russia, exactly similar to the USSR, has given great emphasis or special focus on a few African countries, such as Egypt and South Africa, with reference, for instance, to Algeria and Angola and a few other countries, except for the military-technical cooperation. One point which has been overlooked or underestimated is that Russia can boost its relations by using highly trained African graduates with various academic disciplines to build links with Africa.
We have seen the level of bilateral relations in the sphere of trade, and it’s interesting to note that Russia cannot be compared with other external countries trading with Africa. I think it is important for Russia to prioritise the qualitative expansion of trade and economic cooperation. It may consider raising its economic and trade profiles with Africa in future, but Russia has not yet set such goals, in practical terms, for itself over the past 30 years.
World
Russian-Nigerian Economic Diplomacy: Ajeokuta Symbolises Russia’s Remarkable Achievement in Nigeria
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Over the past two decades, Russia’s economic influence in Africa—and specifically in Nigeria—has been limited, largely due to a lack of structured financial support from Russian policy banks and state-backed investment mechanisms. While Russian companies have demonstrated readiness to invest and compete with global players, they consistently cite insufficient government financial guarantees as a key constraint.
Unlike China, India, Japan, and the United States—which have provided billions in concessionary loans and credit lines to support African infrastructure, agriculture, manufacturing, and SMEs—Russia has struggled to translate diplomatic goodwill into substantial economic projects. For example, Nigeria’s trade with Russia accounts for barely 1% of total trade volume, while China and the U.S. dominate at over 15% and 10% respectively in the last decade. This disparity highlights the challenges Russia faces in converting agreements into actionable investment.
Lessons from Nigeria’s Past
The limited impact of Russian economic diplomacy echoes Nigeria’s own history of unfulfilled agreements during former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. Over the past 20 years, ambitious energy, transport, and industrial initiatives signed with foreign partners—including Russia—often stalled or produced minimal results. In many cases, projects were approved in principle, but funding shortfalls, bureaucratic hurdles, and weak follow-through left them unimplemented. Nothing monumental emerged from these agreements, underscoring the importance of financial backing and sustained commitment.
China as a Model
Policy experts point to China’s systematic approach to African investments as a blueprint for Russia. Chinese state policy banks underwrite projects, de-risk investments, and provide finance often secured by African sovereign guarantees. This approach has enabled Chinese companies to execute large-scale infrastructure efficiently, expanding their presence across sectors while simultaneously investing in human capital.
Egyptian Professor Mohamed Chtatou at the International University of Rabat and Mohammed V University in Rabat, Morocco, argues: “Russia could replicate such mechanisms to ensure companies operate with financial backing and risk mitigation, rather than relying solely on bilateral agreements or political connections.”
Russia’s Current Footprint in Africa
Russia’s economic engagement in Africa is heavily tied to natural resources and military equipment. In Zimbabwe, platinum rights and diamond projects were exchanged for fuel or fighter jets. Nearly half of Russian arms exports to Africa are concentrated in countries like Nigeria, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique. Large-scale initiatives, such as the planned $10 billion nuclear plant in Zambia, have stalled due to a lack of Russian financial commitment, despite completed feasibility studies. Similar delays have affected nuclear projects in South Africa, Rwanda, and Egypt.
Federation Council Chairperson Valentina Matviyenko and Senator Igor Morozov have emphasized parliamentary diplomacy and the creation of new financial instruments, such as investment funds under the Russian Export Center, to provide structured support for businesses and enhance trade cooperation. These measures are designed to address historical gaps in financing and ensure that agreements lead to tangible outcomes.
Opportunities and Challenges
Analysts highlight a fundamental challenge: Russia’s limited incentives in Africa. While China invests to secure resources and export markets, Russia lacks comparable commercial drivers. Russian companies possess technological and industrial capabilities, but without sufficient financial support, large-scale projects remain aspirational rather than executable.
The historic Russia-Africa Summits in Sochi and in St. Petersburg explicitly indicate a renewed push to deepen engagement, particularly in the economic sectors. President Vladimir Putin has set a goal to raise Russia-Africa trade from $20 billion to $40 billion over the next few years. However, compared to Asian, European, and American investors, Russia still lags significantly. UNCTAD data shows that the top investors in Africa are the Netherlands, France, the UK, the United States, and China—countries that combine capital support with strategic deployment.
In Nigeria, agreements with Russian firms over energy and industrial projects have yielded little measurable progress. Over 20 years, major deals signed during Obasanjo’s administration and renewed under subsequent governments often stalled at the financing stage. The lesson is clear: political agreements alone are insufficient without structured investment and follow-through.
Strategic Recommendations
For Russia to expand its economic influence in Africa, analysts recommend:
- Structured financial support: Establishing state-backed credit lines, policy bank guarantees, and investment funds to reduce project risks.
- Incentive realignment: Identifying sectors where Russian expertise aligns with African needs, including energy, industrial technology, and infrastructure.
- Sustained implementation: Turning signed agreements into tangible projects with clear timelines and milestones, avoiding the pitfalls of unfulfilled past agreements.
With proper financial backing, Russia can leverage its technological capabilities to diversify beyond arms sales and resource-linked deals, enhancing trade, industrial, and technological cooperation across Africa.
Conclusion
Russia’s Africa strategy remains a work in progress. Nigeria’s experience with decades of agreements that failed to materialize underscores the importance of structured financial commitments and persistent follow-through. Without these, Russia risks remaining a peripheral player (virtual investor) while Arab States such as UAE, China, the United States, and other global powers consolidate their presence.
The potential is evident: Africa is a fast-growing market with vast natural resources, infrastructure needs, and a young, ambitious population. Russia’s challenge—and opportunity—is to match diplomatic efforts with financial strategy, turning political ties into lasting economic influence.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) has urged African governments to lean into structural tailwinds, warning that the global commodity landscape has entered a new phase of deepening split.
In its November 2025 commodity bulletin, the bank noted that markets are no longer moving in unison; instead, some are powered by structural demand while others are weakening under oversupply, shifting consumption patterns and weather-related dynamics.
As a result of this bifurcation, the Cairo-based lender tasked policymakers on the continent to manage supply-chain vulnerabilities and diversify beyond the commodity-export model.
The report highlights that commodities linked to energy transition, infrastructure development and geopolitical realignments are gaining momentum.
For instance, natural gas has risen sharply from 2024 levels, supported by colder-season heating needs, export disruptions around the Red Sea and tightening global supply. Lithium continues to surge on strong demand from electric-vehicle and battery-storage sectors, with growth projections of up to 45 per cent in 2026. Aluminium is approaching multi-year highs amid strong construction and automotive activity and smelter-level power constraints, while soybeans are benefiting from sustained Chinese purchases and adverse weather concerns in South America.
Even crude oil, which accounts for Nigeria’s highest foreign exchange earnings, though still lower year-on-year, is stabilising around $60 per barrel as geopolitical supply risks, including drone attacks on Russian facilities, offset muted global demand.
In contrast, several commodities that recently experienced strong rallies are now softening.
The bank noted that cocoa prices are retreating from record highs as West African crop prospects improve and inventories recover. Palm oil markets face oversupply in Southeast Asia and subdued demand from India and China, pushing stocks to multi-year highs. Sugar is weakening under expectations of a nearly two-million-tonne global surplus for the 2025/26 season, while platinum and silver are seeing headwinds from weaker industrial demand, investor profit-taking and hawkish monetary signals.
For Africa, the bank stresses that the implications are clear. Countries aligned with energy-transition metals and infrastructure-linked commodities stand to benefit from more resilient long-term demand.
It urged those heavily exposed to softening agricultural markets to accelerate a shift into processing, value addition and product diversification.
The bulletin also called for stronger market-intelligence systems, improved intra-African trade connectivity, and investment in logistics and regulatory capacity, noting that Africa’s competitiveness will depend on how quickly governments adapt to the new two-speed global environment.
By Modupe Gbadeyanka
A strategic partnership designed to accelerate worldwide enterprise adoption and monetisation of Network APIs has been entered into between Comviva and the global aggregator of standardised network APIs, Aduna.
The adoption would be done through Comviva’s flagship SaaS-based platform for programmable communications and network intelligence, NGAGE.ai.
The partnership combines Comviva’s NGAGE.ai platform and enterprise onboarding expertise with Aduna’s global operator consortium.
This unified approach provides enterprises with secure, scalable access to network intelligence while enabling telcos to monetise network capabilities efficiently.
The collaboration is further strengthened by Comviva’s proven leadership in the global digital payments and digital lending ecosystem— sectors that will be among the biggest adopters of Network APIs.
The NGAGE.ai platform is already active across 40+ countries, integrated with 100+ operators, and processing over 250 billion transactions annually for more than 7,000 enterprise customers. With its extensive global deployment, NGAGE.ai is positioned as one of the most scalable and trusted platforms for API-led network intelligence adoption.
“As enterprises accelerate their shift toward real-time, intelligence-driven operations, Network APIs will become foundational to digital transformation. With NGAGE.ai and Aduna’s global ecosystem, we are creating a unified and scalable pathway for enterprises to adopt programmable communications at speed and at scale.
“This partnership strengthens our commitment to helping telcos monetise network intelligence while enabling enterprises to build differentiated, secure, and future-ready digital experiences,” the chief executive of Comviva, Mr Rajesh Chandiramani, stated.
Also, the chief executive of Aduna, Mr Anthony Bartolo, noted that, “The next wave of enterprise innovation will be powered by seamless access to network intelligence.
“By integrating Comviva’s NGAGE.ai platform with Aduna’s global federation of operators, we are enabling enterprises to innovate consistently across markets with standardised, high-performance Network APIs.
“This collaboration enhances the value chain for operators and gives enterprises the confidence and agility needed to launch new services, reduce fraud, and deliver more trustworthy customer experiences worldwide.”
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