Feature/OPED
Nigeria and Unending Global Debate About Federalism
By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi
There exists no ambiguity to the fact that Nigeria is a federal state with three tiers of government, which consists of the federal government at the centre, 36 federating states and 774 Local Government Areas.
What is, however, the news is that, like its global counterparts, the federal system currently practised in Nigeria is characterized by a high level of debates, controversies arising from structural imperfections and riddled with calls on the federal government to identify in the nation the imperfections and have them amended according to the changing time of its political sovereignty.
In December 2020, for instance, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, while speaking in Ibadan, Oyo State, on the topic Time to Restructure is Now, at the 3rd Annual Abiola Ajimobi Roundtable, stated, among others, that the current relationship between the police and the people needs such reform so that the police may help better answer the security challenges we now face. In fact, it is long overdue.
Tinubu stressed that power generation was the most important factor in economic development. States currently are shut out from this vital sector even though the nation suffers a paucity of power. States must be allowed to engage in power generation as long as their efforts are consistent with and do not undermine federal labour in this sector. If we begin with these fundamental changes, then our states will become stronger, more able catalysts of economic development.
“By instituting true federalism, we open the door to prosperity and greater democracy and openness throughout Nigeria. This will help bring peace and tranquillity where there is now tension and uncertainty about the pathway our nation is on. This important change will require more funds in state hands and less in federal. Other items such as stamp duties for financial transactions, tourism, and the incorporation of businesses should also occur at the state level and be removed from the federal charge,” Tinubu concluded.
Obviously, while it is not hard to identify that Tinubu’s comment amply and perfectly demonstrates the way to go, it, on the other hand, remains an open secret that the challenge arising from federalism as a system of government is not Nigeria-specific but of global dimension and concerns.
It, therefore, elicits the question as to why the Federal system has become reputed for creating more friction than cohesion whenever and wherever it is practised. Why is it that the fundamental assumptions inherent in the system, in most cases, fail to offer targeted road maps for upholding the health and vitality of a nation’s peaceful coexistence?
Adding context to the discourse, available information at Wikipedia, the world’s information powerhouse, shows that there are roughly/about 25 countries in the world where the federal system of government is practised today.
Interestingly also, these countries, when put together, represent 40 per cent of the world’s population. These countries include but are not limited to; India, the United States of America (USA), Brazil, Germany and Mexico.
Typically, the federal system of government tends to have so much passion for constitutional governance based on a mixed or compound mode of government that combines a general government with regional governments in a single political system.
While many political commentators accept as true that its greatest strength as a system of government is that in a country where there is much diversity, and the establishment of a unitary government is not possible, a political organization can be established through this form of government.
In this type of government, local self-government, regional autonomy, and national unity are possible; others argue that with the division of powers, the burden of work on the centre is lessened, and the centre needs not to bother about the problems of a purely local nature.
It can devote its full attention to problems of national importance. Because of provincial or regional autonomy, the administration of these areas becomes very efficient. To the rest, in a federal government, the provinces, regions or states enjoy separate rights, and they have separate cabinets and legislatures. Local governments also have separate rights, and the councils are elected by the people to run the local administration.
Despite these virtues, there are examples of nations across the globe where like Nigeria, the federal system has remained a pathway to discord.
For instance, in India, the system presents a conflicting scenario. It is a quasi-federal system containing features of both a federation and a union that allows power to be divided between the central government and the states.
Article 1 of the Indian Constitution suggests that the territory of India shall be classified into three categories; the Union Government (also known as the Central Government), representing the Union of India, the State governments and the Panchayats/Municipalities. Basically, it implies an inculcation of a strong sense of love and respect for one’s region, ethnicity, language, and culture.
It is this love which makes regions fight for greater autonomy within the nation and directly puts the authenticity of Indian federalism in danger.
Another area of concern is that the most important power of the Governor sometimes comes in conflict with the federal structure of the country. To illustrate this claim, the power vested upon him by Article 154 of the Indian Constitution states that the Governor holds all the executive powers of the state. Going by analysis, this provision implies that the Governor can appoint the Chief Minister, the Advocate General of the State, and State Election Commissioners. The most paramount and, in my view, troubling executive power at his disposal is that he can recommend the imposition of constitutional emergency in a state.
In Brazil, the burden of the challenge is not different. More specifically, the problems facing the country’s federal system and constitutional governance involve several issues.
First and most importantly, Brazil is a federation characterized by regional and social inequality. Although the 1988 Constitution and those preceding it have provided several political and fiscal mechanisms for offsetting regional inequality and tackling poverty, these mechanisms have not been able to overcome the historical differences among regions and social classes. Governments of the three orders have not been able to reduce poverty and regional inequality.
Their ability to act is limited by a number of factors, not the least of which is the fiscal requirements of international leaders and federal financial institutions and regulations.
Another factor, says a report, adversely affecting states is the opening up of Brazil’s economy. This tends to make inter-governmental relations more complex, increasing the differences between developed and less developed states. This also contributes to the current trend towards reversing previous, although timid, initiatives favouring economic decentralization.
An added issue is that in Brazil, there are few mechanisms to coordinate the three government orders. This has become more important because municipal governments have upgraded their financial standing within the federation vis-à-vis the states and have also been responsible for important social policies. The prospect of transforming constitutional principles into policies for regional development is not currently on the agenda for Brazil.
While the world sympathizes with Brazilians on whose shoulders lay this awkward situation, the federal system in Germany, says 75-year-old Rain-Olaf Schultze, author of the book; the Politics of Constitutional Reforms in Northern America, is at a crossroads and dramatizes worrying concerns.
Schultze noted that new weaknesses have emerged in the success story of the postwar German federal system. The highly successful West German federal system, which for 40 years brought economic and social prosperity to Germany’s “second” democracy, has fallen into a state of crisis, mostly as a result of the momentous changes that occurred toward the end of recent decades.
On the surface, German reunification looks complete – however, reunification is still in progress on the cultural and economic levels, the consequences of which will continue to evaluate German politics for decades to come. These strains have made structural reforms essential for the political system.
From Germany to Nigeria, the situation is not different. Today, the restructuring debate, as noted in the introductory part of this piece, rends the political wavelength of the political space called Nigeria.
Synoptically, this is how a political commentator recently captured the whole debate: The south-south claim continued deprivation and blight from oil pollution, despite being the hub for the nation’s oil wealth. The south-east legitimately gripes that nothing will change the history of the Igbos being divested of some of their properties and wealth after the war and being handed only twenty pounds each; and that 62 years after independence, the Nigerian presidency continues to elude the Igbos. The North has valid stitches too.
Most of Nigeria’s insolvent states are in the North; the broadest swathes of underdeveloped Nigeria are in the North, and the largest numbers of uneducated and unskilled youths are from the north. Because northern states are not oil producing, they also lose out on preferential derivation from oil.
While it has, from the above concern, become obvious that the Federal System is riddled with challenges, particularly in a country like Nigeria, the truth must be told to the fact that, in absolute terms, federalism remains the answer to many of the nation’s political and socioeconomic challenges if well practised.
Aside from many supporting the validity of a federal system of government, the greatest lesson of the federal system, says Scott Moore, a research fellow at Harvard’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, is that countries can often become stronger by adopting a looser union.
Utomi is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Policy) at Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos. He can be reached via [email protected]/08032725374
By Bamikole Omishore
“Great dancers are not great because of their technique; they are great because of their passion.” – Martha Graham.
In the world of dance, few have mastered the art of movement with the grace and intensity of Martha Graham, whose choreography was marked by a profound understanding of human expression and transformation.
Graham’s dances were not mere performances; they were powerful reflections of the human condition, a tapestry woven with raw emotion, rhythm, and purpose. In many ways, the leadership of Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, mirrors this very essence of dance—dynamic, passionate, and forward-moving.
Governor Adeleke has taken the helm of Osun State with the kind of zeal and vision that echoes the intensity of a choreographed performance, where each step is deliberate, and every movement contributes to a greater narrative of transformation. His approach to governance is not just about policy execution but about creating an environment where the people of Osun are empowered, uplifted, and given the tools to thrive.
In his leadership, one sees a choreography of progress, dedication, and unwavering commitment to the welfare of his people. Considering the precarious state of Osun when he took office on November 27, 2022, Adeleke could not have done otherwise—every step had to be deliberate and tailored for the development of the people.
Much like Martha Graham’s focus on the expression of the individual within a broader context, Governor Adeleke’s leadership shines in its ability to focus on the unique needs of Osun State’s diverse communities, while also aligning them with the collective goal of the state’s development. He has taken the pulse of Osun and, much like a skilled dancer attuned to the rhythm of the music, has set a course for the state that resonates with both empathy and pragmatism.
Governor Adeleke’s impact is tangible, and his passion for the people is infectious. His administration has not shied away from confronting the most pressing issues facing the state, including infrastructural deficits, educational reform, and economic revitalisation. Just as Martha Graham redefined modern dance by introducing new techniques and forms, Governor Adeleke has redefined governance in Osun by introducing innovative policies, modernising systems, and fostering an environment where growth is inevitable.
One of the cornerstones of Adeleke’s governance has been his focus on improving the education sector. Under his leadership, 631 classrooms and offices have been rehabilitated across 125 basic schools, while 323 new classrooms, halls, and laboratories have been constructed in 96 schools.
Additionally, new toilets, boreholes, motorised water wells, and perimeter fences have been installed in several schools. The Governor has also upgraded the Educational Management Information System (EMIS) units in local education authorities to improve data collection and management. Adeleke’s administration has sponsored 200 secondary school teachers and 20 ICT experts to train on remote learning platforms and has trained 1,004 teachers on cooperative learning strategies.
The governor has also initiated the recruitment of 5,000 new teachers to address vacancies in public schools. For tertiary education, Adeleke has invested in infrastructure, including completing a 52-office complex at Osun State University (UNIOSUN), thus becoming the first Governor since 2011 to execute a project at the institution.
He also funded the construction of the first student hostel at the University of Ilesa (UNILESA). He approved the permanent employment of over 230 temporary staff at UNILESA and supported the training of 137 academic staff at the Osun State College of Technology and 1,120 health educators in collaboration with international organisations.
He also revived the indigenous bursary scheme, providing financial support to over 3,100 students and N105,000 to Osun indigenes in law schools across Nigeria.
Governor Adeleke’s approach to healthcare mirrors the precision and care found in Graham’s choreography. Upon taking office, he inherited a healthcare system in disarray. However, he quickly launched the Imole Surgical and Medical Outreach, which provided free medical treatment to over 50,000 residents across Osun, addressing a wide range of conditions from cataracts and hernias to diabetes, hypertension, and malaria.
On a long-term basis, Adeleke’s administration has focused on improving the state’s healthcare infrastructure. This includes the rehabilitation of 345 primary healthcare centres (PHCs), with 200 already upgraded to include 24/7 power and water facilities, while the remaining 145 centres are undergoing renovations.
His administration has also ensured a regular supply of medications to these centres and has partnered with development organisations to provide essential medical equipment. Governor Adeleke’s healthcare policies have expanded health insurance coverage to include informal sector workers and Osun’s senior citizens, ensuring comprehensive healthcare access for all, including persons with disabilities.
Infrastructure development has been another focal point of Adeleke’s leadership. Osun State’s infrastructure, particularly in the road sector, was in dire need of attention when he assumed office. In the past two years, his administration has constructed many roads and has embarked on additional projects to extend the state’s road network.
Notable projects include the Oke-Fia overhead bridge in Osogbo, the first-ever overhead bridge in Ile-Ife, and the Akoda-Baptist-Oke Gada dual carriageway in Ede. These projects are expected to improve traffic flow, ease transportation, and spur economic growth by connecting key areas of the state. Adeleke’s commitment to infrastructure extends beyond urban centres.
Under his leadership, Osun State has rejoined the Rural Access and Mobility Project (RAAMP-3), focusing on improving rural road networks. These improvements are vital for enhancing rural connectivity, facilitating trade, and providing essential access to health and education services in remote areas.
The Governor’s unwavering passion for the people of Osun is also evident in his economic policies, which are focused on stimulating local industries, attracting investment, and reducing unemployment. Like Martha Graham’s ability to tap into the emotional core of her dancers, Adeleke’s governance taps into the heart of Osun’s potential, nurturing the state’s resources, businesses, and talents.
Governor Adeleke is driving sustainable development in Osun State with initiatives that align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). At the heart of his work is the Senator Isiaka Adetunji Adeleke Estate, a development that balances modern infrastructure with the need for planned, resilient communities. Governor Adeleke’s vision is not just about physical structures—it extends into the human realm. In SDG 4 (Quality Education), he has created the Alternative School for Girls, offering education to those who would otherwise be left behind.
Perhaps most importantly, Governor Adeleke’s leadership is marked by a deep sense of inclusivity and unity. Just as a dance troupe requires each member to work in harmony for the performance to succeed, Adeleke has fostered a sense of collective purpose in Osun.
Governor Ademola Adeleke has brought a new rhythm to Osun State, one driven by passion, innovation, and an unwavering commitment to the welfare of the people. Much like Martha Graham’s transformative choreography, which changed the landscape of modern dance forever, Adeleke’s governance has redefined the landscape of leadership in Osun —one that promises progress, unity, and a brighter future for all its citizens.
Omishore, a proud son of Osun state, writes from Ile-Ife
Feature/OPED
Prepaid Debit Cards Can Enable Companies to Take Advantage of Increased Intra-African Trade
By Amber Thetford
As businesses seek to expand across African borders, cashless payment solutions offer a safer method of transferring money. One offering, prepaid debit cards, provides security while mitigating many infrastructure and regulatory challenges, writes Amber Thetford, the Chief Product Officer for Card Issuing and Processing at Onafriq.
As the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCTA) increasingly moves into the operational phase, it is becoming clearer that part of its success lies in ensuring that entrepreneurs and small businesses can effectively trade and receive payments across borders.
As the African Union has noted, the trade area will be the biggest since the World Trade Organization was formed in 1995. Africa’s population is currently 1.2 billion people, a figure that is expected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050.
South Africa took its first step in making AfCTA a reality, when the now-former Minister of Trade, Industry, and Competition, then Ebrahim Patel, launched the implementation of the start of preferential trade this year. The South African Revenue Service also certified two consignments to Ghana and Kenya.
Yet, with trade expected to grow among members from the current between 15% and 18%, a safe way of moving money is required given the risk that cash presents. Some nine-tenths of transactions in sub-Saharan Africa are, based on World Bank information, in cash.
The large amounts of cash involved in trade are also cumbersome and difficult to physically transport between markets. Card payments, part of the digital ecosystem, can enable efficient, secure, and transparent transactions that are essential for facilitating trade.
Card payments can eliminate the need for manual intervention and reconciliation when it comes to banking and bookkeeping. This, the World Bank states, makes them, on average, three times more cost-effective than conventional purchase order costs.
While mobile money payments have greatly improved Africa’s ability to make cross-border payments, they do not meet the full scope of needs of individuals or businesses. As the United Nations points out, there are regulatory bottlenecks, while a lack of interconnectivity among mobile transactions in some countries means that people cannot transfer money across borders. Moreover, limitations of infrastructure, accessibility, and interoperability make it difficult for their users to access the global digital economy. As a result, this type of cross-border payment can be limited.
There are solutions to these dilemmas. Prepaid cards can enable businesses and individuals to transact with global institutions and marketplaces without the need to own a bank account. This option removes a pain point for a business that would otherwise need to accept local alternative payment methods or cash. Navigating challenges like high fees, currency shocks and a lack of access to traditional banks can be simplified through prepaid cards. This makes them a pivotal instrument that enhances Africa’s connection to the global economy.
For example, one of our customers provides payroll solutions for seafarers and cruise ships, which frequently travel to different countries. Once the card is loaded, it is very convenient for a sailor to use it as one would a normal debit card and swipe to pay for purchases or transmit money across borders. The beauty of this option is that whoever is loading the card with money, can be based anywhere in the world, with the same also being true of the person holding the card.
Prepaid cards can also be used to manage expenses because they can be provided to managers of, for example, a bookstore, who can then make independent decisions about business-related purchases, but only up to a certain amount. This has the added advantage of speeding up operations as there are no lengthy delays across the company when it comes to acquiring stock, while it also goes some way towards eliminating fraud as the card has a set limit.
Larger companies with staff who travel extensively can also provide gratuities for their employees, who can then cover incidental expenses without having to dip into their pockets or bring back paperwork to be reimbursed.
A platform that simplifies a user’s ability to transfer money to cards brings the AfCTA dream closer to reality. The versatile power of prepaid cards can be used to promote free trade between countries and unite Africa’s fragmented payment landscape.
Prepaid solutions can aid businesses seeking to operate in other African countries to thrive – making AfCTA’s aim a reality and boosting economic growth for all.
Amber Thetford is the Chief Product Officer for Card Issuing and Processing at Onafriq
By Kenechukwu Aguolu
The possibility of Seyi Tinubu, the son of the President of Nigeria, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu contesting for the Lagos State governorship in 2027 has become a significant topic of public discourse, raising important questions about the dynamics of political dynasties and democratic values in Nigeria. While his constitutional eligibility to vie for the position under Section 177 of the Nigerian Constitution is undisputed, the discussion brings to light broader issues of political inclusivity, leadership by merit, and the role of family legacy in modern democracy.
The Nigerian Constitution outlines clear qualifications for anyone aspiring to the office of governor. A candidate must be a citizen of Nigeria by birth, at least 35 years old, a member of a political party, and educated to at least the secondary school level or its equivalent. Based on these criteria, Seyi Tinubu, as a citizen by birth and meeting the age and educational requirements, is constitutionally qualified to run for the office, provided he secures the sponsorship of a political party.
Political dynasties are not exclusive to Nigeria; they are a global phenomenon that has influenced governance in many parts of the world. In the United States, for example, the Bush family has held significant political positions, including George H.W. Bush as the 41st President, George W. Bush as the 43rd President and former Governor of Texas, and Jeb Bush as the Governor of Florida. Similarly, the Kennedy family produced John F. Kennedy, the 35th President, and prominent figures like Robert Kennedy, a U.S. Senator and Attorney General, and Ted Kennedy, a long-serving U.S. Senator. The Clinton family also left its mark, with Bill Clinton serving as the 42nd President and Hillary Clinton as a Secretary of State and presidential candidate. These families earned their positions through electoral victories, reinforcing the importance of public trust and the democratic process.
If Seyi Tinubu decides to run, his candidacy will face considerable scrutiny. Questions about whether his aspirations are rooted in personal merit or familial advantage will dominate public discourse. In Nigeria, where perceptions of nepotism and concerns about equitable access to leadership persist, the candidacy of a high-profile figure like Seyi Tinubu will polarize opinions. To succeed in such an environment, he would need to present a compelling policy agenda and demonstrate his capability to govern effectively. His father’s legacy as a former Lagos governor and current president could either bolster his credibility or attract criticism, depending on public sentiment.
Ultimately, the decision rests with the electorate. Lagosians possess the constitutional authority to evaluate candidates based on their merits and to choose leaders who align with their aspirations for the state. Democracy thrives on the principle that leadership is determined by the people, not inherited by default. Seyi Tinubu’s constitutional right to contest for the governorship reflects the democratic ideals enshrined in Nigeria’s laws. However, his candidacy, like that of any other aspirant, must be judged on its merit, the policies he proposes, and the competence he demonstrates. In the end, the will of the people should guide leadership selection, ensuring that governance remains a reflection of collective choice rather than familial legacy.
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