World
Russia, Tanzania Navigating the Crossroads
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Given the rapidly changing geopolitics, Africa is increasingly becoming one of the strategic pillars in Russia’s policy. The Intergovernmental Russia-Tanzania Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation held its meetings in St. Petersburg, Russia’s second largest city, the venue for comprehensive discussions and for a critical review of the current Russian-Tanzanian relations. The focus was re-examining the main economic areas of cooperation, achievements, obstacles and future perspectives.
Russia and Tanzania have had good relations. The often-praised bilateral relations have deep historical roots dating back to the Soviet period. But much noticeably fell after Soviet’s collapse in 1991. Notwithstanding that, Russia and Tanzania have, in past decade, taken steps to raise the bilateral relations. In spite of multitude obstacles, both have maintained political dialogue as a basis for developing economic, trade, technological partnerships, educational and cultural cooperation.
Increasing Agricultural Products
On May 13, the Intergovernmental Commission for Trade and Economic Cooperation, meeting in St. Petersburg, reviewed emerging opportunities for large-scale investments, particularly in the employment generating economic sectors. Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov, who co-chaired the meeting with Planning and Investment Minister Kitila Mkumbo, noted Tanzania’s geographical location as a single window for Russian products entering the East African market. More than 40 Russian companies are currently interested in exporting animal products and a few others to Tanzania and to East Africa region.
According to 2024 demographic report, Tanzania has a population of around 62 million, making it the most populous country located entirely south of the equator. What is important here is the fact that Tanzanian economy is heavily based on agriculture. It has a vast arable land for farming. Reports further indicate that irrigation farming is the commonest across the country. Local agriculture employs half of the workforce. Therefore, the emphasis should rather be on investing in the local agriculture in order to ensure food security.
In a further assessment of the situation, there are very few resources for Tanzania in terms of credit services, infrastructure or availability to improved agricultural technologies, which further exacerbates hunger and poverty in the country, according to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). As a result, Tanzania ranks 159 out of 187 countries in poverty, according to the United Nation’s Human Development Index (2024).
Based on these weaknesses, as many as 40 Russian companies have expressed readiness and already doubling efforts with the hope to diversify exports of agricultural produce including meat, fat-and-oil products, dairy and fish products to Tanzania. The participants emphasized the country could be a conduit and entry-gate through which to reach East African region. In fact, previous agreements that were signed provided the legitimate framework and a driving force for developing this partnership. In assessing the trade dynamics, Russia targets an estimated US$15 billion from agricultural exports, while last year it earned over US$7 billion, according to Agroexport Center of the Ministry of Agriculture. In short, Russia is absolutely certain to earn huge income from increasing its various agricultural products to Tanzania, and using the country as a gateway to East Africa.
Pharmaceutical Business
More than ever, Tanzania, like other African countries, has been actively advancing its diplomacy incorporating the health sector. In pursuit of taking advantage of incentives provided by the government, India and a number of foreign investors have achieved marked successes in the health sphere. These foreign investors, while embracing the reconfiguration of world politics sometimes get to the crossroads on one hand. But on the other hand, the corporate investments consistently remain their economic priorities and strive to get full-scale admirable results. Most often, do practical negotiations and renegotiations, determine financial sources and outline business policies which usually form the core points in forging relations with Tanzania.
Today, China and India, for instance, have set up manufacturing hubs in Tanzania and other African countries, fostering employment and skills development for the youth. Generally Tanzania, like many other African countries, is seemingly taking the existential chance to analyze feasibility and forms of engagement in their bilateral cooperation with key external powers. The two Asian countries, China and India have considerably done a lot in this sector. With health infrastructure, China built the Africa CDC headquarters in Addis Ababa, and further engage in manufacturing and distributing medical products as well as offering a wide range of medical services.
In a similar vein, Indian engagement in East Africa’s health sector is multifaceted. After China, India is the third largest investor in this health sector in Africa. In a simple comparison, Russia has a staggering position, still forward-looking to play a model-role in health-care development in the continent. Russia is yet to assert its position despite its official declarations to support Africa in the health sectors during the first and second Russia-Africa Summits.
Recreation and Tourism
The Intergovernmental Commission for Trade and Economic Cooperation delegations, in St. Petersburg meeting. also discussed cooperation on tourism, including the prospects of resuming direct flights between Moscow and Dar es Salaam. The two parties signed an intergovernmental agreement on air services in 2024. The negotiating officials, however, underscored restoring air connection as an essential step toward boosting the expected economic potentials and promoting people-to-people interaction, as well as consolidating travel and tourism business. For example, Tanzania has its national carrier managed by the Air Tanzania Company Limited (ATCL). It operates passenger and cargo flights to destinations in the Middle East and Asia. Until today, Egypt Air and Ethiopian Airlines are flying between Africa and Russia. There is still a huge gap in the aviation sector, particularly Russia to establish the connectivity with Western, Central and Southern Africa. Absence of regular flights, keeps Africa so remote (segregated) from Russia, especially in this expected resonating ‘multipolar’ world.
Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov, who co-chaired the meeting, reiterated Russia was prepared to send a delegation with business representatives to Tanzania in June-July to determine formats for cooperation in this aviation business. “Our companies are prepared, as they say, to go in and work seriously and for the long term. In tourism, the top priority is to resume direct air connections,” Reshetnikov noted.
In June of last year, an agreement on air transport was signed between the Russian Government and the Government of Tanzania. “It is essential to finalize all procedures as quickly as possible to bring the agreement into effect,” the Minister of Economic Development added.
In fact, Tanzania is not alone requesting for establishing air routes to Moscow. Ugandan Vice President Jessica Alupo said, in Sept. 2024, that Uganda was interested in developing air service with Russia and in the launch of direct flights that will facilitate the movement of people, goods and investment. At a meeting with Russia’s Federation Council Speaker Valentina Matviyenko on the sidelines of the Eurasian Women’s Forum held September 18th-20th in St. Petersburg, Jessica Alupo noted the potentials of Uganda’s tourism sector and fixing hotels in Moscow.
Over the past decades, the absence of reliable airlines has constrained the ability to fully capitalize on growing regional and continental air hub. African destinations are inaccessible, while recreation and tourism business are seriously hampered due to Russia’s hyperbolic rhetoric and lack of the desire to open up to Africa. Many African cities are simply not gateways for tourism, and this hampers economic cooperation.
Can Tanzania Join BRICS?
Closer ties between Tanzania and BRICS are inevitable, Russian Ambassador to the African country Andrey Avetisyan said in an interview with TASS in June 2024. “Some of the BRICS members are Tanzania’s strategic partners, significantly contributing to its economic development based on President Samia Hassan’s policy of economic diplomacy. The topic of Tanzania’s BRICS accession has not come up yet but the country’s closer ties with the group are inevitable, especially now that membership has been granted to Ethiopia, a country Tanzania cooperates with within the African Union and the East African Community,” Avetisyan pointed out.
Learning From Policy Mistakes
By learning from past mistakes and analyzing geopolitical changes, Russia is only now gradually opening its borders to Africa. Most often decorative rhetoric dominates official circles, and implementing policy initiatives reached at the meetings and conferences and summits are inconsistently dealt with at snail-pace in the partnership. This Russia’s business model impacts negatively on economic growth in the continent, leaves space (vacuum) for Western, European, Asian and Arab competitors. Tanzanian delegation made these points explicitly understandable, and further made a passionate appeal for actionable steps as they renewed investment possibility in various economic sectors. Notwithstanding the lapses and weaknesses, both parties noted there must be a practical turning point to stimulate the continent’s economy. That is partly what foreign relations aim at achieving with African countries.
In official statements, the Russian leadership endorses economic partnership with Tanzania, but there much lies on practical implementation. The early May (month) meetings in St. Petersburg indicated how frequent voices have been raised on opportunities, challenges and historical relations dating back from Soviet times. But the present trends are quite different, not just rhetoric but concretely using such platforms to stimulate investment and for showing appreciative achievements.
For Tanzania and the rest of Africa, the 21st century should be seen as a turning period to promote trade with the industrialised world in order to develop our region, improve living standards and bridge the development gap across Africa, a few policy analysts told this article author. Analysts also say Africa should consider trade as an important tool to transform and diversify its economy using its decades-old relationships with Russia.
Strategic Tasks for Future
State-to-State corporate deals feature prominently in the relations, but it is also necessary to encourage possibly an entrepreneurial culture and private-sectoral approach to the economy. It is enough for Russia’s meteoric criticisms and algorithmic propaganda against western hegemony in Tanzania and across Africa. The stark reality is that African countries, including Tanzania in East Africa, need genuine investment and not anti-western slogans and rhetoric. The relationship and economic ties are full of declarations and unfulfilled expectations. There are noticeable gaps between bilateral agreements signed years ago and what have positively been achieved on the ground to measure the legitimacy of cooperation.
The Russian-Tanzanian relations, and others in Africa, have been littered with so many bilateral meetings and diplomatic talks these several years. In this context, Russia and Tanzania have to frankly acknowledge the simple fact that time for polarized rhetoric is long over. For this analytical review, enough is enough for now! It is rather a critical time to step up practical efforts and think of innovative ways to implement policy decisions, in spite of the existing challenges.
World
Russia Expands Military-Technical Cooperation With African Partners
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Despite geopolitical complexities, tensions and pressure, Russia’s military arms and weaponry sales earned approximately $15 billion at the closure of 2025, according to Kremlin report. At the regular session, chaired by Russian President Vladimir Putin on Jan. 30, the Commission on Military and Technical Cooperation with Foreign Countries analyzed the results of its work for 2025, and defined plans for the future.
It was noted that the system of military-technical cooperation continued to operate in difficult conditions, and with increased pressure from the Western countries to block business relations with Russia. The meeting, however, admitted that export contracts have generally performed sustainably. Russian military products were exported to more than 30 countries last year, and the amount of foreign exchange exceeded $15 billion.
Such results provide an additional opportunity to direct funds to the modernization of OPC enterprises, to the expansion of their production capacities, and to advanced research. It is also important that at these enterprises a significant volume of products is civilian products.
The Russian system of military-technical cooperation has not only demonstrated effectiveness and high resilience, but has created fundamental structures, which allow to significantly expand the “geography” of supplies of products of military purpose and, thus strengthen the position of Russia’s leader and employer advanced weapons systems – proven, tested in real combat conditions.
Thanks to the employees of the Federal Service for Military Technical Cooperation and Rosoboronexport, the staff of OPC enterprises for their good faith. Within the framework of the new federal project “Development of military-technical cooperation of Russia with foreign countries” for the period 2026-2028, additional measures of support are introduced. Further effective use of existing financial and other support mechanisms and instruments is extremely important because the volumes of military exports in accordance with the 2026 plan.
Special attention would be paid to the expansion of military-technological cooperation and partnerships, with 14 states already implementing or in development more than 340 such projects.
Future plans will allow to improve the characteristics of existing weapons and equipment and to develop new promising models, including those in demand on global markets, among other issues – the development of strategic areas of military-technical cooperation, and above all, with partners on the CIS and the CSTO. This is one of the priority tasks to strengthen both bilateral and multilateral relations, ensuring stability and security in Eurasia.
From January 2026, Russia chairs the CSTO, and this requires working systematically with partners, including comprehensive approaches to expanding military-technical relations. New prospects open up for deepening military-technical cooperation and with countries in other regions, including with states on the African continent. Russia has been historically strong and trusting relationships with African countries. In different years even the USSR, and then Russia supplied African countries with a significant amount of weapons and military equipment, trained specialists on their production, operation, repair, as well as military personnel.
Today, despite pressure from the West, African partners express readiness to expand relations with Russia in the military and military-technical fields. It is not only about increasing supplies of Russian military exports, but also about the purchase of other weapons, other materials and products. Russia has undertaken comprehensive maintenance of previously delivered equipment, organization of licensed production of Russian military products and some other important issues. In general, African countries are sufficient for consideration today.
World
Trump Picks Kevin Warsh to Succeed Jerome Powell as Federal Reserve Chair
By Adedapo Adesanya
President Donald Trump has named Mr Kevin Warsh as the successor to Mr Jerome Powell as the Federal Reserve chair, ending a prolonged odyssey that has seen unprecedented turmoil around the central bank.
The decision culminates a process that officially began last summer but started much earlier than that, with President Trump launching a criticism against the Powell-led US central bank almost since he took the job in 2018.
“I have known Kevin for a long period of time, and have no doubt that he will go down as one of the GREAT Fed Chairmen, maybe the best,” Mr Trump said in a Truth Social post announcing the selection.
US analysts noted that the 55-year old appear not to ripple market because of his previous experience at the apex bank as Governor, with others saying he wouldn’t always do the bidding of the American president.
If approved by the US Senate, Mr Warsh will take over the position in May, when Mr Powell’s term expires.
Despite having argued for reductions recently, “Warsh has a long hawkish history that markets have not forgotten,” one analyst told Bloomberg.
President Trump has castigated Mr Powell for not lowering interest rates more quickly. His administration also launched a criminal investigation of Powell and the Federal Reserve earlier this month, which led Mr Powell to issue an extraordinary rebuke of President Trump’s efforts to politicize the independent central bank.
World
BRICS Agenda, United States Global Dominance and Africa’s Development Priorities
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Donald Trump has been leading the United States as its president since January 2025. Washington’s priority is to Make America Great Again (MAGA). Trump’s tariffs have rippled many economies from Latin America through Asian region to the continent of Africa. Trump’s Davos speech has explicitly revealed building a ‘new world order’ based on dominance rather than trust. He has also initiated whirlwind steps to annex Greenland, while further created the Board of Peace, aimed at helping end the two-year war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza and to oversee reconstruction. Trump is handling the three-year old Russia-Ukraine crisis, and other deep-seated religious and ethnic conflicts in Africa.
These emerging trends, at least in a considerable short term, are influencing BRICS which has increased its geopolitical importance, and focusing on uniting the countries in the Global East and Global South. From historical records, BRICS, described as non-western organization, and is loosing its coherence primarily due to differences in geopolitical interests and multinational alignments, and of course, a number of members face threats from the United States while there are variations of approach to the emerging worldwide perceptions.
In this conversation, deputy director of the Center for African Studies at Moscow’s National Research University High School of Economics (HSE), Vsevolod Sviridov, expresses his opinions focusing on BRICS agenda under India’s presidency, South Africa’s G20 chairmanship in 2024, and genegrally putting Africa’s development priorities within the context of emerging trends. Here are the interview excerpts:
What is the likely impact of Washington’s geopolitics and its foreign policy on BRICS?
From my perspective, the current Venezuela-U.S. confrontation, especially Washington’s tightened leverage over Venezuelan oil revenue flows and the knock-on effects for Chinese interests, will be read inside BRICS as a reminder that sovereign resources can still be constrained by financial chokepoints and sanctions politics. This does not automatically translate into BRICS taking Venezuela’s side, but it does strengthen the bloc’s long-running argument for more resilient South-South trade settlement, diversified energy chains, and financing instruments that reduce exposure to coercive measures, because many African and other developing economies face similar vulnerabilities around commodities, shipping, insurance, and correspondent banking. At the same time, BRICS’ expansion makes consensus harder: several members maintain significant ties with the U.S., so the most likely impact is a technocratic push rather than a loud political campaign.
And highlighting, specifically, the position of BRICS members (South Africa, Ethiopia and Egypt, as well as its partnering African States (Nigeria and Uganda)?
Venezuela crisis urges African members to demand that BRICS deliver usable financial and trade tools. For South Africa, Ethiopia, and Egypt, the Venezuela case is more about the precedent: how quickly external pressure can reshape a country’s fiscal room, debt dynamics, and even investor perceptions when energy revenues and sanctions compliance collide. South Africa will likely argue that BRICS should prioritize investment, industrialization, and trade facilitation. Ethiopia and Egypt, both debt-sensitive and searching for FDI, will be especially attentive to anything that helps de-risk financing, while avoiding steps that could trigger secondary-sanctions anxieties or scare off diversified investors.
Would the latest geopolitical developments ultimately shape the agenda for BRICS 2026 under India’s presidency?
India’s 2026 chairmanship is already framed around “Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability,” and Venezuela’s shock (paired with broader sanction/market-volatility lessons) will likely sharpen the resilience part. From an African perspective, that is an opportunity: South Africa, Ethiopia, and Egypt can press India to translate the theme into deliverables that matter on the ground: food and fertilizer stability, affordable energy access, infrastructure funding. India, in turn, has incentives to keep BRICS focused on economic problem-solving rather than becoming hostage to any single flashpoint. So the Venezuela episode may function as a cautionary case study that accelerates practical cooperation where African members have the most to gain. And I would add: the BRICS agenda will become increasingly Africa-centered simply because Africa’s weight globally is rising, and recent summit discussions have repeatedly highlighted African participation as a core Global South vector. South Africa’s G20 chairmanship last year explicitly framed around putting Africa’s development priorities high on the agenda, further proves this point.
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