World
Russia, Tanzania Navigating the Crossroads
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Given the rapidly changing geopolitics, Africa is increasingly becoming one of the strategic pillars in Russia’s policy. The Intergovernmental Russia-Tanzania Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation held its meetings in St. Petersburg, Russia’s second largest city, the venue for comprehensive discussions and for a critical review of the current Russian-Tanzanian relations. The focus was re-examining the main economic areas of cooperation, achievements, obstacles and future perspectives.
Russia and Tanzania have had good relations. The often-praised bilateral relations have deep historical roots dating back to the Soviet period. But much noticeably fell after Soviet’s collapse in 1991. Notwithstanding that, Russia and Tanzania have, in past decade, taken steps to raise the bilateral relations. In spite of multitude obstacles, both have maintained political dialogue as a basis for developing economic, trade, technological partnerships, educational and cultural cooperation.
Increasing Agricultural Products
On May 13, the Intergovernmental Commission for Trade and Economic Cooperation, meeting in St. Petersburg, reviewed emerging opportunities for large-scale investments, particularly in the employment generating economic sectors. Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov, who co-chaired the meeting with Planning and Investment Minister Kitila Mkumbo, noted Tanzania’s geographical location as a single window for Russian products entering the East African market. More than 40 Russian companies are currently interested in exporting animal products and a few others to Tanzania and to East Africa region.
According to 2024 demographic report, Tanzania has a population of around 62 million, making it the most populous country located entirely south of the equator. What is important here is the fact that Tanzanian economy is heavily based on agriculture. It has a vast arable land for farming. Reports further indicate that irrigation farming is the commonest across the country. Local agriculture employs half of the workforce. Therefore, the emphasis should rather be on investing in the local agriculture in order to ensure food security.
In a further assessment of the situation, there are very few resources for Tanzania in terms of credit services, infrastructure or availability to improved agricultural technologies, which further exacerbates hunger and poverty in the country, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). As a result, Tanzania ranks 159 out of 187 countries in poverty, according to the United Nation’s Human Development Index (2024).
Based on these weaknesses, as many as 40 Russian companies have expressed readiness and already doubling efforts with the hope to diversify exports of agricultural produce including meat, fat-and-oil products, dairy and fish products to Tanzania. The participants emphasized the country could be a conduit and entry-gate through which to reach East African region. In fact, previous agreements that were signed provided the legitimate framework and a driving force for developing this partnership. In assessing the trade dynamics, Russia targets an estimated US$15 billion from agricultural exports, while last year it earned over US$7 billion, according to Agroexport Center of the Ministry of Agriculture. In short, Russia is absolutely certain to earn huge income from increasing its various agricultural products to Tanzania, and using the country as a gateway to East Africa.
Pharmaceutical Business
More than ever, Tanzania, like other African countries, has been actively advancing its diplomacy incorporating the health sector. In pursuit of taking advantage of incentives provided by the government, India and a number of foreign investors have achieved marked successes in the health sphere. These foreign investors, while embracing the reconfiguration of world politics sometimes get to the crossroads on one hand. But on the other hand, the corporate investments consistently remain their economic priorities and strive to get full-scale admirable results. Most often, do practical negotiations and renegotiations, determine financial sources and outline business policies which usually form the core points in forging relations with Tanzania.
Today, China and India, for instance, have set up manufacturing hubs in Tanzania and other African countries, fostering employment and skills development for the youth. Generally Tanzania, like many other African countries, is seemingly taking the existential chance to analyze feasibility and forms of engagement in their bilateral cooperation with key external powers. The two Asian countries, China and India have considerably done a lot in this sector. With health infrastructure, China built the Africa CDC headquarters in Addis Ababa, and further engage in manufacturing and distributing medical products as well as offering a wide range of medical services.
In a similar vein, Indian engagement in East Africa’s health sector is multifaceted. After China, India is the third largest investor in this health sector in Africa. In a simple comparison, Russia has a staggering position, still forward-looking to play a model-role in health-care development in the continent. Russia is yet to assert its position despite its official declarations to support Africa in the health sectors during the first and second Russia-Africa Summits.
Recreation and Tourism
The Intergovernmental Commission for Trade and Economic Cooperation delegations, in St. Petersburg meeting. also discussed cooperation on tourism, including the prospects of resuming direct flights between Moscow and Dar es Salaam. The two parties signed an intergovernmental agreement on air services in 2024. The negotiating officials, however, underscored restoring air connection as an essential step toward boosting the expected economic potentials and promoting people-to-people interaction, as well as consolidating travel and tourism business. For example, Tanzania has its national carrier managed by the Air Tanzania Company Limited (ATCL). It operates passenger and cargo flights to destinations in the Middle East and Asia. Until today, Egypt Air and Ethiopian Airlines are flying between Africa and Russia. There is still a huge gap in the aviation sector, particularly Russia to establish the connectivity with Western, Central and Southern Africa. Absence of regular flights, keeps Africa so remote (segregated) from Russia, especially in this expected resonating ‘multipolar’ world.
Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov, who co-chaired the meeting, reiterated Russia was prepared to send a delegation with business representatives to Tanzania in June-July to determine formats for cooperation in this aviation business. “Our companies are prepared, as they say, to go in and work seriously and for the long term. In tourism, the top priority is to resume direct air connections,” Reshetnikov noted.
In June of last year, an agreement on air transport was signed between the Russian Government and the Government of Tanzania. “It is essential to finalize all procedures as quickly as possible to bring the agreement into effect,” the Minister of Economic Development added.
In fact, Tanzania is not alone requesting for establishing air routes to Moscow. Ugandan Vice President Jessica Alupo said, in Sept. 2024, that Uganda was interested in developing air service with Russia and in the launch of direct flights that will facilitate the movement of people, goods and investment. At a meeting with Russia’s Federation Council Speaker Valentina Matviyenko on the sidelines of the Eurasian Women’s Forum held September 18th-20th in St. Petersburg, Jessica Alupo noted the potentials of Uganda’s tourism sector and fixing hotels in Moscow.
Over the past decades, the absence of reliable airlines has constrained the ability to fully capitalize on growing regional and continental air hub. African destinations are inaccessible, while recreation and tourism business are seriously hampered due to Russia’s hyperbolic rhetoric and lack of the desire to open up to Africa. Many African cities are simply not gateways for tourism, and this hampers economic cooperation.
Can Tanzania Join BRICS?
Closer ties between Tanzania and BRICS are inevitable, Russian Ambassador to the African country Andrey Avetisyan said in an interview with TASS in June 2024. “Some of the BRICS members are Tanzania’s strategic partners, significantly contributing to its economic development based on President Samia Hassan’s policy of economic diplomacy. The topic of Tanzania’s BRICS accession has not come up yet but the country’s closer ties with the group are inevitable, especially now that membership has been granted to Ethiopia, a country Tanzania cooperates with within the African Union and the East African Community,” Avetisyan pointed out.
Learning From Policy Mistakes
By learning from past mistakes and analyzing geopolitical changes, Russia is only now gradually opening its borders to Africa. Most often decorative rhetoric dominates official circles, and implementing policy initiatives reached at the meetings and conferences and summits are inconsistently dealt with at snail-pace in the partnership. This Russia’s business model impacts negatively on economic growth in the continent, leaves space (vacuum) for Western, European, Asian and Arab competitors. Tanzanian delegation made these points explicitly understandable, and further made a passionate appeal for actionable steps as they renewed investment possibility in various economic sectors. Notwithstanding the lapses and weaknesses, both parties noted there must be a practical turning point to stimulate the continent’s economy. That is partly what foreign relations aim at achieving with African countries.
In official statements, the Russian leadership endorses economic partnership with Tanzania, but there much lies on practical implementation. The early May (month) meetings in St. Petersburg indicated how frequent voices have been raised on opportunities, challenges and historical relations dating back from Soviet times. But the present trends are quite different, not just rhetoric but concretely using such platforms to stimulate investment and for showing appreciative achievements.
For Tanzania and the rest of Africa, the 21st century should be seen as a turning period to promote trade with the industrialised world in order to develop our region, improve living standards and bridge the development gap across Africa, a few policy analysts told this article author. Analysts also say Africa should consider trade as an important tool to transform and diversify its economy using its decades-old relationships with Russia.
Strategic Tasks for Future
State-to-State corporate deals feature prominently in the relations, but it is also necessary to encourage possibly an entrepreneurial culture and private-sectoral approach to the economy. It is enough for Russia’s meteoric criticisms and algorithmic propaganda against western hegemony in Tanzania and across Africa. The stark reality is that African countries, including Tanzania in East Africa, need genuine investment and not anti-western slogans and rhetoric. The relationship and economic ties are full of declarations and unfulfilled expectations. There are noticeable gaps between bilateral agreements signed years ago and what have positively been achieved on the ground to measure the legitimacy of cooperation.
The Russian-Tanzanian relations, and others in Africa, have been littered with so many bilateral meetings and diplomatic talks these several years. In this context, Russia and Tanzania have to frankly acknowledge the simple fact that time for polarized rhetoric is long over. For this analytical review, enough is enough for now! It is rather a critical time to step up practical efforts and think of innovative ways to implement policy decisions, in spite of the existing challenges.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Social media platform, TikTok’s Chinese owner ByteDance has signed binding agreements with United States and global investors to operate its business in America.
Half of the joint venture will be owned by a group of investors, including Oracle, Silver Lake and the Emirati investment firm MGX, according to a memo sent by chief executive, Mr Shou Zi Chew.
The deal, which is set to close on January 22, 2026 would end years of efforts by the US government to force ByteDance to sell its US operations over national security concerns.
It is in line with a deal unveiled in September, when US President Donald Trump delayed the enforcement of a law that would ban the app unless it was sold.
In the memo, TikTok said the deal will enable “over 170 million Americans to continue discovering a world of endless possibilities as part of a vital global community”.
Under the agreement, ByteDance will retain 19.9 per cent of the business, while Oracle, Silver Lake and Abu Dhabi-based MGX will hold 15 per cent each.
Another 30.1 per cent will be held by affiliates of existing ByteDance investors, according to the memo.
The White House previously said that Oracle, which was co-founded by President Trump’s supporter Larry Ellison, will license TikTok’s recommendation algorithm as part of the deal.
The deal comes after a series of delays.
Business Post reported in April 2024 that the administration of President Joe Biden passed a law to ban the app over national security concerns, unless it was sold.
The law was set to go into effect on January 20, 2025 but was pushed back multiple times by President Trump, while his administration worked out a deal to transfer ownership.
President Trump said in September that he had spoken on the phone to China’s President Xi Jinping, who he said had given the deal the go ahead.
The platform’s future remained unclear after the leaders met face to face in October.
The app’s fate was clouded by ongoing tensions between the two nations on trade and other matters.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Despite the complexities posed by Russia-Ukraine crisis, United States has been taking conscious steps to improve commercial relations with Russia. Unsurprisingly, Russia, on the other hand, is also moving to restore and normalise its diplomacy, negotiating for direct connections of air-routes and passionate permission to return its diplomats back to Washington and New York.
In the latest developments, Kirill Dmitriev, Chief Executive Officer of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF), has been appointed as Russian President’s Special Envoy to United States. This marked an important milestone towards raising bilateral investment and economic cooperation. Russian President Vladimir Putin tasked him to exclusively promote business dialogue between the two countries, and further to negotiate for the return of U.S. business enterprises. According to authentic reports, United States businesses lost $300+ bn during this Russia-Ukraine crisis, while Russia’s estimated 1,500 diplomats were asked to return to Moscow.
Strategically in late November 2025, the American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) has awarded Kirill Dmitriev, praised him for calculated efforts in promoting positive dialogue between the United States and Russia within the framework decreed by President Vladimir Putin. Chief Executive Officer of Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) Kirill Dmitriev is the Special Representative of the Russian President for Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries. Since his appointment, his primary focus has been on United States.
“Received an American Chamber of Commerce award ‘For leadership in fostering the US-Russia dialogue,’” Dmitriev wrote on his X page, in late November, 2025. According to Dmitriev, more than 150 US companies are currently operating in Russia, with more than 70% of them being present on the Russian market for over 25 years.
In addition, Chamber President Sergey Katyrin and American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) President Robert Agee have also been discussing alternatives pathways to raise bilateral business cooperation. Both have held series of meetings throughout this year, indicating the the importance of sustaining relations as previously. Expectedly, the Roscongress Foundation has been offered its platforms during St. Petersburg International Economic (SPIEF) for the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham).
On December 9, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted that, despite existing problems and non-economic obstacles, the business communities of Russia and the United States proceed from the necessity of maintaining professional dialogue. Despite the worsening geopolitical conditions, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted the importance of preserving stable channels of trade and pragmatic prospects for economic cooperation. These will further serve as a stabilizing factor and an instrument for building mutual trust at the level of business circles, industry associations, and the expert community.
The American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) will be working in the system of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CCI) in the Russian Federation, which currently comprises 57,000 legal entities, 130 regional chambers and a combined network of representative offices covering more than 350 points of presence.
According to reports obtained by this article author from the AmCham, promising sectors for Russian-American economic cooperation include healthcare and the medical industry, civil aviation, communications/telecom, natural resource extraction, and energy/energy equipment. The United States and Russia have, more or less, agreed to continue coordinating their work to facilitate the formation of a more favorable environment for Russian and American businesses, reduce risks, and strengthen business ties. Following the American-Russian Dialogue, a joint statement and working documents were adopted.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
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