World
Nigeria Trading Across the Continent Under NIDO-Africa’s Leadership
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In this insightful interview, Professor Jude Osakwe, Continental Chairman of the Nigerians in Diaspora Organization (NIDO) Africa, highlights the rapidly shifting global trade landscape and the renewed focus on intra-African trade. This necessitates convening the Regional Trade Conference — ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ — in Dakar, Senegal, from 24–28 November 2025.
Professor Osakwe underlined a key message: while multilateral trade frameworks are increasingly fragmented, this development presents a strong opportunity to strengthen the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Consequently, Nigeria’s NIDO-Africa “Made-in-Nigeria” initiative aims to advance the country’s trade aspirations within the framework of the African Union’s Agenda 2063. Below are excerpts from the interview. Here are the interview excerpts:
In the context of geopolitical shift, how would you characterize and argue that the forthcoming event ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ is an integral aspect of Intra-Africa trade policy under the African Union?
The ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ event represents a critical convergence of continental trade ambitions and national industrial capacity at a pivotal moment in global economic realignment. As multilateral trade frameworks face increasing fragmentation and regional blocs strengthen, Africa’s response through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) signals our determination to chart an independent economic trajectory.
Nigeria, as Africa’s largest economy and most populous nation, occupies a unique position in this continental project. The ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ initiative directly advances the AU’s Agenda 2063 objectives by showcasing indigenous manufacturing capacity, promoting value addition within the continent, and demonstrating that intra-African trade can be anchored in substantive productive capabilities rather than merely raw material exchange.
This event specifically addresses a fundamental challenge in African integration: the current reality that intra-African trade represents only approximately 15-18% of the continent’s total trade, significantly lower than other regions. By highlighting Nigerian-manufactured products, from processed foods and pharmaceuticals to technology solutions and creative industries, we are providing tangible evidence that African nations can serve as both producers and consumers within a genuinely integrated market. This isn’t theoretical policy; it’s operational implementation of the AfCFTA’s vision.
Under NIDO-Africa leadership, what are the expectations during this event? Despite the fact that it is focused on intra-Africa, are foreign traders and importers your targets, as a priority of raising the level of economic cooperation with Nigeria?
NIDO-Africa’s leadership brings a distinctive diaspora perspective, we understand both African productive capacity and global market demands, having operated at this intersection throughout our professional lives. Our expectations for this event are strategically layered.
Primarily, we’re facilitating meaningful intra-African commercial connections. This means bringing together procurement officers from African governments, regional distributors, retail chains, and manufacturing firms who can establish long-term supply relationships with Nigerian producers. The goal is to create sustainable trade corridors, not one-off transactions.
However, your question touches on an important strategic dimension: foreign traders and importers are indeed significant targets, though we’d characterize them as complementary rather than competing priorities. Nigeria’s economic growth requires both expanded African market access AND continued global trade partnerships. Foreign importers, particularly from the US, Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, serve multiple strategic purposes:
* They bring capital, technology transfer, and global best practices
* They can establish joint ventures that enhance Nigerian productive capacity
* They provide access to markets beyond Africa’s current absorption capacity
* Their participation validates the quality and competitiveness of Nigerian products
The sophistication of our approach is precisely that we’re not presenting this as an either/or proposition. We’re positioning Nigeria as a continental manufacturing hub that serves African markets while maintaining robust global trade relationships. Foreign traders who engage now gain preferred access to Africa’s 1.3 billion-person market through a Nigerian gateway.
Can you give an assessment and significance of the current level of economic cooperation between Nigeria and, for instance with the United States, China, India and Russia?
Nigeria maintains strategically important but differently configured relationships with each of these global powers, and understanding these dynamics is essential to appreciating where opportunities for deeper cooperation exist:
United States: The relationship centers on energy (Nigeria was historically a significant oil supplier), security cooperation, and development assistance. While trade volumes remain substantial, there’s significant unrealized potential in non-oil sectors, technology, pharmaceuticals, agribusiness, and creative industries. The challenge is moving beyond a resource-extraction paradigm toward genuine industrial partnership.
China: China has become Nigeria’s largest trading partner and a major infrastructure financier, particularly in railways, power generation, and telecommunications. However, the relationship faces tensions around trade imbalances, Nigerian imports from China far exceed exports, and concerns about local manufacturing displacement. The opportunity lies in negotiating technology transfer agreements and joint ventures that build Nigerian productive capacity rather than simply facilitating imports.
India: Often underappreciated, India maintains deep pharmaceutical, automotive, and ICT connections with Nigeria. The relationship is characterized by significant Indian investment in Nigerian manufacturing and a substantial expatriate business community. This represents perhaps the most balanced model among Nigeria’s major trading relationships, with genuine two-way flows in goods, services, and human capital.
Russia: Historically limited, this relationship has focused on energy sector cooperation (particularly nuclear power aspirations) and mineral resources. Recent geopolitical shifts have created space for expanded engagement, though infrastructural and financial linkages remain underdeveloped compared to other major powers.
The significance of these relationships is that they collectively demonstrate Nigeria’s multi-alignment strategy in an increasingly multipolar world. However, they also reveal a persistent pattern: Nigeria frequently engages as a commodity supplier and finished goods importer rather than as a manufacturing power. The ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ initiative aims to fundamentally disrupt this pattern.
In your opinion, what are the landmark achievements since the establishment of AGOA and Nigeria?
The African Growth and Opportunity Act, established in 2000, represents America’s most sustained trade initiative toward Sub-Saharan Africa, offering duty-free access to US markets for thousands of product categories. For Nigeria specifically, AGOA’s achievements are mixed—revealing both opportunities captured and potential unrealized.
Landmark achievements include:
*Energy sector exports: AGOA facilitated billions of dollars in petroleum exports to the US, though this sector would likely have developed independently given global oil demand
*Agricultural product access: Nigerian cocoa, cashew nuts, and sesame seeds have gained improved US market access, supporting smallholder farmers
*Textile and apparel potential: Though underutilized compared to East African nations, AGOA’s textile provisions have supported nascent garment manufacturing
However, the more significant story is unrealized potential:
Nigeria has chronically underutilized AGOA compared to countries like Kenya, South Africa, or Lesotho. Our non-oil exports under AGOA remain modest, representing a fraction of what our productive capacity could achieve. This underperformance stems from:
*Inadequate awareness among Nigerian manufacturers
*Compliance and certification challenges
*Infrastructure bottlenecks affecting export logistics
*Limited value-addition in sectors where we have raw material advantages
The landmark lesson from AGOA isn’t just about what’s been achieved—it’s about what becomes possible when market access meets productive capacity. Countries that invested in export-ready manufacturing infrastructure captured transformative benefits. Nigeria’s current focus on industrial policy and manufactured exports, exemplified by initiatives like ‘Made-in-Nigeria,’ positions us to finally realize AGOA’s full potential before its current extension expires in 2025 and as discussions for its successor framework develop.
China is an active player now offering tariffs-free for Africa. Do you think that can play a noticeable role in providing long-term bilateral trade solution and, most probably, support the proposed ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ program being pursued by NIDO-Africa?
China’s announcement of tariff-free access for African least-developed countries, and its broader “Global South” economic engagement, represents both significant opportunity and strategic challenge for Nigeria and the ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ agenda.
The opportunity dimension:
China’s tariff elimination could theoretically provide Nigerian manufacturers with preferential access to the world’s second-largest consumer market, potentially transformative for sectors like processed agricultural goods, light manufacturing, and resource-based products. For manufacturers building capacity under the ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ program, this represents a massive potential market beyond Africa’s current absorption capacity.
Additionally, China’s established infrastructure investments in Nigeria, from railways to manufacturing zones—create potential synergies. If Nigerian producers can leverage these facilities to achieve economies of scale for Chinese market export, we could see genuine industrial deepening.
The challenge dimension requires candor:
Nigeria must be strategic rather than simply enthusiastic. China’s tariff-free offer, while generous in headline terms, operates within a complex reality:
*China’s manufacturing efficiency means the competitive pressure on emerging Nigerian industries could be overwhelming
*Historical trade patterns show massive imbalances, Nigeria imports far more from China than it exports
*Without deliberate industrial policy safeguards, preferential access could accelerate deindustrialization rather than support manufacturing growth
The strategic approach for ‘Made-in-Nigeria’:
Rather than viewing Chinese engagement passively, NIDO-Africa and Nigerian policymakers should pursue aggressive negotiation for:
*Technology transfer requirements linked to market access
*Joint venture mandates ensuring Nigerian ownership stakes and skills development
*Local content requirements that build indigenous supply chains
*Sector-specific protection for infant industries while exporting in areas of established competitiveness
The long-term bilateral solution isn’t simply about accessing Chinese markets—it’s about ensuring Chinese engagement actively builds Nigerian productive capacity. If ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ products achieve quality certification for Chinese markets while we simultaneously protect space for domestic industries to mature, then yes, this could be transformative. Without such strategic conditionality, tariff-free access might simply formalize dependency.
What opportunities and incentives are currently available, especially for potential importers of goods and entrepreneurial services from Nigeria?
This is where the ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ event becomes practically valuable for business decision-makers. Nigeria currently offers a compelling value proposition for importers and trading partners, though these opportunities remain underappreciated in global markets:
Immediate Commercial Opportunities:
*Processed agricultural products: Nigeria is a global leader in cocoa, cassava, sesame, and ginger production. Value-added products (cocoa powder, cassava flour, processed spices) offer quality at competitive prices with growing international certification
*Pharmaceutical and healthcare products: Nigerian pharmaceutical manufacturers increasingly meet international quality standards (WHO-GMP certification) and offer significant cost advantages for both African and global markets
*Creative and digital services: Nollywood productions, music, software development, and creative services represent high-growth export sectors
*Solid minerals: Beyond oil, Nigeria has underexplored reserves of tin, columbite, gold, and lithium, critical for technology and energy transition sectors
*Engineering and construction services: Nigerian firms have growing capacity for infrastructure delivery across Africa
*Incentives and Facilitation Mechanisms:
Nigerian Export Promotion Council (NEPC) support: *Export grant facilities, market information, and trade mission sponsorship
*Export Processing Zones: Tax incentives, duty-free importing of inputs, and streamlined customs procedures for export-oriented manufacturers
*AfCFTA rules of origin benefits: Products manufactured in Nigeria qualify for preferential access across African markets
*Diaspora investment facilitation: NIDO networks provide cultural bridge and due diligence support for foreign partners
*Naira depreciation dynamics: Currency adjustments have made Nigerian exports significantly more price-competitive internationally
What makes this moment distinctive:
Nigeria is simultaneously investing in power sector reform, transportation infrastructure, and digital connectivity, addressing historical bottlenecks that previously constrained export reliability. Early entrants who establish supply relationships now will benefit from improving operational environment while competing players face higher entry barriers later.
For entrepreneurial service importers specifically, consultancies, technology firms, financial services, Nigeria’s 200+ million population, growing middle class, and youthful demographic create one of Africa’s most dynamic service markets. Foreign firms entering now via the ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ network gain first-mover advantages and local partnerships that determine long-term market position.
Would you, finally, agree that foreign players are generally competing and rivalry-ing for existing investment opportunities based on the fact that Nigeria maintains a conducive business environment, and has political stability?
This question requires a nuanced, honest response that serves your audience better than diplomatic oversimplification.
The competition for Nigerian opportunities is real and intensifying—but the drivers are complex:
*Foreign players, from American tech firms to Chinese manufacturers to Indian pharmaceutical companies, are indeed actively competing for Nigerian market position. However, this competition is driven less by current “conducive business environment” claims and more by:
*Market size and demographic trajectory: Nigeria will be the world’s third-most populous nation by 2050. No serious global business strategy can ignore this market scale
*Resource endowment: Beyond oil, Nigeria’s agricultural potential, solid minerals, and renewable energy capacity remain substantially underdeveloped
*Regional gateway positioning: Nigeria’s influence across West Africa and its role in AfCFTA make it a continental strategic anchor
*Competitive positioning relative to rivals: Companies enter Nigeria not because conditions are optimal, but because competitors are entering—creating a self-reinforcing dynamic
Now, the necessary candor about “conducive business environment” and “political stability”. Nigeria faces well-documented challenges that honest assessment requires acknowledging:
*Infrastructure deficits (power, transportation, ports) that increase operational costs
*Security concerns in certain regions affecting supply chain reliability
*Regulatory complexity and inconsistency across different government levels
*Foreign exchange management issues that complicate repatriation
*Periodic political transitions that create policy uncertainty
However, and this is strategically crucial, successful businesses understand that emerging markets offer risk-return trade-offs:
The same factors that create operational challenges also create barriers that protect market share once established. Companies that enter Nigeria now, master its complexities, and build local partnerships (precisely what ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ facilitates) gain sustainable competitive advantages that later entrants cannot easily replicate.
The more accurate framing:
*Foreign players compete for Nigerian opportunities not because the business environment is perfect, but because:
*Nigeria’s economic fundamentals (population, resources, market size) are transformational
*The government is actively pursuing reforms (power sector, infrastructure, ease-of-business)
*Current challenges create discounted entry valuations for capable operators
*The alternative, waiting for “perfect conditions”, means ceding market position to competitors
NIDO-Africa’s role in this context:
We help bridge the gap between Nigeria’s potential and its current operational reality. The ‘Made-in-Nigeria’ event specifically reduces information asymmetry, facilitates credible partnerships, and helps foreign players navigate complexity. We’re not claiming Nigeria has achieved ideal conditions, we’re demonstrating that substantial opportunities exist for strategically sophisticated players, and we’re providing the networks and knowledge to capture those opportunities effectively.
World
BRICS Facing Political Divergences, Suspends its Future Expansion
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
At the 12th Primakov Readings conference held in Moscow on June 24, Russia’s Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, categorically emphasised that BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has suspended its future ambitions of expansion, citing divergences and rising perceptions over emerging geopolitical changes between members of the BRICS association. BRICS has experienced tectonic appreciation for its latest expansion from five to ten members, and for creating ‘partner membership’ status for 13 countries. While this was considered a significant achievement under Russia’s chairmanship in 2024, it has now turned into an obstacle confronting BRICS.
Lavrov acknowledged this key obstacle, sharp differences and disputes, as tarnishing the image and hindering, to some degree, the progress of the BRICS association. Primakov Readings was held to underline one of its aspirations, that is, to advance the growing question of multipolarity. In order to make a noticeable headway in establishing a new world order, it is necessary to rope in the East and the Global South to denounce the “rules-based order” and hegemony of the United States and Europe. BRICS, thus, conveniently, provides a platform for these countries to raise their voice and interaction in multilateral institutions and organisations. Acting collectively, they could considerably participate and expectedly rise to the global stage.
In his speech, Lavrov reiterated that the United States and the West in general have not accepted the objective reality of an emerging multipolar world order. They prefer propping up their weakening positions by forcing others to side with them, imposing sanctions, enacting bans, issuing threats and taking other illegitimate measures to force the Global Majority to play their game.
Lavrov, however, raised his genuine criticism: The West persists in its refusal to abide by the universally recognised international norms as outlined in the UN Charter, and has never fully respected them, in fact, even if everyone signing and ratifying the Charter undertakes to fully comply with its norms in their entirety and interconnection. This includes the sovereign equality of states and non-interference in domestic affairs, as well as respecting and guaranteeing human rights regardless of race, sex, language, or religion, to quote the UN Charter.
To unlock the potential of new powerhouses in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a comprehensive agreement was initiated between China and Russia, as staunch driving forces behind BRICS, to increase its numerical strength by proposing new membership for BRICS. It all started with a pretext by inviting South Africa to join BRICS in 2010, then, under Russia’s presidency in 2024, the association moved from five to ten, by total membership.
Nevertheless, after only a couple of years, the planned ‘membership drive’ ultimately proved to be an obstacle to be managed within the current framework of BRICS. For China and Russia, this is a matter of regulatory principle – apparently, it will certainly not produce any positive results. In the end, to logically suspend BRICS’ future expansion. Without mincing words, Lavrov noted this point clearly: “We continue to comprehensively develop them while trying to stimulate the trilateral RIC – Russia-India-China – group. That format was shaped about 30 years ago at the initiative of Yevgeny Primakov and formed the core of BRICS. In our associations, cooperation is based on mutual respect and readiness to search for consensus solutions even when this is a challenging task. These things happen, and quite often. But the solutions we eventually find are guaranteed to serve common interests. That is why the number of countries willing to join the operations of BRICS and the SCO keeps growing, namely, in Central and Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Lavrov said.
Mentioning BRICS during the Primakov Readings forum in late June 2026 was quite important, as Yevgeny Primakov anticipated the evolutionary social development trends during his time. After the collapse of the Soviet era in 1991, we can see that the number of BRICS member states has almost doubled. While explaining these latest developments, that the number of full members has increased from five to ten, Lavrov further pointed out that “this is not how it happened when BRIC accepted South Africa, and the addition of one country posed questions that needed to be clarified to ensure forward movement. When BRICS turned into a group of ten, it was decided to give the new members time to adjust to each other. I believe that it is a correct decision.”
During the meeting of the BRICS Council of Foreign Ministers in India, discussions were held, in practical terms, a difficult conversation between Iranian and Emirati members. This happened in the hottest period of the Gulf confrontation, but eventually, it was managed to coordinate a joint document, despite the highly emotional opinions expressed by both sides. This was one case in point.
But, according to Lavrov’s explanation, other examples go deeper, to clashing economic interests. That is why it has been decided against pushing for further expansion for a few years. But the partner countries attend these events, which is creating grounds for giving BRICS a more universal dimension.
As for the agenda, BRICS is not an organisation, but rather an informal association. This is its strong side, because it would be wrong to create a rigid structure, at least at the current stage, especially a global structure rather than a continental or regional one. Many find this confusing. At least Russia won’t propose formalising BRICS, with the same structural status as the United Nations (UN).
Interesting to note and remind here, in an interview with Sky News Arabia on September 20, 2024, Lavrov expressed scepticism but was straight to the point about the strategic expansion of BRICS. Under Russia’s BRICS presidency, five countries – Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates became the second wave of the newest members to join BRICS.
Tracking down the history, operations and achievements, Lavrov acknowledged, in his interview, that BRICS is consolidating its positions and cooperating with some countries. At the same time, this association is facing serious challenges. It is necessary to promote collaboration based on a balance of interests, and most importantly, BRICS functions based on consensus. The consensus principle primarily aims at finding agreements that reflect the mutual accord of all participants. In practical terms, the more partners, the harder it is to search for accord. It takes more time to finalise any consensus-based agreement than a vote-based solution.
According to Lavrov, BRICS expansion has sparked debates and discussions over the past several years. The foreign minister indicated, and repeatedly explained, the “suspension” of membership in BRICS was primarily due to internal differences, perceptions and approach to geopolitical changes. As stipulated by the guidelines, there are no concrete criteria or rules for admission except using the flexible term “consensus” – a general agreement at summits, which was utilised in the selection process.
At the Primakov Readings, previously held in June 2024, the key point was an announcement by Sergey Lavrov over the ‘suspension’ of new membership. Then, in mid-June 2024, Lavrov hosted the BRICS Foreign Ministers Council in Russia’s Nizhny Novgorod. The BRICS Foreign Ministers decided to suspend admission of new members, and this step was reflected in the final documents.
At present, the annual agenda is determined by the rotating presidency of BRICS. However, practice shows that every successive presiding country strives to ensure continuity. For example, during India’s presidency, BRICS members have been actively working to implement the initiatives which Russia presented during the Kazan summit in autumn 2024. Therefore, it is true that many countries are willing to join the group, which is an inspiring fact. However, BRICS looks for new forms of partner engagement and will, most probably, expand the informal association again.
As a show of indivisible and close-partnered bilateral relationship, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping, without the least hesitancy, underlined this final decision to postpone BRICS expansion, at the summit in Kazan, capital of the autonomous Tatarstan Republic of the Russian Federation.
World
Africa Takes Centre Stage as Addis Ababa Hosts the World Public Summit
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
For the first time in its history, the World Public Summit will be held on the African continent. On 29–30 July 2026, Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, will host the World Public Summit. Africa — “A New World: Africa in Shaping a Shared Future.”
The Summit is organised by the World Peoples Assembly in cooperation with African partner organisations. It will bring together leaders of public diplomacy, representatives of international intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, academics, experts, representatives of the education and cultural sectors, youth leaders, socially responsible businesses, media professionals, and civil society institutions from across Africa and other regions of the world.
The World Public Summit. Africa continues the work initiated during the First World Public Assembly “A New World of Conscious Unity,” held in Moscow in September 2025, and serves as one of the key milestones in preparation for the Second World Public Assembly “A New World: Values That Unite,” which will take place in Moscow on 18–19 September 2026.
Today, Africa is emerging as one of the principal centres of global development. Rapid demographic growth, expanding entrepreneurship, strengthening regional integration, rich cultural heritage, and the growing role of civil society institutions make the continent an increasingly important contributor to the future architecture of international cooperation.
The Summit will focus on issues of genuine sovereignty and sustainable development, public diplomacy, preservation of cultural and historical heritage, international cooperation in education and science, youth engagement, innovation-driven development, creative industries, and the formation of new partnerships among countries and peoples.
The main business programme of the Summit will take place on 30 July 2026 at the headquarters of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) in Addis Ababa. Holding the Summit at UNECA highlights its pan-African dimension and creates opportunities for broad international dialogue on humanitarian cooperation and public diplomacy.
The programme will include plenary sessions, strategic dialogues, and expert panels dedicated to values-based development, education, culture, youth leadership, innovation, and international cooperation.
Participation has already been confirmed by Professor Saidou Madougou, Director of the Department of Education, Science, Technology and Innovation of the African Union; Rita Bissoonauth, Director of the UNESCO Liaison Office to the African Union and UNECA in Addis Ababa; Zuzana Schwidrowski, Director of the Macroeconomics, Finance and Governance Division of UNECA, as well as ministers, leaders of public organisations, and representatives of the business community from a number of African countries.
On the same day, the ADWA Victory Memorial Museum—Ethiopia’s national memorial complex dedicated to the Victory of Adwa and an important centre for preserving the historical memory of the Ethiopian people—will host the award ceremony of the regional stage of the V International Competition “Leader of Public Diplomacy”, followed by a large-scale cultural programme.
One of the key outcomes of the Summit will be the adoption of the African Communiqué, reflecting proposals and recommendations aimed at strengthening humanitarian, educational, cultural, and public cooperation between African countries and other regions of the world.
The outcomes, initiatives, and recommendations were developed during the World Public Summit. Africa will be presented at the Second World Public Assembly “A New World: Values That Unite”, to be held in Moscow on 18–19 September 2026.
According to Andrey Belyaninov, General Secretary of the World Peoples Assembly, “the Addis Ababa Summit is an important step toward building a new world founded on mutual respect, cultural diversity, dialogue and sustainable development.”
World
UK Set for Seventh Prime Minister in 10 Years as Keir Starmer Resigns
By Adedapo Adesanya
The United Kingdom will get its seventh Prime Minister in 10 years as Mr Keir Starmer announced his resignation on Monday.
The Minister said he is stepping down as leader of the governing Labour Party and will leave office within weeks, scarcely two years after being elected in a landslide.
Mr Starmer says he will remain caretaker prime minister until a new Labour leader is chosen by the party.
Mr Starmer made the announcement after facing growing pressure to hand over to a new leader who can try to revive the government’s flagging fortunes.
He led Labour to a landslide election victory in July 2024, but since then, his popularity and that of the party have plummeted.
His departure was triggered by the victory of Mr Andy Burnham in a special election last week. The popular ex-mayor of Greater Manchester planned to challenge the existing PM for the Labour leadership.
Mr Starmer made the announcement outside the prime minister’s 10 Downing St. residence with a brief statement on Monday.
“The question my party is asking now is whether I am best placed to lead us into the next general election,” Mr Starmer said. “I have heard the answer of my parliamentary party to that question, and I accept that answer with good grace.
Mr Starmer is the sixth prime minister in a decade to stand outside 10 Downing Street and announce a premature departure.
It comes the day before Britain marks the 10th anniversary of its vote to leave the European Union, a decision that still affects the country’s economy and politics.
Over the past decade, 10 Downing Street has had six occupants, including Mr David Cameron, who left office in 2016 after the Brexit referendum and was succeeded by Ms Theresa May. She was followed by Mr Boris Johnson, whose tenure covered Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic. After Mr Johnson came Ms Liz Truss, whose 49-day premiership was the shortest in British history. Mr Rishi Sunak then took office before being succeeded by Mr Starmer, the outgoing occupant of Number 10.
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