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Europe Turns to Africa to Meet Energy Needs Amid Russia-Ukraine Crisis

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Europe energy needs

By Kester Kenn Klomegah

With the never-ending Russia-Ukraine crisis, Europe now turns to Africa for its energy needs. Notwithstanding the distance, European Union members have set their eyes on African oil and gas producing countries that could be potential alternative suppliers.

In the latest research developments, Italy becomes one more EU member closely coordinating with Algeria, Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Egypt, Nigeria and Mozambique.

During the first Russia-Africa summit, a number of African countries were soliciting Russia’s assistance in exploring their oil and gas reserves in Africa. Some agreements were signed with Russian companies such as Bashneft, Gazprom Neft, Lukoil, Rosneft et cetera.

Long before the start of the February 24 “special military operations” in Ukraine, many African leaders illogically failed to understand that Russia has always wanted to claim a global leading position in oil and gas supply. Experts have said that Africa’s supply would affect the aggregate global supply and consequently its prices.

According to official reports, the Russian Ministry of Natural Recourses and Environmental says that Bashneft and Gazprom Neft have expressed intention of joint development projects with Angola.

“The sides welcome Rosneft’s intention to develop cooperation with Angolan national oil company Sonangol in the area of studying potential joint development of oil and gas fields in Angola and Russia,” the protocol says.

As a direct result of the “special military operation” launched on February 24, Russia has come under a raft of unprecedented stringent sanctions imposed by the United States and Canada, the European Union, Japan, Australia, New Zealand and a host of other countries.

This has to be analysed and its geopolitical and business implications. The fact is that bilateral business relations and geopolitical impact are changing, to some degree. The crisis has absolutely posed challenges, but at the same time opened possibilities and prospects for establishing new partnership cooperation between state institutions as well as between foreign countries and Africa.

Eurasia Review research shows that Angola is Africa’s second-biggest oil producer after Nigeria. It has 1.7 billion tonnes of proven oil reserves and a resource portfolio of up to 3.5 billion tonnes, with liquid hydrocarbons predominating. Angola mainly develops fields under production-sharing agreements; Sonangol has a stake in the majority of them.

Media reports have said that Italy and a number of other EU members scramble to break away from Russian gas over the Ukraine war. This April, many of them turned to Africa. Angola and Italy have already signed a declaration of intent to develop new natural gas ventures and to increase exports to Italy, said a statement from the Italian Foreign Ministry.

“We have reached another important agreement with Angola to increase gas supplies. Italy’s commitment to differentiate energy supply sources is confirmed,” Foreign Minister Luigi Di Maio said in the statement at the end of a two-and-half-hour long visit to Luanda.

Prime Minister Mario Draghi wants to add Angola and the Congo Republic to a portfolio of suppliers to substitute Russia, which provides about 45 per cent of Italian gas.

“We do not want to depend on Russian gas any longer, because economic dependence must not become political subjection. Diversification is possible and can be implemented in a relatively short amount of time — quicker than we imagined just a month ago,” he said in an interview with the Corriere Della Sera daily published this April.

The deal was described as “an important agreement that gives impetus to the partnership between Italy and Angola in the fields of renewables, biofuels, LNG and training in technology and environment.”

The Italy delegation headed to neighbouring Brazzaville, the Republic of Congo, to meet President Denis Sassou Nguesso. A similar declaration is to be signed in the Republic of Congo.

The foray follows the signing of agreements with Algeria and Egypt in recent weeks. Algeria is currently Italy’s second-largest supplier, providing around 30 per cent of its consumption. ENI said the deal with Algeria’s Sonatrach would boost deliveries of gas through the Transmed undersea pipeline by “up to nine billion cubic meters per year” by 2023-24.

Transmed only had a spare pipeline capacity of 7.8 billion cubic meters per year in 2021 — though it has said it is ready to expand. Italy has also been in talks with Azerbaijan over the expansion of the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP).

Many experts have scholarly written about the implications of the Russia-Ukraine crisis, and what that means especially for Africa. For example, Research Fellow Danielle Resnick from the Brookings wrote that the crisis casts a long shadow across Africa. Despite the geographical distance, there are implications for pan-African solidarity and adherence to multilateralism is increasingly uncertain.

She further stressed that a few countries are sensing long-term growth opportunities from the crisis. Specifically, Africa’s natural gas could reduce Europe’s dependence on Russian energy. The African countries mentioned earlier in this article with dreams of re-outlining serious business on the global landscape, Tanzania has revamped negotiations with energy companies in the hopes of attracting $30 billion in foreign investment to revive construction of offshore liquefied natural gas projects in 2023.

From Nigeria to Niger to Algeria, the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline has specific importance as it can help to increase exports of natural gas to European markets. On February 16, the three countries signed an agreement to develop the pipeline, estimated to cost $13 billion. Europe is likely to be a key financer, bolstered by the EU’s controversial decision in early February to label investments in natural gas as green energy.

Now there are a few key questions: Can Africa really become the preferred gas and oil supplier to Europe? Will Russia invest in exploring and producing Africa’s oil and gas? Do African leaders understand that Russia wants to be the global leader and helping them explore oil and gas is illogical?

As European Union has already indicated during the last EU-AU summit, it looks at Africa from different perspectives and more importantly pushes for its economic footprints on the continent. Fresh from that EU-AU summit, there are agreements on several investment projects.

EU is committing approx. €300 billion ($340 billion) for financing new investment initiatives — similar to China’s Belt and Road initiative — an investment program the bloc claims would create links, not dependencies. EU and SADC, for instance, have been worrying about facilitating and coordinating the implementation of the regional agenda in Southern Africa.

As Research Fellow Danielle Resnick from the Brookings explicitly pointed out there would be tensions between the United States together Europe on one side and Russia, on the other, over Ukraine. Nevertheless, African leaders have to analyze this within the geopolitical context and take into account various scenarios for the near future.

The proximity of the European market gives the especially Maghreb, the North African country strategic significance to become a potential gas supplier. She cited Algeria, as the world’s sixth-largest gas exporter and the continent’s largest gas producer. It has already stated its intention to double exploration and production in the next five years, according to the International Energy Agency.

Algeria increased its export volumes to Europe from €40 billion in 2020 to 53 billion euros in 2021, and it is expected to export €46 billion or more in 2022, as demand in Europe is expected to continue to rise.

African countries can capitalize on current trends to attract much-needed investment in order to develop the infrastructure necessary to accelerate production for regional consumption and exportation while also reducing costs. According to Abdur-Rasheed Tunde Omidiya, President of the African Economic Commission, “the time to act on the Trans-African Gas plan is NOW.”

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Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway Under Construction

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Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Never underestimate the power of the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), also known as CEDEAO in French and Portuguese, created on 28th May 1975 as a regional political and economic union bringing together fifteen (15) countries of West Africa. Per the date of its establishment, this so-called regional bloc marks its 50th year in 2025, a significant historical celebration.

Considered one of the pillar regional blocs of the continent-wide African Economic Community (AEC), ECOWAS generally has its primary common goal of working consistently towards achieving, what is first referred to, as “collective self-sufficiency” for its member states by creating a single large trade bloc by building a full economic and trading union. Additionally, ECOWAS aims to raise the living standards of an estimated population of over 425 million people and to promote economic development based on the principles of interdependence, solidarity, and cooperation.

Until writing this article, ECOWAS has frequently been discussing and reviewing the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway Development Project, one single regional infrastructure project these several years. It has shown its total commitment to looking for funding while billions have been siphoned by leaders into foreign banks. African leaders are quick negotiating and paying for foreign military weapons but are grossly unsuccessful in soliciting similar assistance from these external partners to invest in infrastructure development such as the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway Development Project.

West African Highway Launched in 2017

The construction of this proposed grandiose West African highway has its chequered history. The proposed project was successfully launched in 2017, and since then it has had a series of high-powered meetings and conferences, technical studies have been conducted, and the construction to its feasibility and practical operationalization. The Abidjan-Lagos highway, the six-lane dual carriage highway, is estimated at $15.1 billion.

On resource mobilization, it was explicitly noted that ECOWAS had adopted a new regulatory framework on the Public Private Partnership (PPP) – an incentive for the entry of the private sector in large investments like the nature of this project. The African Development Bank (AfDB) on behalf of the development partners offered its assurance for unwavering commitment to the realization of the highway.

Akinwunmi Adesina, President of the African Development Bank (AfDB) has several times highlighted the importance of the Abidjan-Lagos highway as an infrastructure project in West Africa that would ease the free movement of people, goods and services, generate social and economic activities, and ultimately promote cross-border trade within the region, its economic viability and enormous potentials especially now that African Union looks to implement the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Noticeably, Africa has long been considered a frontier for manufacturing, technology, for food production. Africa is getting ready for business, it is busily building the world’s largest single market of 1.4 billion people.

Special Meetings and Technical Consultations

Several meetings upon meetings and meetings have been held since the project was proposed in 2017. Since 2017, paid meetings have been held, and experts have been paid. The latest of such a paid meeting was held on November 10-11, 2024. This roundtable was initiated following the instructions given to the ECOWAS Commission. Late September 2024, such a roundtable meeting was held in Abidjan, the capital city of Côte d’Ivoire, under the auspices of the Commission of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID).

The highway corridor is calculated to be approximately 1,080 km long. It will connect some of the largest and most economically dynamic cities Abidjan, Accra, Cotonou, Lomé and Lagos while covering a large proportion of West Africa’s population. It will also link very vibrant seaports in West Africa. In addition, it will serve all the landlocked ECOWAS member-states, for example, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger in the region. Nearly 40 million people are estimated to be living along the Abidjan-Lagos corridor while 47 million people travel along the axis every year. These are expected to be direct beneficiaries of the development of the project touted to be a real backbone of trade in the region.

According to official documents, this highway project falls in line with the key objectives of the ECOWAS Vision 2050, including (i) facilitating the movement of people and goods, and (ii) accelerating trade and transport, regional and international, improving road infrastructure. It is eventually expected that the transport corridor will be transformed into a development corridor to stimulate investment, sustainable development and poverty reduction within the entire region.

West African Highway and AfCFTA

The focal point of controversy and debate, these several years, are centred on the mechanism of financing, and the state-of-the-art management of this new mega-highway – from planning through practical construction to its final commissioning, ready for cutting-edge usage by the transport industry. The idea of prioritizing highway innovation, signalling a bold leap in West Africa’s transportation infrastructure, is its recognizable potential transformative impact. Simply intended to improve and facilitate the movement of services, goods and people across the region. The Abidjan-Lagos Highway highlights its potential to enhance regional connectivity and drive economic growth, especially with the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade (AfCFTA), the ambitious flagship of the African Union (AU).

According to ECOWAS’ latest document issued after their two-day special meeting held on November 11 in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, “experts have lauded findings of the study which has among others, unveiled a potential $6.8 billion investment prepared and ready to be implemented to unlock economic growth and enhance the viability of the proposed highway.” The overall objective is to identify and unlock the inherent and latent economic potential (short, medium and long-term) and commercial viability of economic and industrial value chain projects. These economic projects, once implemented, will also generate trade volumes and traffic to augment the viability of the highway.

The final draft reports were issued after groups revisited (that was not the first time) several tolled bridges and roads in Abidjan for knowledge and experience sharing strategy envisaged for the Abidjan-Lagos Highway. At the end of the exercise, the study report (re)validated commitment to unlock the inherent and latent economic potential of the highway construction and estimated $6.8 billion in potential investment in the region.

Final Construction Still Out of Sight

For the past few years, significant attention has been drawn by the widely publicized announcement of securing enough funds from African banks and external sources for the construction of this regional highway which could become a cornerstone, and the public narrative of achievement by ECOWAS, which marks its 50th year in 2025. However, transport industry analysts, researchers and experts have already cast serious doubts and skyline scepticism if ECOWAS could live up to this onerous task. Grandiose ceremony-infested ECOWAS future task of achieving its primary target of constructing a ‘speed-highway’ remains an eternal dream. Noticeably, ECOWAS has little to celebrate, except its existence by name, (the golden jubilee) at its 50th year in May 2025. At least, Africans will rather jubilate over the authenticity of reforming and transforming the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

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Criticisms Trail $300bn Climate Finance Deal

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Climate Disclosure Guidelines

By Adedapo Adesanya

After many delays and negotiations, richer countries agreed to take the lead on raising at least $300 billion per year by 2035 to support climate adaptation and emissions reduction projects in developing nations.

This came after two exhausting weeks of chaotic bargaining and sleepless nights at the Conference of Parties (COP29) held in Baku, Azerbaijan.

Other donors — including less wealthy countries, development banks, and private investors — were also invited to chip in. The agreement also called on all these parties to work, on a voluntary basis, toward the goal of $1.3 trillion.

The figures are far lower than what many in Baku had hoped for with delegates from countries like India, Kenya, and Vanuatu among others lamenting the agreed amount. Expectations were around $2.3 trillion.

“The amount that is proposed to be mobilised is abysmally poor. It’s a paltry sum,” said Indian delegate Chandni Raina.

“This document is little more than an optical illusion. This, in our opinion, will not address the enormity of the challenge we all face.”

“The commitments made in Baku — the Dollar amounts pledged and the emissions reductions promised — are not enough. They were never going to be enough,” said Ralph Regenvanu, climate envoy from the island nation Vanuatu. “And even then, based on our experience with such pledges in the past, we know they will not be fulfilled.”

“This COP has been a disaster for the developing world,” said Mohamed Adow, the Kenyan director of Power Shift Africa, a think tank.

“It’s a betrayal of both people and planet, by wealthy countries who claim to take climate change seriously.”

Nations struggled to reconcile long-standing divisions over how much rich nations most accountable for historic climate change should provide to poorer countries least responsible but most impacted by Earth’s rapid warming.

The climate envoy of the European Union, Wopke Hoekstra said COP29 would be remembered as “the start of a new era for climate finance”.

Despite repeating that no deal is better than a bad deal, this did not stand in the way of an agreement, despite it falling well short of what most of these delegates wanted.

The final deal commits developed nations to pay at least $300 billion a year by 2035 to help developed countries green their economies and prepare for worse disasters.

A group of 134 developing countries had pushed for at least $500 billion from rich governments to build resilience against climate change and cut emissions of planet-warming greenhouse gases.

UN climate chief, Mr Simon Stiell acknowledged the deal was imperfect.

“No country got everything they wanted, and we leave Baku with a mountain of work still to do. So this is no time for victory laps,” he said in a statement.

The United States and EU have wanted newly wealthy emerging economies like China — the world’s largest emitter — to chip in.

The final deal encourages developing countries to make contributions on a voluntary basis, reflecting no change for China which already provides climate finance on its own terms.

The deal posits a larger overall target of $1.3 trillion per year to cope with rising temperatures and disasters, but most would come from private sources.

Wealthy countries and small island nations were also concerned by efforts led by Saudi Arabia to water down calls from last year’s summit in Dubai to phase out fossil fuels.

A number of countries also accused Azerbaijan, an authoritarian oil and gas exporter, of lacking the experience and will to meet the moment, as the planet again sets temperature records and faces rising deadly disasters.

The next COP will hold in Brazil in 2025.

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Yellow Card Gets Crypto Asset Service Provider Licence in South Africa

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Crypto Asset Service Provider

By Adedapo Adesanya

Stablecoin-based infrastructure provider, Yellow Card, has been issued a Crypto Asset Service Provider (CASP) licence by the Financial Sector Conduct Authority (FSCA) in South Africa.

This is coming after the company announced the closing of its Series C financing valued at $33 million led by Blockchain Capital, with participation from Polychain Capital, Third Prime Ventures, Castle Island Ventures, Block, Inc., Galaxy Ventures, Blockchain Coinvestors, Hutt Capital, and Winklevoss Capital in October.

Yellow Card, which launched in South Africa in 2020, has facilitated over $3 billion in transactions in the last several years and now operates in 20 countries across the continent.

Commenting on the FSCA’s decision to issue the licence to Yellow Card Financial South Africa, Mr Chris Maurice, Yellow Card’s co-founder and CEO, said, “The CASP licence underscores Yellow Card’s commitment to its customers in South Africa and regulatory compliance across the continent. This achievement reflects our dedication to providing secure, compliant and transformative solutions for our customers both in South Africa and across Africa.”

With the licensing and funding, the company plans to expand its B2B offerings by enhancing its stablecoin rails, upgrading infrastructure, and advancing its B2B API and Widget.

This will further help to drive stablecoin adoption, which is surging throughout Africa, with sub-Saharan Africa having the highest adoption rate in the world at 9.2 per cent.

In South Africa alone, where the number of total users of crypto assets is estimated to amount to 5.8 million people, stablecoins have experienced growth of 50 per cent month over month since October 2023, displacing bitcoin as the country’s most popular cryptocurrency. Stablecoins are cryptocurrencies pegged against the Dollar.

“As the stablecoin landscape continues to evolve, Yellow Card is committed to leading the charge in making digital assets accessible and secure for businesses across Africa,” Yellow Card said in a statement.

“These efforts will empower businesses with seamless solutions for liquidity management and their general operations,” the firm added.

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