World
Russia Assures Equatorial Guinea Strong Trade, Economic Ties
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Russian President, Mr Vladimir Putin, has held talks with the Equatorial Guinean President, Mr Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who was in Moscow on an official working visit.
The visit could be characterized as historic and interpreted as one major step to broadly review the political situation in the Central African region, and specifically assess the prospects for deepening bilateral cooperation between Russia and Equatorial Guinea.
As the current rotating Chairman of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the regional economic bloc uniting Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and São Tomé and Principe, Teodoro Obiang Nguema’s task, among others, is to oversee political governance and developments relating to regional integration within the seven-nation bloc.
Teodoro Obiang Nguema was at the residence Novo-Ogaryovo on November 2 as part of his scheduled trip to the Russian capital and held talks with President Putin.
According to official reports from the Kremlin’s website, the negotiations began with a tete-a-tete conversation between the leaders. Then international consultations continued in an expanded format with the participation of members of the delegations of the two countries, Russia and Equatorial Guinea.
According to Putin, Russia and Equatorial Guinea have many overlapping mutual interests. Russia’s relations with Africa are developing very intensively, as evidenced by the results of the Russia-Africa summit held in St. Petersburg.
During that summit, delegates from Equatorial Guinea held a number of serious meetings with Russian oil and gas and mining companies. But now, for Russia and Equatorial Guinea, the other priority is to focus on developing trade and economic ties.
The interest and opportunities for developing economic relations are good, as Russian companies look forward to working in Africa.
“We also talked about security issues, about relations with the countries of the region. We agreed on what and how we will do further in this area,” Putin underscored in his speech.
Taking his turn, Teodoro Obiang Nguema expressed appreciation for the invitation and further emphasized the fact that the world is facing enormous challenges in the area of international security. Obviously, Russia is a traditional and strategic partner of Equatorial Guinea and the African continent.
“And we must keep in mind that Russia contributed and fought for the liberation of African states to achieve political independence. This struggle should not be forgotten. Therefore, at the moment, especially at the UN level, when they want to take certain measures, Equatorial Guinea always votes against such proposals,” the Equatorial Guinean President told Putin.
Clearly, Africa is being heavily exploited at the moment. Africa needs to develop. More than a century has passed since Africa achieved independence, but the entire continent is still underdeveloped economically. Not because Africa cannot develop but because the natural resources are being used – are being exploited. And this hinders Africa’s development, he explained and added that, “Therefore, when Russia promises to send its businessmen to help Africa develop, we can only say: let them come. And Equatorial Guinea accepts this proposal with satisfaction.”
In addition, the Russian government has decided to reopen its embassy in Equatorial Guinea. Practical cooperation between Russia and Equatorial Guinea will then receive a fresh impetus, and facilitate the expansion of cooperation.
There are signs that Equatorial Guinea intends to expand defence cooperation with Russia. The implication is that this will lead to political development not only in Equatorial Guinea but also in Central Africa as the region faces security challenges in the Gulf of Guinea.
In addition, Africa is currently suffering from the activities of terrorists. Russia, as a key partner of Africa, must monitor the security of African countries so that they continue to fight against their weak level of development.
From experts’ analysis, Russia’s relations with Equatorial Guinea are only seeing real development now despite previously concluded agreements in various fields. For example, there have been no dynamics in trade turnover over the past 20 years, Nikita Panin, program coordinator at the Russian International Affairs Council and researcher at the Centre for African Studies at the Higher School of Economics (HSE University), told Financial Izvestia. According to him, the sides may have touched on cooperation in healthcare and education because students from Equatorial Guinea are already attending universities in Russia.
Later, the delegation had wider separate discussions. The agenda included the state and prospects of bilateral cooperation in various fields, as well as issues of developing Russia’s relations with the countries of the Central African region, taking into account Equatorial Guinea’s chairmanship of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCA). But seemingly, Russia might not be keen on forging closer cooperation with the regional bloc as this particular organization is rather too weak compared to other subregional groups. Worse, these central African countries have sharply differing approaches to international agenda, further economic development and even disparities in the political environment.
Participants in Russian-Equatoguinean negotiations (in expanded format) were listed as follows: Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo – President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, Simeon Oiono Esono Angué – Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Diaspora Affairs of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, and Alejandro Evuna Ovono Asangono – Minister of State for Special Assignments under the Administration of the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
Job Obiang Esono Mbengono – Minister for the Civil Service Cabinet under the Administration of the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, Victoriano Bibang Nsue Okomo – Minister of National Defense of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Biyogo Nsue Okomo – Assistant to the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea for Protocol Issues and Luciano Nkogo Ndong Ayekaba – Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea to the Russian Federation.
From the Russian side: Sergey Viktorovich Lavrov – Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Alexey Logvinovich Overchuk – Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Sergeevich Peskov – Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, and Press Secretary of the President of the Russian Federation and Yuri Viktorovich Ushankov – Assistant to the President of the Russian Federation.
Nikolay Grigorievich Shulginov – Minister of Energy of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Evgenievich Shugaev – Director of the Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation, Alexander Vasilievich Fomin – Deputy Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation, Sergey Nikolaevich Gorkov – General Director of JSC Rosgeologiya and Alexander Alexandrovich Mikheev – General Director of JSC Rosoboronexport.
The two countries signed business agreements, including a declaration of intent on partnership in the field of mining. In many respects, both parties’ lengthy discussions highlighted the teething insecurity arising from political opposition and militant groups and development challenges facing countries in the region.
Russia has severally expressed concern over the growing diplomatic activity, examined possible ways to work collectively for economic development and to improve the lack of large-scale infrastructure to position the private sector as the primary engine for job creation.
At the meeting both parties identified commitment as the fundamental step along the path to the development in Equatorial Guinea, its regional integration which is essential for the economies of that zone in central Africa.
Teodoro Obiang Nguema currently heads the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), a regional bloc that includes members such as Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and São Tomé and Principe.
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo is an Equatoguinean politician and former military officer who has served as the second president of Equatorial Guinea since the overthrow of his uncle on August 3, 1979, in a bloody coup d’état. He is the longest-serving president of any country ever and the second-longest consecutively-serving current non-royal national leader in the world (after Paul Biya in Cameroon).
Teodoro Obiang Nguema’s rule was at first considered more humane than that of his uncle. By some accounts, however, it has become increasingly brutal, and has bucked the larger trend toward greater democracy in Africa. According to most domestic and international observers, he leads one of the most corrupt, ethnocentric and repressive regimes in the world.
Several international groups have called for Teodoro Obiang Nguema to observe the following:
* to increase fiscal transparency and accountability by publishing all government revenues, conducting and publishing annual audits of government accounts, including those abroad, and forcing officials to declare assets.
* disclose natural resource revenues, greatly increase spending to alleviate poverty, uphold political freedoms and rights
* to allow judicial practices to meet international standards and cease harassing and hindering his critics and further to allow foreign inspectors and groups to travel freely, unhindered and unharassed.
The constitution grants Obiang sweeping powers, including the power to rule by decree. The economy of this small nation continued to struggle under President Obiang, with the country depending mostly on foreign aid to pay its bills. This changed in 1995 when Exxon-Mobil, the American oil giant, discovered oil in the country. Massive offshore discoveries over the past decade have boosted oil to about 380,000 barrels per day, ranking Equatorial Guinea behind only Nigeria and Angola among Sub-Saharan African producers.
In Equatorial Guinea, despite its natural resources, the majority of the estimated 1.5 million population wallows in abject poverty. Subsistence farming predominates, with shabby infrastructure in the country. Equatorial Guinea consists of two parts, an insular and a mainland region. Equatorial Guinea is the third-largest oil producer in sub-Saharan Africa.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
After the expiration of bilateral agreement on trade, the US Congress as well as African leaders, highly recognizing its significance, has been pursuing the extension of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The agreement, which allows duty-free access to American markets for African exporters, expired on September 30, 2025.
The US Congress is advancing a bill to revive and extend AGOA, but South Africa’s continued inclusion remains uncertain. The trade pact still has strong bipartisan support, with the House Ways and Means Committee approving it 37-3. However, US Trade Representative, Jamieson Greer, raised concerns about South Africa, citing tariffs and non-tariff barriers, and said the administration could consider excluding the country.
This threat puts at risk the duty-free access that has significantly benefited South African automotive, agricultural, and wine exports. The debate highlights how trade policy is becoming entangled with broader diplomatic tensions, casting uncertainty over a key pillar of US-Africa economic relations.
Nevertheless, South Africa continues to lobby for inclusion. South Africa trade summary records show that the US goods and services trade with South Africa estimated at $26.2 billion in 2024. The US and South Africa signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) as far back as in 2012.
The duty-free access for nearly 40 African countries has boosted development and fostered more equitable and sustainable growth in Africa. By design AGOA is a useful mechanism for improving accessibility to trade competitiveness, connectivity, and productivity. During these past 25 years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.
Key features and benefits of AGOA:
It’s worth reiterating here that during these past several years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In this case, as AGOA is closely working with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat and with the African Union (AU), trade professionals could primarily leverage various economic sectors and unwaveringly act as bridges between the United States and Africa.
* Duty-free Access: AGOA allows eligible products from sub-Saharan African countries to enter the US market without paying tariffs.
* Promotion of Economic Growth: The program encourages economic growth by providing incentives for African countries to open their economies and build free markets.
* Encouraging Economic Reforms: AGOA encourages economic and political reforms in eligible countries, including the rule of law and market-oriented policies.
* Increased Trade and Investment: The program aims to strengthen trade and investment ties between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.
With the changing times, Africa is also building its muscles towards a new direction since the introduction of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which was officially launched in July 2019.
In practical terms, trading under the AfCFTA commenced in January 2021. And the United States has prioritized the AfCFTA as one mechanism through which to strengthen its long-term relations with the continent. In the context of the crucial geopolitical changes, African leaders, corporate executives, and the entire business community are optimistic over the extension of AGOA, for mutually beneficial trade partnerships with the United States.
Worthy to say that AGOA, to a considerable degree, as a significant trade policy has played a crucial role in promoting economic growth and development in sub-Saharan Africa.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Africa stands at the cusp of a transformative digital revolution. With the expansion of mobile connectivity, internet penetration, digital platforms, and financial technology, the continent’s digital economy is poised to become a significant driver of sustainable development, intra-Africa trade, job creation, and economic inclusion.
The African Union’s Agenda 2063, particularly Aspiration 1 (a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development), highlights the importance of leveraging technology and innovation. The implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has opened a new chapter in market integration, creating opportunities to unlock the full potential of the digital economy across all sectors.
Despite remarkable progress, challenges persist. These include limited digital infrastructure, disparities in digital literacy, fragmented regulatory frameworks, inadequate access to financing for tech-based enterprises, and gender gaps in digital participation. Moreover, Africa must assert its digital sovereignty, build local data ecosystems, and secure cyber-infrastructure to thrive in a rapidly changing global digital landscape.
Against this backdrop, the 16th African Union Private Sector Forum provides a timely platform to explore and shape actionable strategies for harnessing Africa’s digital economy to accelerate intra-Africa trade and sustainable development.
The 16th High-Level AU Private Sector forum is set to take place in Djibouti, from the 14 to 16 December 2025, under the theme “Harnessing Africa’s Digital Economy and Innovation for Accelerating Intra-Africa Trade and Sustainable Development”
The three-day Forum will feature high-level plenaries, expert panels, breakout sessions, and networking opportunities. Each day will spotlight a core pillar of Africa’s digital transformation journey.
Day 1: Digital Economy and Trade Integration in Africa
Focus: Leveraging digital platforms and technologies to enhance trade integration and competitiveness under AfCFTA.
Day 2: Innovation, Fintech, and the Future of African Economies
Focus: Driving economic inclusion through fintech, innovation ecosystems, and youth entrepreneurship.
Day 3: Building Policy, Regulatory Frameworks, and Partnerships for Digital Growth
Focus: Creating an enabling environment for digital innovation and infrastructure through effective policy, governance, and partnerships.
To foster strategic dialogue and action-oriented collaboration among key stakeholders in Africa’s digital ecosystem, with the goal of leveraging digital economy and innovation to boost intra-Africa trade, accelerate economic transformation, and support inclusive, sustainable development.
* Promote Digital Trade: Identify mechanisms and policy actions to enable seamless cross-border digital commerce and integration under AfCFTA.
* Foster Innovation and Fintech: Advance inclusive fintech ecosystems and support innovation-driven entrepreneurship, especially among youth and women.
* Policy and Regulatory Harmonization: Build consensus on regional and continental digital regulatory frameworks to foster trust, security, and interoperability.
* Encourage Investment and Public-Private Partnerships: Strengthen collaboration between governments, private sector, and development partners to invest in digital infrastructure, R&D, and skills development.
* Advance Digital Inclusion and Sustainability: Ensure that digital transformation contributes to environmental sustainability and the empowerment of marginalized communities.
The AU Private Sector Forum has held several forums, with key recommendations. These recommendations provide valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities facing the African private sector and offer guidance for policymakers on how to support its growth and development.
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