World
World Bank, IMF and Africa’s Development
By Professor Maurice Okoli
Amid heightened criticisms and intense debates over several significant global issues including new financial architecture, economic diversification, growing debts and reforms, the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, on October 15 wrapped up their week-long annual meetings held under the theme “Global Action, Global Impact” in Marrakesh, Morocco in North Africa.
With the rapid geopolitical changes, it featured prominently finance ministers and central bank governors from 190 countries in desperate search of comprehensive mechanisms and suitable approaches to address the prevailing economic crisis across the globe. The coordinated annual meetings also reviewed its scope of geographical operations with particular emphasis on Africa.
Fundamentally Africa’s key drawbacks mostly mentioned in all the discussions are related to the system of governance, official policies and strategies, and persistent conflicts. Due to the severity of threatening conflicts combined with worsening insecurity and ineffective policies, speakers at the annual meetings reviewed with circumspection the economic performance in Africa.
The importance of this annual meeting particularly for Africa need not be over-emphasized. Of course, the popular paradox is that Africa has huge untapped resources including rich deposits of strategic minerals, the population is growing and now stands at 1.4 billion providing the human capital and yet that region is engulfed with abject poverty, lack of industrial infrastructure and technology, while agriculture largely remains at the rudimentary stage. It is impossible not to notice on the political map of the world – it is located roughly in the centre of the globe just on the equator and its huge expanse of territory.
Economic Picture
The global financial system “is now outdated, dysfunctional and unjust,” said a New York Times opinion column jointly written by Kenyan President William Ruto, African Development Bank President Akinwumi Adesina, African Union Commission chairman Moussa Faki and Patrick Verkooijen, chief executive of the Global Commission on
Adaptation.
It’s outdated because international financial institutions “are too small and limited to fulfil their mandate. Dysfunctional because the system as a whole is too slow to respond to new challenges, such as climate change. And unjust because it discriminates against poor countries,” the leaders wrote.
Often lenders of last resort, the IMF and the World Bank use billions in loans and assistance to buoy struggling economies and encourage countries operating in deficit to implement reforms they say promote stability and economic growth.
During a panel session in Marrakech second week of October 2023, African Ministers of Finance, Planning and Economic Development called for key reforms during a meeting of the Africa High-Level Working Group on the Global Financial Architecture, coordinated by the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). The ECA has the mandate
to promote the economic and social development of its member states, foster intra-regional integration, and promote international cooperation for Africa’s development.
Their position, among others, was to strengthen the African voice on the global stage. This resounding call emphasized the need for a quota formula to increase the number share for Africa. The meeting expressed support for the establishment of an additional chair to represent African countries at the IMF Executive Board to amplify the region’s voice and representation.
The meeting further underscored the importance of scaling up both concessional and non-concessional financing priorities of African countries, including regional integration, infrastructure development and structural transformation. Also, there was the proposal for temporal suspension of debt service and to pause debt service payments in the event of climate-related disasters.
At the opening ceremony, IMF Chief Kristalina Georgieva in a speech stated that since 2020, successive economic shocks have led to the loss of $3.6 trillion of the global output, and that have pushed the IMF and the World Bank in hollowing for an enduring role in addressing the socio-economic challenges.
Fifty-seven per cent of the world’s poorest countries, home to about 30 per cent of the world’s population, will have to cut their public spending by $229 billion by 2029. Low and lower-middle-income countries will be forced to pay almost $500 million every day in interest and debt repayments from now until that year, according to her suggestion.
Role of the Financial Institutions
The African Development Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Council of Europe Development Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the European Investment Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Islamic Development Bank, and the New Development Bank joined the World Bank in the collaboration agreement.
World Bank together with other nine multilateral development banks jointly seek to boost lending power to developing countries. These banks pledged to bolster collaboration in accelerating an appreciable, liveable world free of poverty. Under consideration is estimated $300 billion to $400 billion of additional lending capacity to help developing countries confront “a perfect storm of intertwined crises — from climate shocks and conflicts to pandemics and surging debt.”
They would also work to catalyze private-sector engagement. In addition, and as incorporated in the official document after the summit, the World Bank will be strengthening efforts to partner with the private sector, civil society, other multilateral institutions, and charitable organizations.
Some experts are of the view that the banks should also release emerging market data so private investors can better understand the actual risks and opportunities of investing in such markets. According to economic experts, exploring ways to directly increase the voice of emerging markets and developing countries in the IMF by adding another deputy managing director to represent emerging markets and low-income countries, and a third executive board chair representing sub-Saharan Africa.
“Working together for a common cause, we can bring more experience, expertise, knowledge, and, especially, more funding to the massive challenges facing the world today,” World Bank President Ajay Banga said. “Together, we are greater than the sum of our parts.”
In addition to improved analytical and diagnostic tools, including country climate and development reports, the multilateral banks have to work on principles for using concessional finance to target support for projects that address the challenges. Concessional finance involves loans at more generous terms than the market provides. The socio-cultural conditions should also form part of the decision-making process for extending these loans to accelerate private sector mobilization.
African States Struggling with Debts
International Monetary Fund chief Kristalina Georgieva called for wealthy nations to provide more support to debt-saddled developing countries, and to better help vulnerable nations deal with poverty and climate change, as she opened the first IMF-World Bank meetings on African soil in 50 years. The global lenders traditionally hold their annual gathering of finance ministers and central bank governors outside their Washington headquarters every three years.
The IMF and World Bank last held their meetings in Africa in 1973, when Kenya hosted the event and some nations were still under colonial rule. Half a century later, the continent faces various challenges ranging from conflict to a series of military coups to unrelenting poverty to natural disasters.
“Bringing the meetings to Africa, again, is symbolically and substantively very important,” Georgieva said at a meeting with members of civil society organizations. She noted that the continent is wrestling with “remarkably similar” problems as 50 years ago, including high inflation and “political upheaval in many places”.
“Many countries are under a burden of debt that can crush them and we very, very much hope that the meetings would be a place to build more trust among nations. We all need each other,” she said and added that the IMF and World Bank need “more capacity” to support African countries that need help, including providing zero-interest loans on a larger scale.
In the final analysis, China has to be considered for an increase in a quota within the institutions and given more representation if it played an active role in debt relief for low-income countries. China has already considered some African countries for addressing issues of debt restructuring deals, for instance, Angola, Egypt, Nigeria, Zambia and a few others.
It was also the result of several direct consultations by the US Treasury Secretary Janet Louise Yellen and other officials, trying to pressure and coax China — the largest creditor to the developing world — into participating more readily in such agreements. There are also proposals to seriously look at ways to revive the effectiveness and monitoring of funds utilization on the continent. Expectations are high for a breakthrough.
President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi is looking to extend his rule until 2030. And Egypt seeks to boost IMF loan to over $5 billion amid currency woes, according to the discussions made available on the government’s website. A mission from the IMF may visit Egypt to start the two reviews around the end of October. Egypt owes nearly $22 billion to
the IMF, according to Egypt’s central bank which I found during my research for this article.
With regards to Africa, the IMF and World Bank need to take into serious account the ‘cultural change’ to better mobilize private capital. The process of reforming its operations to better address climate change and other numerous challenges requires an endorsement of a new vision “to end poverty on a livable planet” and that is what its new president, Ajay Banga, was working to turn into reality.
Under the auspices of the African Union, African leaders have to collectively within the framework of “African Problems, African Solutions” in this changing world. While calling for reforms in international organizations, the African Union also needs an urgent overhaul to effectively and rationally address the continent’s security and development issues. Africa does not need any “global coalition of democracies” to fight violent extremist groups, especially in West Africa that have been spreading south from the Sahel region. It requires African continental and/or regional forces with external support rather than bilateral mechanisms.
Fresh Hopes for a Better Future
A new tool developed by the Center for Global Development (CGD), and launched to track reforms by the World Bank and the five biggest multilateral development banks (MDBs), shows that broad changes are “firmly in play” but progress in implementing them has been limited thus far. The new platform assesses progress being made on reforms, but at the same time, concludes progress in implementing the changes was “quite limited.”
The CGD researchers however lauded some steps taken – including the World Bank’s inclusion of the phrase “livable planet” in its mission statement, but said the development banks were still largely debating how to integrate global challenges into their operations and how to pay for them.
Anna Bjerde, the World Bank’s managing director for operations, said she had been at the bank for 27 years and had never felt such energy and momentum for changing course. “To make a change in the work we’re in will, of course, take time,” Bjerde said, noting decisions already made at the spring meetings of the IMF and World Bank would boost financing and further steps were expected at the meeting in Morocco.
Critics have argued for years that MDBs manage their balance sheets too conservatively and could unlock significantly more capital without losing their AAA credit rating status. They said the reform discussion was also largely dominated by Northern Hemisphere voices and major emerging markets like China, India and Brazil, and it was crucial to include more MDB borrowing countries and address their goals and concerns.
“We have already seen notable progress in areas like raising lending limits and launching innovative finance programs,” former senior Treasury official Nancy Lee and other researchers wrote in a blog unveiling the tool. “Many reforms are still in the aspiration phase rather than the implementation phase.”
Axel Van Trostsenburg, Senior Managing Director, Development Policy and Partnership, World Bank, made known, during panel discussions, that the International Development Association (IDA), a World Bank subsidiary, is making available $70 billion of its $93 billion replenishing to Africa to support digital infrastructure and other developments.
In his idealistic view, physical-digital infrastructure needs to be developed and linked to the acceleration of the implementation and realization of the objectives of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The AfCFTA is purposefully created as a single borderless market for free movement of goods products, people and services across Africa.
And it is only through digital development that we see an incredible increase in economic growth under AfCFTA. In this case, there is the necessity to engage the African leadership. This also requires the adoption of a multi-set of approaches in helping countries with regulatory frameworks, setting up infrastructure and mobilising private sector finance for digital development.
Perhaps, this is the appropriate moment for Africa to be very objective while asking for feverish reforms, such steps must begin also at home. African leaders can hardly escape some responsibility for the present state of affairs, the level of economic development and existing social welfare for the people in Africa. The African Union and the Regional Economic blocs or associations have to watch their reflections in the mirror if their platforms have undergone valuable and effective reforms necessary to achieve their fundamental development goals across the continent, at least over the past decade.
Reading through reports, the African Union’s assessment of the multinational financial banks notes the possibility of scaling up adequate funds to grease commitments, as many African countries now face the reality of growing debts that in some cases threaten to destabilize their economies. That, however, financing development objectives would have to noticeably change the expected economic progress and the landscape of bad infrastructure across Africa.
In a symbolic move, the IMF and World Bank are poised to give Africa a third seat on their executive boards. The summit’s final report has offered irreversible practical hopes for Africa. That would be a testament to the resilience on the part of the African community. But still, the African Union and Regional Economic blocs and associations have to engage in discussing and reviewing the ultimate work of international financial institutions to stand ready to support Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia. He is an expert at the Roscongress Foundation and the Valdai Discussion Club.
As an academic researcher and economist with a keen interest in current geopolitical changes and the emerging world order, Maurice Okoli frequently contributes articles for publication in reputable media portals on different aspects of the interconnection between developing and developed countries, particularly in Asia, Africa and Europe. With comments and suggestions, he can be reached via email: markolconsult (at) gmail (dot) com
World
Africa ‘Reawakening’ In Emerging Multipolar World
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In this interview, Gustavo de Carvalho, Programme Head (Acting): African Governance and Diplomacy, South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), discusses at length aspects of Africa’s developments in the context of shifting geopolitics, its relationships with external countries, and expected roles in the emerging multipolar world. Gustavo de Carvalho further underscores key issues related to transparency in agreements, financing initiatives, and current development priorities that are shaping Africa’s future. Here are the interview excerpts:
Is Africa undergoing the “second political re-awakening” and how would you explain Africans’ perceptions and attitudes toward the emerging multipolar world?
We should be careful not to overstate novelty. African states exercised real agency during the Cold War, too, from Bandung to the Non-Aligned Movement. What has actually shifted is the structure of the international system around the continent. The unipolar moment has faded, the menu of partners has widened, and a generation of policymakers under fifty operates without the inhibitions of either the Cold War or the immediate post-Cold War period. African publics, however, are more pragmatic than multipolar rhetoric assumes. Afrobarometer’s surveys across more than thirty countries consistently show citizens evaluating external partners on tangible outcomes such as infrastructure, jobs and security, rather than on civilisational narratives. China is generally associated with positive economic influence, the United States retains the strongest pull as a development model, and Russia, despite a louder political profile, registers a smaller and more geographically concentrated footprint. Multipolarity is not a destination Africans are arriving at. It is a working environment that creates more options and more risks at once.
Do you think it is appropriate to use the term “neo-colonialism” referring to activities of foreign players in Africa? By the way, who are the neo-colonisers in your view?
The term has analytical value when used carefully, and loses it when deployed selectively against whichever power one wishes to embarrass. Nkrumah’s 1965 formulation was precise: political independence accompanied by continued external control over economic and political life. The honest test is whether contemporary patterns reproduce that asymmetry, irrespective of the capital from which they originate. The structural picture is well documented. Africa still exports primary commodities and imports manufactured goods. Intra-African trade hovers around fifteen per cent of total trade, well below Asian or European levels. African sovereigns pay a measurable risk premium on debt that exceeds what fundamentals alone justify. Applied consistently, the lens directs attention to opaque resource-for-infrastructure contracts, security-for-mineral bargains, debt agreements with confidentiality clauses, and aid architectures that bypass African institutions. That description fits legacy French commercial arrangements in francophone Africa, Chinese mining concessions in the DRC, Russian-linked gold extraction in the Central African Republic and Sudan, Gulf-backed port and farmland deals along the Red Sea, and Western corporate practices that have not always met the standards their governments preach. Naming a single neo-coloniser tells us more about the speaker’s politics than about the structure.
How would you interpret the current engagement of foreign players in Africa? Do you also think there is geopolitical competition and rivalry among them?
Competition is real and intensifying, and the proliferation of Africa-plus-one summits is the clearest indicator. Russia has held two summits, in Sochi in 2019 and St Petersburg in 2023. The EU, Turkey, Japan, India, the United States, South Korea, Saudi Arabia and the UAE all host their own variants. Trade figures give a more honest sense of weight than diplomatic theatre. China-Africa trade reached around 280 billion dollars in 2023, United States-Africa trade sits in the 60 to 70 billion range, and Russia-Africa trade is roughly 24 billion, heavily concentrated in grain, fertiliser and arms. Describing the continent as a chessboard, however, understates how African states themselves are shaping these dynamics, sometimes through skilful diversification and sometimes through security bargains that entail longer-term costs. The Sahel illustrates the latter starkly. Between 2020 and 2023, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger expelled French forces, downgraded their relationships with ECOWAS and the UN stabilisation mission, and welcomed Russian security contractors. ACLED data shows civilian fatalities from political violence rising rather than falling across the same period. Substituting providers without strengthening domestic institutions does not produce sovereignty. It changes the terms of dependence.
Do you think much depends on African leaders and their people (African solutions to African problems) to work toward long-term, sustainable development?
The principle is correct, and it is regularly weaponised in two unhelpful directions. External actors invoke it to justify withdrawing from responsibilities they continue to hold, particularly over financial flows and arms transfers that pass through their own jurisdictions. Some African leaders invoke it to deflect legitimate scrutiny of governance failings, repression or corruption. Genuine African agency requires more than rhetoric. The AU’s operating budget remains modest in absolute terms, and external partners still cover a significant share of programmatic activities, which shapes what gets funded. The African Standby Force, conceived in 2003, remains only partially operational more than two decades on. The African Continental Free Trade Area, in force since 2021, has rolled out more slowly than drafters hoped because the political will to lower national barriers lags the speeches. Long-term development depends on African leaders financing more of their own security and development priorities, on publics holding them accountable, and on a clearer-eyed view of what foreign forces can deliver. Whether the actors are Russian-linked contractors in the Sahel and Central African Republic, Western counter-terrorism deployments, or others, external security providers tend to address symptoms while leaving the political and economic drivers of insecurity intact.
Often described as a continent with huge, untapped natural resources and large human capital (1.5 billion), what then specifically do African leaders expect from Europe, China, Russia and the United States?
Expectations differ across the three relationships, and that differentiation is itself a marker of agency. From China, leaders expect infrastructure financing, sustained commodity demand, and a partnership that does not condition itself on domestic governance reforms. FOCAC commitments have delivered visible results in ports, railways and power generation, though Beijing itself has shifted toward smaller, more selective lending since around 2018. From Russia, expectations are narrower because the economic footprint is. Moscow’s offer is political backing in multilateral forums, arms transfers, grain and fertiliser supply, civilian nuclear cooperation in a handful of cases, and security partnerships, including those involving private military formations. The record of those security arrangements in the Central African Republic, Mali, Sudan and Mozambique deserves a sober assessment on its own terms, because the human and political costs are documented and uneven. From the United States, leaders look for market access through instruments such as AGOA, whose post-2025 future has generated significant uncertainty, alongside private capital, technology partnerships and a posture that treats the continent as more than a counter-terrorism theatre. The priorities across all three relationships are essentially the same: transparency in the terms of agreements, arrangements that preserve future policy space, and partnerships that build domestic productive capacity rather than substitute for it. The continent’s leverage in this multipolar moment is real, but it is not permanent. It will be squandered if used to rotate among external dependencies rather than reduce them.
World
Africa Startup Deals Activity Rebound, Funding Lags at $110m in April 2026
By Adedapo Adesanya
Africa’s startup ecosystem showed tentative signs of recovery in April 2026, with deal activity picking up after a subdued March, though funding volumes remained weak by recent standards, Business Post gathered from the latest data by Africa: The Big Deal.
In the review month, a total of 32 startups across the continent announced funding rounds of at least $100,000, raising a combined $110 million through a mix of equity, debt and grant deals, excluding exits. The figure represents a notable rebound from the 22 deals recorded in March, suggesting renewed investor engagement after a slow start to the second quarter.
However, the recovery in deal count did not translate into stronger capital inflows. April’s $110 million total marks the lowest monthly funding volume since March 2025, when startups raised $52 million, and falls significantly short of the previous 12-month average of $275 million per month.
The data highlights a growing divergence between investor activity and cheque sizes, with more deals being completed but at smaller ticket values.
The data showed that, despite this, looking at the numbers on a month-to-month basis does not tell the whole story of venture funding cycles as a broader 12-month rolling view presents a more stable picture of Africa’s startup ecosystem.
Based on this, over the 12 months to April 2026 (May 2025–April 2026), startups across the continent raised a total of $3.1 billion, excluding exits – largely in line with the range observed since August 2025. The figure has hovered around $3.1 billion, with only marginal deviations of about $90 million, indicating relative stability despite recent monthly dips.
A closer breakdown shows that equity financing accounted for $1.7 billion of the total, while debt funding contributed $1.4 billion, alongside approximately $30 million in grants. This composition underscores the growing role of debt in sustaining overall funding levels.
The data suggests that while headline monthly figures may point to short-term weakness, the broader funding environment remains resilient, supported in large part by continued activity in debt financing, even as equity investments show signs of moderation.
The report said if April’s total amount was lower than March’s overall, it was higher on equity: $74 million came as equity and $36 million as debt, while March had been overwhelmingly debt-led ($55 million equity, $96 million debt).
In the review month, the deals announced include Egyptian fintech Lucky raising a $23 million Series B, while Gozem ($15.2 million debt) and Victory Farms ($15 milliomn debt) did most of the heavy lifting on the debt side. Ethiopia-based electric mobility start-up Dodai announced $13m ($8m Series A + $5m debt).
April also saw two exits as Nigeria’s Bread Africa was acquired by SMC DAO as consolidation continues in the country’s digital asset sector, and Egypt’s waste recycling start-up Cyclex was acquired by Saudi-Egyptian investment firm Edafa Venture.
Year-to-Date (January to April), startups on the continent have raised a total of $708 million across 124 deals of at least $100,000, excluding exits. The funding mix was almost evenly split, with $364 million in equity (51.4 per cent) and $340 million in debt (48.0 per cent), alongside a small contribution from grants (0.6 per cent). This is an early sign that funding startups is taking a different shape compared to what the ecosystem witnessed in 2025.
For instance, in the first four months of last year, startups raised a higher $813 million across a significantly larger 180 deals. More notably, last year’s funding was heavily skewed toward equity, which accounted for $652 million (80.1 per cent) compared to just $138 million in debt (16.9 per cent).
The year-on-year comparison points to two clear trends: a contraction in deal activity as evidenced by a 31 per cent drop, and a 13 per cent decline in total funding. At the same time, the composition of capital has shifted meaningfully, with debt now playing a much larger role in sustaining funding volumes.
World
Nigeria Summons South Africa Envoy Over Xenophobic Attacks
By Adedapo Adesanya
Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has summoned South Africa’s Acting High Commissioner to complain about xenophobic attacks against its citizens, weeks after a similar complaint was lodged by Ghana.
The ministry called the meeting to convey “profound concern regarding recent events that have the potential to impact the established cordial relations between Nigeria and South Africa,” it said in a statement posted on X on Monday.
It noted that the country is aware of the growing discontent among Nigerians concerning the treatment of their nationals in South Africa, but implored calm while it plans to repatriate those willing to return home voluntarily, amid growing fears that recent attacks on foreigners there could escalate.
Foreign Minister, Mrs Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, said 130 applicants had already registered for the exercise, adding that the number was expected to rise.
She expressed President Bola Tinubu’s concern about the attacks in the southern African nation, and condemned the violence against foreign nationals and demonstrations characterised by “xenophobic rhetoric, hate speeches and incendiary anti-migrant statements”.
“Nigerian lives and businesses in South Africa must not continue to be put at risk, and we remain committed to working to explore with South Africa ways to put an end to this,” she said.
She cited the killing of two Nigerians in separate incidents involving local security personnel, insisting that her government was demanding justice.
She said the Nigerian president’s priority was for the safety of citizens and “consequently, arrangements are currently underway to collate details of Nigerians in South Africa for voluntary repatriation flights for those seeking assistance to return home”.
According to reports, four Ethiopian nationals have also been killed in recent weeks, while there have been attacks on citizens of other African countries.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has condemned the attacks but also cautioned foreigners to respect local laws.
He used his Freedom Day address last week – marking the country’s first democratic elections in 1994 – to remind South Africans of the support other African nations had given in the struggle against the racist system of apartheid.
However, anti-immigrant groups in South Africa have accused foreigners of being in the country illegally, taking jobs from locals and having links to crime, especially drug trafficking.
They have also reportedly been stopping people outside hospitals and schools, demanding to see their identity papers.
Last month, Ghana summoned South Africa’s top envoy after a video was widely shared showing a Ghanaian man being challenged to prove he had the correct immigration papers.
Anti-immigrant sentiment rose earlier this year after reports that the head of the Nigerian community in the port city of KuGompo (formerly East London) had been installed in a traditional role often translated as “king”. Some South Africans in the local area saw this as an attempt to grab political power and kicked against it.
South Africa is home to about 2.4 million migrants, just less than 4 per cent of the population, according to official figures. However, many more are thought to be in the country without official authorisation. Most come from neighbouring countries such as Lesotho, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, which have a history of providing migrant labour to their wealthy neighbour.
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