World
Russia’s Real Motives in Africa Causing Some to Worry—Gruzd
By Kester Kenn Klomegah
As preparations are underway for the second Russia-Africa summit planned for 2022, African leaders, politicians, academic researchers and experts have been discussing several aspects of the current state of Russia-Africa relations.
They, most often, compare it with a number of foreign countries notably China, the United States, the European Union, India, France, Turkey, Japan, and South Korea that have held such gatherings in that format with Africa.
Some have convincingly argued that Russia has moved away from its low-key strategy to vigorous relations, as shown by the first symbolic Russia-Africa summit in the Black Sea city of Sochi in October 2019.
Russia and Africa adopted a joint declaration, a comprehensive document that outlines the key objectives and necessary tasks that seek to raise assertively the entirety of relations to a new level.
Long before the summit, at least, during the past decade, several bilateral agreements between Russia and individual African countries were signed. Besides, memoranda of understanding, declaration of interests, pledges and promises dominated official speeches.
On the other side, Russia is simply invisible in economic sectors in Africa, despite boasting of decades-old solid relations with the continent.
Undoubtedly, Africa is opening up new fields of opportunity. The creation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) provides a unique and valuable opportunity for businesses to access an integrated African market of over 1.3 billion people with a GDP of over $2.5 trillion. It aspires to connect all the regions of Africa, deepen economic integration and boost intra-African trade and investment.
Despite existing risks, challenges and threats, a number of external countries continue strengthening their economic footholds in Africa and contribute enormously towards the continent’s efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Russia has to upgrade or scale up its collaborative engagement with Africa. It has to consider seriously launching more public outreach programmes, especially working with civil society to change public perceptions and the private sector to strengthen its partnership with Africa. In order to achieve this, it has to surmount the challenges, take up the courage and work consistently with both private and public sectors and with an effective Action Plan.
In this exclusive interview, Steven Gruzd, Head of the African Governance and Diplomacy Programme at the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), discusses a few questions, highlights existing challenges and passionately offers some progressive suggestions regarding Russia-African relations and the fears over Russia’s real motives in Africa.
Steven Gruzd also heads the Russia-Africa Research Programme initiated this year at SAIIA, South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think tank, with a long and proud history of providing thought leadership in Africa. Here are the interview excerpts:
What are your appreciations and fears for Russia returning to Africa?
Africa is becoming crowded, with many old and new actors actively involved on the continent. Apart from EU countries, China and the US, we have players such as Iran, Turkey, Israel, the UAE, Japan and others.
So, Russia’s renewed interest in Africa does not happen in isolation. It, of course, seeks to build on Soviet-era ties, and several African leaders today studied in the USSR or the Soviet sphere of influence. Russia has tended to focus on niche areas such as weapons sales, nuclear energy and resource extraction, at a much smaller scale than China.
Many leaders are welcoming the attention of Russia, but some remain wary of Russia’s hidden motives and intentions. Russia’s dealings are not transparent and open compared to China. The shadowy world of private military companies such as Russia’s Wagner Group is causing concern in unstable countries like the CAR, Libya and Mali. So, in fact, there is a kind of mixed picture, sentiments and interpretations are also varied here.
How would you argue that Russia engages fairly in “competition for cooperation” in Africa?
Africa is a busy geopolitical arena, with many players operating. Russia has to compete against them, and distinctively remain focused its efforts. Russia welcomes diplomatic support from African countries, and unlike the West, it does not demand good governance or advocate for human rights reforms.
Russia likes to portray itself as not interfering in local politics or judging African countries, even though there is mounting evidence that it has been involved in meddling in elections in Africa through disinformation, fake news and attempting to exploit fault lines in societies through social media.
Do you think, to some extent, Russia is fighting neo-colonial tendencies, as shown in Guinea, Mali, CAR and Sudan? Does it imply that Russia supports military leaders in Africa?
Russia uses the rhetoric of anti-colonialism in its engagement with Africa, and that it is fighting neo-colonialism from the West, especially in relations with their former colonies. It sees France as a threat to its interests especially in Francophone West Africa, the Maghreb and the Sahel.
Russia has invested resources in developing French-language news media, and engages in anti-French media activity, including through social media. I think Russia has its own economic and political interests in countries like Guinea, Mali, CAR and Sudan, even if it uses the language of fighting neo-colonialism. It explicitly appears that Russia supports several undemocratic African leaders and their regimes.
Some experts have argued that Russia’s diplomacy is full of bilateral agreements, largely not implemented, and gamut of pledges and promises. What are your views about these?
I would largely agree that there is a divide between what has been pledged and promised at high-level meetings and summits, compared to what has actually materialised on the ground. There is more talk than action, and in most cases down the years mere intentions and ideas have been officially presented as initiatives already in progress. It will be interesting to see what has been concretely achieved in reports at the second Russia-Africa summit scheduled for late 2022.
From the above discussions so far, what do you think are Russia’s challenges and setbacks in Africa?
Africa is a crowded playing field. Russia does not have the same resources and approaches as China, France, UK or US, so it has limited impact. The language barrier could be used as an excuse, but Russia has the great possibility to leverage into the Soviet- and Russian-trained diaspora. On the other hand, Russia feels it is unfairly portrayed in Western media, so that is another perception it seeks to change. It can change the perception by supporting public outreach programmes.
Working closely with the academic community, such as the South African Institute of International Affairs and similar ones throughout Africa, is one potential instrument to raise its public image. In places like Mozambique and the CAR, the Wagner Group left after incurring human losses – does Russia have staying power?
As it prepares to hold the second Russia-Africa summit in 2022, what could be the expectations for Africa? What to do ultimately with the first Joint Declaration from Sochi?
As already mentioned, there needs to be a lot of tangible progress on the ground for the second summit to show impact. It is worth reiterating here that African countries will expect more debt relief and solid investment from Russian businesses.
In terms of political support at places like the UN Security Council, there is close interaction between Russia and the African States, but as recent research by SAIIA shows, not as much as assumed. (https://saiia.org.za/research/walking-with-the-bear-russia-and-the-a3-in-the-un-security-council/). The relationship has to however deliver and move from words to deeds.
In conclusion, I would suggest that Russia has to take up both the challenges and unique opportunities and attempt to scale up its influence by working consistently on practical multifaceted sustainable development issues and by maintaining appreciable relations with Africa.
On the other side, African countries likewise have to devise viable strategies for engaging with Russia.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
From Africa’s perspectives on attaining economic sovereignty, Tanzania, located in East Africa, has seriously begun showing the investment model as Russia pledges tremendous support during the meeting of the Russian-Tanzanian intergovernmental commission in Arusha, in mid-May 2026. Russia is undertaking various development projects as well as addressing bilateral issues relating to investment, trade and innovation on the African continent, and described Tanzania as the gateway to the broader East African region.
Step 1: Gazprom is interested in implementing comprehensive gas projects in Tanzania, according to the report issued by the Ministry of Economic Development. It says Gazprom, in addition to selling natural gas, LNG, and petrochemical products, is ready to supply technologies and equipment for gas production, processing, transportation, and sales. It says Gazprom is continuing its work on a pilot project launched last year to supply two mobile gas tankers to Tanzania.
NOVATEK has also indicated its preparedness to participate in natural gas exploration and production projects in Tanzania, and for now, the staff are awaiting information on the date of the fifth round of license allocation for exploration blocks, as well as on the acquisition of blocks outside the tender process—specifically, at the Ntorya field. “Tanzania has significant resource potential, and the economy’s growing demand for electricity and fuel opens up significant opportunities for joint projects. The current situation in the Strait of Hormuz compels us to seek new solutions to ensure that it does not reduce economic growth on the African continent, and particularly in Tanzania,” said Maxim Reshetnikov, head of the Ministry of Economic Development, speaking at a meeting of the Russian-Tanzania intergovernmental commission in Arusha.
Step 2: Russia and Tanzania plan to sign a memorandum of cooperation in tourism in Moscow. In June, as part of the “Travel!” forum in Moscow (June 10-14), the Tanzanian delegation was already given the invitation to participate, noted Reshetnikov while further explaining that Russia is interested in launching direct air service between the two countries, which would “give a powerful boost to tourism development.”
Air Tanzania’s initiative to launch flights from Moscow to Dar es Salaam, with high hopes that Russia and Tanzania will complete the necessary procedures for the entry into force of the new air traffic agreement as quickly as possible. In particular, officials are awaiting notification from the Tanzanian side regarding the entry into force of this agreement.
Air Tanzania will begin flights from Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s largest city, on May 28. According to the online flight information at the capital’s Vnukovo Airport, flights on this route will include a stopover on the island of Zanzibar. Flights will operate three times a week, on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. The program will run until October 24.
Step 3: Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan is expected on an official state visit to Russia in June, and that will boost bilateral trade and investment, and provide an additional impetus to developing mutual cooperation.
“In preparation for the upcoming high-level meeting, I propose discussing both promising areas and specific projects… and identifying key areas for further cooperation. In addition to trade, these include energy, transport, industry, agriculture, tourism, science, and education,” Reshetnikov said.
The Tanzanian delegation is expected to participate in the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, which will be held from June 3 to 6. Usually, at the St. Petersburg forum, the African agenda is of great importance. The programme includes the Russia-Africa Business Dialogue, which, since 2016, has been the annual meeting place for representatives of Russian and African business and official communities. Roscongress Foundation organises it.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Infrastructure solutions provider, Africa Finance Corporation (AFC), has committed parts of a $100 million investment to fund managers—Future Africa and Lightrock Africa—to boost African tech venture backing.
The commitment to Lightrock Africa Fund II and Future Africa Fund III is the first tranche of a broader deployment, AFC noted.
The corporation added that it is actively evaluating a pipeline of additional Africa-focused funds spanning a range of strategies and stages, with further commitments expected in the near term.
This is part of its efforts to plug a persistent gap in long-term institutional capital on the continent, which constrains the development and scaling of high-potential technology businesses across the continent, especially with a drop in foreign investments.
“Through this commitment, AFC will deploy catalytic capital in leading Africa-focused technology Funds and, in particular, African-owned fund managers,” it said in a statement on Monday.
AFC aims to address the underrepresentation of local capital in venture funding by catalysing greater participation from African institutional investors and deepening local ownership within the ecosystem.
Despite some success stories on the continent, local institutional capital remains significantly underrepresented across many fund cap tables, with the majority of venture funding continuing to flow from international sources.
AFC’s commitment is designed to shift that dynamic, according to Mr Samaila Zubairu, its chief executive.
“Across the continent, young Africans are not waiting for the digital economy to arrive; they are seizing the moment — adopting technology, creating markets and solving real economic problems faster than infrastructure has kept pace. That is the investment signal.
“AFC’s $100 million Africa-focused Technology Fund will accelerate the convergence of growing demand, rapid technology adoption, youthful demographics and the enabling infrastructure we are building.
“Digital infrastructure is now as fundamental to Africa’s transformation as roads, rail, ports and power — enabling productivity, payments, logistics, services, data and cross-border trade, while creating jobs and industrial scale.”
Mr Pal Erik Sjatil, Managing Partner & CEO, Lightrock, said: “We are delighted to welcome Africa Finance Corporation as an anchor investor in Lightrock Africa II, deepening a strong partnership shaped by our collaboration on high-impact investments across Africa, including Moniepoint, Lula, and M-KOPA.
“With aligned capital, a long-term perspective, and a shared focus on value creation, we are well positioned to support exceptional management teams and scale category-leading businesses that deliver attractive financial returns alongside measurable environmental and social outcomes,” he added.
Adding his input, Mr Iyin Aboyeji, Founding Partner, Future Africa, said: “By investing in AI-native skills, financing productive tools such as phones and laptops, and expanding energy, connectivity and compute infrastructure, we can convert Africa’s greatest asset — its people — into critical participants in the new global economy. AFC’s US$100 million commitment is the anchor this moment demands.
“As our first multilateral development bank partner, AFC is sending a clear signal that digital is as fundamental to Africa’s transformation as agriculture, manufacturing and physical infrastructure. We trust that other development finance institutions, insurers, reinsurers and pension funds will follow AFC’s lead.”
By Adedapo Adesanya
Dangote’s East African refinery plan gained momentum as Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni threw his support behind the proposed project following talks with Mr Aliko Dangote.
In a tweet posted on X (formerly Twitter) on May 17, 2026, the Ugandan President announced that he had met with the Nigerian billionaire at Nakasero, and revealed that the meeting centred around the development of a proposed 650,000 barrels per day regional oil refinery in East Africa.
Mr Museveni emphasised adding value by refining oil locally rather than exporting crude, to maximise economic and strategic benefits for the region.
He called for greater regional cooperation and market integration in East Africa, highlighting the importance of large-scale projects for shared prosperity.
Business Post has earlier reported that Kenya has been positioned as the central player following Tanzania’s recent denial of its support of the project.
Mr Dangote said the East African country was his preferred choice due to its established fuel logistics network and port infrastructure serving several neighbouring countries.
In the latest development, the Ugandan president explained that his primary focus remains on value addition.
He detailed why Uganda has historically refrained from exporting raw crude oil, arguing that doing so allows foreign entities to exploit the country’s natural resources and reap the financial rewards of refined products.
“Without refining our oil, it would not make economic or strategic sense to simply export crude oil while others benefit from the finished products,” Mr Museveni stated.
The president expressed strong support for a larger regional refinery, describing it as a crucial step toward “African integration and shared prosperity.”
He further emphasised that East African nations must move past an individualistic mindset and overcome fragmented markets, urging regional cooperation to execute large-scale projects that benefit the entire populace.
“We cannot continue operating in fragmented and weak markets,” Mr Museveni wrote. “If East Africa works together, such projects become more viable and beneficial to our people.”
“Uganda is ready to support the regional refinery initiative while also continuing with the development of our own refinery in Hoima,” he added.
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