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COVID-19 Exposed Burden Women Bear as Caregivers—Mercy Jelimo

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Mercy Jelimo

By Kester Kenn Klomegah

For over two decades, the Centre for Rights Education and Awareness (CREAW) has been fighting for gender equality, empowerment of women and improvement of women’s rights in Kenya and broadly in East Africa.

Established in 1999, CREAW has used bold, innovative and holistic interventions for the realization of women’s rights. Most of its programs have focused on challenging practices that undermine equity, equality and constitutionalism, promoting women’s participation in decision making and deepening the ideology and philosophy of women’s empowerment.

In this interview, Mercy Jelimo, an Executive Program Officer at the Nairobi-based CREAW discusses the current situation about gender issues, landmarked achievements, existing challenges and the way forward. Here are the interview excerpts:

In your estimation and from your research, how is the situation with gender inequality, specifically in Kenya, and generally in East Africa?

This survey was commissioned by our partners Women Deliver and Focus 2030 with over 17,000 respondents covering 17 countries on six continents. The survey findings indicated that over 60% of respondents believed that gender equality had progressed. However, on average, 57% of respondents also felt that the fight for gender equality is not over particularly because we see key aspects of gender inequality persist including unequal distribution of unpaid care, domestic work and parental responsibilities between men and women (the COVID-19 pandemic has spotlighted the burden women bear as caregivers) different employment opportunities with religion and culture continuing to entrench discrimination against women.

Whereas in East Africa, the survey only covered Kenya, the results are shared across. In particular, the Kenyan respondents indicated that there has been notable progress in regards to gender equality particularly when it comes to the legal and policy frameworks to guard against discrimination on whichever basis be it sex, religion, class or race.

Over the last quarter-century, the country has promulgated a new Constitution and a raft of subsidiary legislations and policies that are critical to gender equality. Some of these laws include but not limited to: the Sexual Offences Act 2006, the Children’s Act 2001, the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act 2011, the Marriage Act 2014, the Protection Against Domestic Violence Act 2015, the Victim Protection Act 2014, the Witness Protection Act 2008, the National Policy for Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence 2014, the National Guidelines on the Management of Sexual Violence 2015, the Multi-sector Standard Operating Procedures for Prevention and Response to Gender-Based Violence, and the National Policy on the Eradication of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) 2019.

Kenya has also ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the Maputo Protocol), the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, among other instruments.

However, even with this robust legal framework, accountability and the implementation of these laws have lagged behind.

The status of women and girls as compared to men and boys still remains unequal at all levels of society both public and private. This imbalance manifests itself as normalized negative social norms and ‘cultural’ practices with brutal violations against women and girls continuing to be perpetrated, women being excluded from leadership and decision making positions, limited in their political participation and women and girls being denied access to economic opportunities.

Undeniably, women and girls continue to be victims of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) including rape, domestic violence, Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and child marriage.

In fact, as of March 2020, according to statistics from Kenya’s Gender Violence Recovery Centre (GVRC), 45% of women and girls between the ages of 15 and 49 have experienced either physical or sexual violence with women with girls accounting for 90% of gender-based violence (SGBV) cases reported.

Harmful practices such as FGM and child marriage are still prevalent, with the Kenya Demographic Health Survey (2014) reporting a national FGM prevalence rate of 21% for women and girls aged 15-49 years of age. The prevalence rate differs from one practising community to the other, with communities such as Somali (96%) Samburu (86%) and The Maasai (78%) having significantly higher prevalence.

Sadly, this is the story across all the other countries in East Africa where we have progressive legal and Policy framework but with zero accountability mechanisms.

It is worth noting that in 2018, the East Africa Community Council of Ministers approved the EAC Gender policy which is key to ensuring that gender equality and empowerment of women are not only integrated into every aspect of its work but provides an outline of key priority areas for partner states.

The EAC has also instituted other gender mainstreaming efforts including the EAC Social Development framework (2013), the EAC child policy (2016) the EAC Youth policy (2013), a Gender Mainstreaming Strategy for EAC Organs and Institutions, (2013) amongst others.

By the way, what are your research findings that you presented in a report on January 28? Are there any similarities and differences in gender studies in other East Africa countries?

The key findings from Kenya can generally be used to paint a picture of the situation in the EAC region. Apparent gender disparities in the region remain in a number of areas such as in political representation, access to education and training, access to quality and affordable healthcare, high unemployment rates of women, rampant sexual and gender-based violence, harmful cultural practices, inadequate financing for gender needs and programs.

Firstly, when asked about the status of gender equality, the majority of respondents identified gender equality as an important issue (96%) and that government should do more (invest) to promote gender equality.

Secondly, the role of religion and culture; how boys and girls are socialized and unequal representation were identified as obstacles to gender equality. This finding indicates the work that still remains to be done for gender equality actors in Kenya and other partner states in the EAC.

The most important step to achieving gender equality is dismantling systems and structures that promote and protect inequalities. whereas the country has made tremendous progress in having relevant legal and policy frameworks, there is still a lack of implementation of these laws – this finding answers the why question– because institutions, people and structures are still very patriarchal.

Furthermore, the lack of representation of women (also cited by Kenyan respondents as an obstacle) might explain the failures in the implementation of the laws and policies.

Thirdly, the respondents identified corruption as the most important issue facing the country. This finding is also supported by the 2019 Global Corruption Barometer – Africa survey that showed that more than half of citizens in the continent think graft is getting worse and that governments were doing very little to curb the vice.

The impact that corruption has on service delivery cannot be overemphasized especially on public goods such as healthcare, education, water and sanitation. More specifically, is the resulting lack of public financing to programs and interventions that address gender needs & promote gender equality.

A recent Corruption Perception Index (CPI) Report by Transparency International indicated that all the countries in East Africa with the exception of Rwanda scored below the global average rate of 43 out of 100.

More importantly, is that the report noted that countries that perform well on the CPI have strong enforcement of campaign finance regulations as this correlates with the dismal performance of women in politics who often than not do not have the requisite political funding to mount effective political campaigns and outcompete their male counterparts.

What would you say about discrimination or representation of women in politics in the region? Do you feel that women are not strongly encouraged in this political sphere?

There has been significant progress when it comes to women’s political representation and participation with a majority of the countries in the EAC region adopting constitutional quotas and other remedies to promote representation.

All the countries in the East Africa Community have achieved the 30% critical mass with the exception of Kenya (21%) and South Sudan (28%).

More women occupy ministerial portfolios that were perceived to be the preserve of men such as defence, foreign affairs, manufacturing, trade, public service and so forth. Not to miss that the leading country globally – Rwanda is from the region (63%).

However, most institutions including parliaments are still male-dominated and women in the region still face a number of challenges including violence against women in politics, religious and cultural beliefs and norms that limit women role, lack of support from political parties, lack of campaign financing and unregulated campaign financing environment with the progressive legal and policy frameworks yet to be fully implemented.

These challenges continue to limit the representation and participation of women in the public and political sphere. The region is yet to have a woman as a president just to illustrate the glass ceilings that remain.

Tell us about how women are perceived (public opinion) in society there? How is the state or government committed to change this situation, most probably by enacting policies?

“Don’t tell me what you value. Show me your budget and I‘ll tell you what you value” This quote by President Joe Biden aptly captures the state of affairs in the region in relation to gender equality. The countries in the region have continued to enact and reform legal and policy frameworks but have largely remained unimplemented; the primary reasons being lack of financial and accountability mechanisms to ensure that these programs and policies are actualized.

For us to reach the conclusion that governments are committed to promoting gender equality and women empowerment, we need to see a shift from lip service to prioritization and adequate resourcing of programs that advance gender equality.

What platforms are there for improving gender equality, for ending gender-based violence and for discussing forms of discrimination there? Do you suggest governments have to act now to accelerate issues and progress on gender equality in East Africa?

As Deliver for Good Campaign partners in Kenya together with other gender equality advocates, the Sustainable Development Goals and Africa Agenda 2063 provide important blueprints to developing our society economically, socially and politically.

The Deliver for Good campaign is evidence-based advocacy campaigns that call for better policies, programming and financial investments in girls and women. Most importantly, the Generation Equality Forum (GEF) is an important mobilization moment to ask governments and the private sector to accelerate progress not just in East Africa but globally.

Specifically, we will be using this moment to call on governments, not only make bigger and bolder commitments but also, to ensure that they match these commitments with financing and accountability mechanisms.

As the Deliver for Good campaign partners in Kenya, we have a particular interest in one of the GEF Action Coalitions – Gender-Based Violence – to leverage on the Kenyan government leadership and the political will to end traditional practices that are harmful to women and girls such as Female Genital Mutilation and Child Marriage. Particularly and in line with the survey findings, we will be calling for: increased accountability for physical and sexual crimes against women; increased investment in prevention and protection programs while calling for inclusive efforts and programs that leave no woman behind in Kenya and East Africa.

Kester Kenn Klomegah is a versatile researcher and a passionate contributor. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted elsewhere in a number of reputable foreign media

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Tether Relocates Entity, Subsidiaries to El Salvador

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Tether

By Adedapo Adesanya

Stablecoin issuer, Tether Holdings Limited, will move its corporate entity and subsidiaries to El Salvador after securing a digital asset service provider (DASP) license in the Central American nation.

According to a statement on Monday, this marks a step in Tether’s journey to foster global Bitcoin adoption banking on El Salvador’s history with cryptocurrency.

“This strengthens Tether’s position in one of the world’s most forward-thinking markets and fosters the development and implementation of cutting-edge solutions more efficiently in a dynamic environment where innovation thrives. It underscores the company’s dedication to leveraging Bitcoin’s transformative potential as it drives growth in emerging markets,” the statement said.

The company said El Salvador is rapidly establishing itself as a global hub for digital assets and technology innovation.

“By embracing blockchain technology and digital currencies, El Salvador is fostering an ecosystem that encourages innovation and attracts investment in the broader financial and technology sectors.

“This strategic positioning is helping to shape the future of financial systems, making the country a key player in the global fintech landscape,” Tether added.

Speaking on this, Mr Paolo Ardoino, CEO of Tether said, “This decision is a natural progression for Tether as it allows us to build a new home, foster collaboration, and strengthen our focus on emerging markets.

“El Salvador represents a beacon of innovation in the digital assets space. By rooting ourselves here, we are not only aligning with a country that shares our vision in terms of financial freedom, innovation, and resilience but is also reinforcing our commitment to empowering people worldwide through decentralized technologies.”

As it takes these next bold steps, the company looks forward to working closely with El Salvador’s government, businesses, and communities to shape the future of financial technology.

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African Union’s Summit Leaves Little Hope to Advance Agricultural Transformation in Africa

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African Union's Summit

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Perhaps it was the most crucial summit held on January 9th to 11th in 2025 with a focus to raise agricultural productivity, increase public investment in agriculture, and stimulate economic growth through agriculture-led development, and ultimately seeks pathways to support African countries eliminate continent-wide hunger and reduce growing poverty.

During these past several years, African governments have taken delight in increasing imports of basic agricultural produce which could be cultivated locally.

Import substitution policy is seemingly not part of any discussions during their ministerial meetings, instead devoted time on how to approve huge budgets for agricultural products from foreign sources.

It has also taken the African Union (AU) years to initiate an agricultural programme directed at ensuring food security and cutting poverty in the continent. This cutting-edge initiative forms an integral part of the broad AU Agenda 2063.

Considered as the most ambitious and comprehensive agricultural reform effort ever undertaken in Africa, it was first launched in 2003 following the Maputo Declaration and reaffirmed in 2014 in Equatorial Guinea with the Malabo Declaration.

It has emerged as the cornerstone framework for driving agricultural transformation across Africa and represents a fundamental shift toward development that is supposed to be fully owned and directed by various African governments.

That, however, the early January Kampala summit, attended by Ministers of Agriculture from the AU’s 55-member states, thoroughly deliberated on implementing aspects of the 10-year programme, primarily to be pursued, in different stages, by stimulating investment, fostering partnerships, and empowering vulnerable smallholder farmers. Notably, the programme is set to run from 2026- 2035.

Without a single doubt, the drafting the programme which underwent a rigorous review process, took a full decade to complete; from 2014, in Equatorial Guinea with the Malabo Declaration to Kampala, Uganda, in 2025. And that what is appropriately referred to as an effective continental organization – the African Union.

The drafting of the strategy was undertaken by a broad spectrum of stakeholders including the Regional Economic Communities, African experts and researchers, farmers’ cooperatives and organizations, development partners, parliamentarians, private sector groups, women in agriculture and youth groups.

According to the official release indicated that Africa’s food security remains a pressing challenge, exacerbated by climate change, conflicts, rapid population growth, and economic disruptions.

Currently, over 280 million Africans suffer from chronic hunger while food systems struggle to meet rising demands.

Therefore, the 10-year programme is planned to address these issues by promoting climate-resilient agriculture, improving infrastructure, reducing food waste, and enhancing regional trade in agricultural goods. This is in a bid to equip Africa to feed itself sustainably.

At the Kampala ministerial meeting, Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda, Robinah Nabbanja, while recalling important statistics that point to the richness of African soils, abundance of arable land and fresh water, and a 60% population engaged in agriculture, expressed the highest shame that the continent’s food imports cost up to $100 billion.

“This summit should come up with concrete proposals on how Africa can come out of such an undesirable situation. For us to guarantee our future as Africans, we must feed ourselves,” she told the gathering in a tectonic language.

The Commissioner for Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy and Sustainable Environment at the African Union Commission, Ambassador Josefa Sacko, commented on the importance of the strategy, saying it “aims to boost food production, expand value addition, boost intra-Africa trade, create millions of jobs for the youth and women, build inclusive agrifood value chains, and build resilient and sustainable agrifood systems that will withstand shocks and stressors now and in the future.

Furthermore, we are dedicated to strengthening governance through evidence-based decision-making and enhancing accountability among all stakeholders. Inclusivity is a fundamental aspect of our approach; we will ensure that women, youth, and marginalized groups have access to resources, thereby facilitating their equitable participation in the agrifood sector.”

Dr Girma Amente, Minister of Agriculture of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, whose Prime Minister Dr Abiy Ahmed, is the Champion of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) Strategy and Action Plan 2026- 2035, highlighted how Ethiopia has cascaded CAADP into the national agricultural investment plan (NAIP).

“The plan emphasizes the importance of increasing public investment in agriculture, which is crucial for achieving the CAADP target. Ethiopia has significantly increased its agricultural budget allocation and has demonstrated its commitment by meeting the 6 per cent annual growth target of CAADP.

The implementation of the National Agricultural Investment Plan (NAIP) has contributed to consistent improvements in annual agricultural production, elevating both crop yields and overall food and livestock production, and also performed better in addressing the resilience targets of the CAADP,” explained Girma Amente.

In his turn, Uganda’s Minister of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Frank Tumwebaze, who led the drafting of the CAADP Strategy and Action Plan in his capacity as the Chair of the Specialised Technical Committee of the AU on Agriculture, Rural Development, Water and Environment, stressed the need to move into implementation of the strategy, as soon as the summit ends.

“The planning phase of the Kampala CAADP Agenda ends during this Summit. We must, therefore, move into implementation and execution mode. It is by focusing on execution that we can make a meaningful impact to the continent and its people. We must move, not with the times, but ahead of times.

“This calls for advances in technological research and practices, building agricultural systems that are resilient to climate change and other shocks, agro-industrialization, and the like,” according to Frank Tumwebaze.

The three-day Extraordinary Summit in Kampala was organized to adopt the 10-Year CAADP Strategy and Action Plan to advance agricultural transformation and food systems in Africa. But that was dominated by high-level speeches, with little hope of concretely addressing key questions relating to ensuring food security in the continent.

The majority of African countries hold steadfastly to maintain the status quo, ready to allocate large part of their annual budgets to increase imports. There was little hope for any significant results and remarkable change in driving agricultural transformation across Africa after second day of the summit, dedicated to deliberations by Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and the 11th January meeting by Heads of State and Government.

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Justin Trudeau Resigns as Canadian Prime Minister

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Justin Trudeau

By Adedapo Adesanya

The Prime Minister of Canada, Mr Justin Trudeau, has resigned as the country’s ruling Liberal Party leader amid growing discontent in the North American country.

Mr Trudeau’s exit comes amid intensified political headwinds after his finance minister and closest political ally abruptly quit last month.

Mr Trudeau, who said he would remain in office until a new party leader is chosen, has faced growing calls from within his party to step down.

Polls show the Liberals are set to lose this year’s election to the Conservative opposition.

“As you all know, I’m a fighter,” Mr Trudeau said on Monday, but “it has become obvious to me with the internal battles that I cannot be the one to carry the Liberal standard into the next election,” he stated.

His exit comes as Canada faces tariff threats from US President-elect, Mr Donald Trump.

The Republican and his allies have repeatedly taunted Mr Trudeau in recent weeks, with Mr Trump mocking Canada as the “51st state” of the US.

Mr Trudeau also lamented that the Conservative leader, Mr Pierre Poilievre, is not the right vision for Canadians.

“Stopping the fight against climate change doesn’t make sense,” he tells reporters, adding that “attacking journalists” is “not what Canadians need in this moment”.

“We need an ambitious, optimistic view of the future, and Pierre Poilievre is not offering that.”

Mr Trudeau also said he was looking forward to the fight as progressives “stand up” for a vision for a better country “despite the tremendous pressures around the world to think smaller”.

He also clarified that he won’t be calling an election, saying the Canadian parliament has been “seized by obstruction, filibustering and a total lack of productivity” for the past several months.

“It’s time for a reset,” he said, adding that, “It’s time for the temperature to come down, for the people to have a fresh start in parliament, to be able to navigate through these complex times.”

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