World
A Shifting Landscape: Is ECOWAS Awakening to Regional Economic and Security Realities?
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Given the multidimensional difficulties facing the the regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the most delicate being forging indivisible regional security which, at least, constitutes the basis for economic integration and development. The highly anticipated decision made by Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to quit the organization poses challenges and resolving these fragile questions lead to instability.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have common historical and political backgrounds, as former French colonies struggled to maintain some kind of democracy and improve the economic situation for 80% impoverished population. However, the political leadership were unsuccessful in achieving their election pledges combined with multiple internal ethnic conflicts, deep-seated corruption and worse, poor strategic development policies.
In addition, rights abuse and cultural practices, to a considerable extent, negatively affect the current state of sub-standard development. While it remains largely underdeveloped and the greater part of the population impoverished, terrorist organizations are operating and have contributed to the frequent violence, extremism and instability in this vast region.
This resulted in military coup d’états as we have seen and heard all these years. Reports show that Burkina Faso has had several military coup d’états, the latest took place in Jan. 2022. The case of Mali (May 24, 2021) and Niger (July 26, 2023) witnessed similar political trends, and the three are now under military administration and share startling critical accusations of corruption and malfunctioning of state governance against previous governments. But the finger-end points concretely to France and generally to the European Union for gross under-development and large-scale exploitation of the countries in the West African region.
As part of their political initiatives, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger exited the anti-Islamist force in early December 2023, and withdraw from the international force known as the G5 that was set up to fight Islamists in the Sahel region. Now Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have formed their mutual defence pact. Their so-called Alliance of Sahel States (AES) was signed back in September.
Chad and Mauritania were part of the G5 force which was supposed to be made up of about 5,000 soldiers. The military-led interim governments of Burkina Faso and Niger vehemently criticized the G5 force for failing to make the Sahel region safer and consistently continued undermining the force as serving foreign interests instead of aiming for greater local independence and dignity. Later Niger scrapped all the European Union Civilian Capacity-Building Mission that was established in 2012, and that created growing political tensions between Niger and the EU after the July coup.
Meanwhile, Russia sees an excellent potential strategic commercial interest there – Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali and Niger have appeared on its radar as a possible gateway into the entire Sahel region in Africa. The Russian Foreign Ministry has explained in a statement posted on its website, that its military-technical cooperation with African countries is primarily directed at settling regional conflicts and possibly halting the spread of terrorist threats and fighting the growing terrorism in the continent. Its strategy on Africa is reportedly looking into building military bases in the continent. In December 2023, Nigerien Prime Minister, Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine, had already asked for the creation of a Russian military base during his working visit to discuss military and economic ties in the Kremlin.
Political Correctness
On January 30, the African Union (AU) issued an official notice, posted to its website, calling for dialogue between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and three member countries – Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. The AU, supporting ECOWAS endeavours to restore democracy, expressed deep regret about the withdrawal announcement and emphasized the need for collaborative efforts to preserve ECOWAS unity and strengthen African solidarity.
On the flip side, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger’s foreign ministries formally notified the ECOWAS Commission of their decisions to leave the bloc in written notices dated Jan. 29. According to the bloc’s treaty, member states wishing to withdraw must give a written one-year notice. So the move to quit the 15-member bloc could yet take time to implement, opening a door for negotiations.
In an official statement posted to its website, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, called for an intensified dialogue between ECOWAS leadership and the three countries. He conveyed the AU’s readiness to assist in the process. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger formally notified the ECOWAS Commission of their decisions to withdraw on January 29. According to ECOWAS treaty provisions, member states desiring to withdraw must provide a one-year written notice. This implies that the actual departure from the 15-member bloc could take some time, allowing room for negotiations.
The skyline willingness of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to dismember the organization underscored the prevailing instability in the region, where military forces are grappling with challenges posed by Islamist militants, especially following power seizures in various countries. The AU’s call for dialogue signals a diplomatic effort to address the situation and maintain regional cooperation despite the setbacks.
In response, however, the Authority of Heads of State and Government, its highest decision-making organ of ECOWAS, says it remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.
The statement says it has been “working assiduously with these countries for the restoration of constitutional order. Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali remain important members of the Community and the Authority remains committed to finding a negotiated solution to the political impasse.”
That however the rhetorical arguments in several media reports said ECOWAS insisted they remain as members. “The ECOWAS Commission remains seized with the development and shall make further pronouncements as the situation evolves,” the statement said.
The three countries – founding members of the bloc in 1975 – were suspended from ECOWAS with Niger and Mali facing heavy sanctions as the bloc tried to push for the early return of civilian governments with elections. Burkina Faso and Mali were scheduled to hold elections this year, according to agreements with ECOWAS, while talks with Niger have yet to start.
In September 2023, the three countries hardened their positions in recent months and joined forces in an “Alliance of Sahel States” and the regional bloc noted they were “under the influence of foreign powers, betraying its founding principles, has become a threat to member states and peoples.”
Reactions and Economic Impact
Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali’s withdrawal from the bloc has sparked knee-jerk reactions and discussions. The bloc has imposed stringent sanctions, finding a peaceful solution to the deepening crisis, yielded little with no clarity on the next steps. Dialogue over restoring constitutional order has failed, as the situation stands, especially the English against the French, it could burst into a sharp regional destabilization as a whole.
Despite the most intractable conflicts which attract political sympathy, the withdrawal has inflicted considerable damage on the bloc’s image. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, are unprepared to dialogue (negotiate) and often disparage both the regional and continental organizations, but are seemingly tackling their security, political and economic visions in starkly different directions. Scholars have published critical reviews in the context of the emerging alternative world system, further emphasising the need to cooperate and bridge the widening gap, especially with the regional bloc. Some have questioned whether the 15-member West African organization can survive the split and the crippling attitudes of the interim military leaders.
Narratives further described ECOWAS’ poor coordination and weaknesses in handling appropriate issues relating the regional integration, security and economic development. Throughout these several years, ECOWAS has failed the entire West African region. It is manipulated by external powers and ordered by Washington and what is more executing instructions and directives from imperialist-minded powers who have, so far, imposed their own rules.
Leadership and Economic Transformation As the Way Forward
The way forward should not be invading these French-speaking countries as the Commissioner for Politics, Peace and Security at the ECOWAS had initially wanted. Strict sanctions may not also be the way out, rather invasion and sanctions would jeopardize the organization’s status, and unity in West Africa. Prioritizing militarization over economic growth is dangerously short-sighted. On the other side of the argument, the ambitions of leaders completely demonstrate utter disrespect for ECOWAS. This further threatened the continental unity and for which was established the African Union.
In turning around to soliciting foreign military assistance and forging closer partnerships with external players have to largely address development-oriented questions. On cultural levels, abandoning French as an official language is a trivial approach to existing challenges in the region. Succumbing to external pressures and measures is also incredibly daunting. Therefore, it is however crucial, within saying “African Problems, African Solutions” to portray the highest respect for sovereignty and the pursuit of peace. The fundamental issue here also connects the raising the welfare of the citizens through modern agriculture directed at ensuring food security, transforming the industrial sector. Both systematically create employment opportunities for the teeming youth. Improving transport infrastructure also supports the envisioned single continental free trade, allowing easier movement of people, goods and services.
West Africa has huge natural resources and human capital. Reviewing the economic and trade aspects of post-colonial relations with external powers is important now. An emerging multipolar world implies integration and a fairer system of relations, partners are treated as equals, rather than posing as beggars and a whimsical approach towards accepting free grains. With contradictions and complexities of the geopolitical changes offer more investment opportunities to capitalize on. Requesting for needed investment would ensure food security generate employment for the youth, and ultimately consolidate the economy.
As of 2023, Burkina Faso is currently suspended from ECOWAS and the African Union has an estimated population of 20.5 million. Its natural resources include gold, manganese, limestone, marble and phosphates. The vast arable land, yet to adopt mechanized agriculture, can completely ensure food self-sufficiency for the country. Mali and Niger were dismembered from ECOWAS and the African Union. Mali is the eighth-largest country in Africa, population of about 21.9 million, while Niger has a comparatively slightly bigger population of 22.5 million.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, considered among the poorest countries in the world, are landlocked. This constitutes one of the greatest disadvantages, that ECOWAS strengthening its sanctions, this time, ordering the close of neighbouring air routes in addition to borders to get them to observe and respect ECOWAS protocols.
Mali’s key industry is agriculture. Cotton is the country’s largest crop export and is exported west throughout Senegal and Ivory Coast. It previously relaxed the enforcement of mining codes which led to renewed foreign interest and investment in the mining industry. In addition, Gold is mined in the southern region and Mali has the third highest gold production in Africa (after South Africa and Ghana).
Niger borders Nigeria and Benin to the south, Burkina Faso and Mali to the west, and then Chad, Libya and Algeria. An overview shows the same features in Burkina Faso and Mali. The average population is 22.5 million. Niger pursues a moderate foreign policy and maintains friendly relations with the West and the Islamic world as well as non-aligned countries. Until last year, it maintained a special relationship with former colonial power France. The economy of Niger centres on subsistence crops, livestock, and some of the world’s largest uranium deposits. In 2021, Niger was the main supplier of uranium to the EU, followed by Kazakhstan and Russia.
Landlocked Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali are located within the Sahel-Sahara, the vast semi-arid region of Africa separating the Sahara Desert to the north and tropical savannas to the south. It is as huge a land of opportunities as it is full of environmental headaches. It has abundant human and natural resources and indisputably offers tremendous potential for rapid growth, but there are also deep-rooted challenges – political and security – that are adversely affecting prosperity and peace. These countries, in a nutshell, need a well-constituted political structure and good strategic development policies together with modern technology to accelerate the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as stipulated in the African Union Agenda 2063.
World
Russian-Nigerian Economic Diplomacy: Ajeokuta Symbolises Russia’s Remarkable Achievement in Nigeria
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Over the past two decades, Russia’s economic influence in Africa—and specifically in Nigeria—has been limited, largely due to a lack of structured financial support from Russian policy banks and state-backed investment mechanisms. While Russian companies have demonstrated readiness to invest and compete with global players, they consistently cite insufficient government financial guarantees as a key constraint.
Unlike China, India, Japan, and the United States—which have provided billions in concessionary loans and credit lines to support African infrastructure, agriculture, manufacturing, and SMEs—Russia has struggled to translate diplomatic goodwill into substantial economic projects. For example, Nigeria’s trade with Russia accounts for barely 1% of total trade volume, while China and the U.S. dominate at over 15% and 10% respectively in the last decade. This disparity highlights the challenges Russia faces in converting agreements into actionable investment.
Lessons from Nigeria’s Past
The limited impact of Russian economic diplomacy echoes Nigeria’s own history of unfulfilled agreements during former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. Over the past 20 years, ambitious energy, transport, and industrial initiatives signed with foreign partners—including Russia—often stalled or produced minimal results. In many cases, projects were approved in principle, but funding shortfalls, bureaucratic hurdles, and weak follow-through left them unimplemented. Nothing monumental emerged from these agreements, underscoring the importance of financial backing and sustained commitment.
China as a Model
Policy experts point to China’s systematic approach to African investments as a blueprint for Russia. Chinese state policy banks underwrite projects, de-risk investments, and provide finance often secured by African sovereign guarantees. This approach has enabled Chinese companies to execute large-scale infrastructure efficiently, expanding their presence across sectors while simultaneously investing in human capital.
Egyptian Professor Mohamed Chtatou at the International University of Rabat and Mohammed V University in Rabat, Morocco, argues: “Russia could replicate such mechanisms to ensure companies operate with financial backing and risk mitigation, rather than relying solely on bilateral agreements or political connections.”
Russia’s Current Footprint in Africa
Russia’s economic engagement in Africa is heavily tied to natural resources and military equipment. In Zimbabwe, platinum rights and diamond projects were exchanged for fuel or fighter jets. Nearly half of Russian arms exports to Africa are concentrated in countries like Nigeria, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique. Large-scale initiatives, such as the planned $10 billion nuclear plant in Zambia, have stalled due to a lack of Russian financial commitment, despite completed feasibility studies. Similar delays have affected nuclear projects in South Africa, Rwanda, and Egypt.
Federation Council Chairperson Valentina Matviyenko and Senator Igor Morozov have emphasized parliamentary diplomacy and the creation of new financial instruments, such as investment funds under the Russian Export Center, to provide structured support for businesses and enhance trade cooperation. These measures are designed to address historical gaps in financing and ensure that agreements lead to tangible outcomes.
Opportunities and Challenges
Analysts highlight a fundamental challenge: Russia’s limited incentives in Africa. While China invests to secure resources and export markets, Russia lacks comparable commercial drivers. Russian companies possess technological and industrial capabilities, but without sufficient financial support, large-scale projects remain aspirational rather than executable.
The historic Russia-Africa Summits in Sochi and in St. Petersburg explicitly indicate a renewed push to deepen engagement, particularly in the economic sectors. President Vladimir Putin has set a goal to raise Russia-Africa trade from $20 billion to $40 billion over the next few years. However, compared to Asian, European, and American investors, Russia still lags significantly. UNCTAD data shows that the top investors in Africa are the Netherlands, France, the UK, the United States, and China—countries that combine capital support with strategic deployment.
In Nigeria, agreements with Russian firms over energy and industrial projects have yielded little measurable progress. Over 20 years, major deals signed during Obasanjo’s administration and renewed under subsequent governments often stalled at the financing stage. The lesson is clear: political agreements alone are insufficient without structured investment and follow-through.
Strategic Recommendations
For Russia to expand its economic influence in Africa, analysts recommend:
- Structured financial support: Establishing state-backed credit lines, policy bank guarantees, and investment funds to reduce project risks.
- Incentive realignment: Identifying sectors where Russian expertise aligns with African needs, including energy, industrial technology, and infrastructure.
- Sustained implementation: Turning signed agreements into tangible projects with clear timelines and milestones, avoiding the pitfalls of unfulfilled past agreements.
With proper financial backing, Russia can leverage its technological capabilities to diversify beyond arms sales and resource-linked deals, enhancing trade, industrial, and technological cooperation across Africa.
Conclusion
Russia’s Africa strategy remains a work in progress. Nigeria’s experience with decades of agreements that failed to materialize underscores the importance of structured financial commitments and persistent follow-through. Without these, Russia risks remaining a peripheral player (virtual investor) while Arab States such as UAE, China, the United States, and other global powers consolidate their presence.
The potential is evident: Africa is a fast-growing market with vast natural resources, infrastructure needs, and a young, ambitious population. Russia’s challenge—and opportunity—is to match diplomatic efforts with financial strategy, turning political ties into lasting economic influence.
World
Afreximbank Warns African Governments On Deep Split in Global Commodities
By Adedapo Adesanya
Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) has urged African governments to lean into structural tailwinds, warning that the global commodity landscape has entered a new phase of deepening split.
In its November 2025 commodity bulletin, the bank noted that markets are no longer moving in unison; instead, some are powered by structural demand while others are weakening under oversupply, shifting consumption patterns and weather-related dynamics.
As a result of this bifurcation, the Cairo-based lender tasked policymakers on the continent to manage supply-chain vulnerabilities and diversify beyond the commodity-export model.
The report highlights that commodities linked to energy transition, infrastructure development and geopolitical realignments are gaining momentum.
For instance, natural gas has risen sharply from 2024 levels, supported by colder-season heating needs, export disruptions around the Red Sea and tightening global supply. Lithium continues to surge on strong demand from electric-vehicle and battery-storage sectors, with growth projections of up to 45 per cent in 2026. Aluminium is approaching multi-year highs amid strong construction and automotive activity and smelter-level power constraints, while soybeans are benefiting from sustained Chinese purchases and adverse weather concerns in South America.
Even crude oil, which accounts for Nigeria’s highest foreign exchange earnings, though still lower year-on-year, is stabilising around $60 per barrel as geopolitical supply risks, including drone attacks on Russian facilities, offset muted global demand.
In contrast, several commodities that recently experienced strong rallies are now softening.
The bank noted that cocoa prices are retreating from record highs as West African crop prospects improve and inventories recover. Palm oil markets face oversupply in Southeast Asia and subdued demand from India and China, pushing stocks to multi-year highs. Sugar is weakening under expectations of a nearly two-million-tonne global surplus for the 2025/26 season, while platinum and silver are seeing headwinds from weaker industrial demand, investor profit-taking and hawkish monetary signals.
For Africa, the bank stresses that the implications are clear. Countries aligned with energy-transition metals and infrastructure-linked commodities stand to benefit from more resilient long-term demand.
It urged those heavily exposed to softening agricultural markets to accelerate a shift into processing, value addition and product diversification.
The bulletin also called for stronger market-intelligence systems, improved intra-African trade connectivity, and investment in logistics and regulatory capacity, noting that Africa’s competitiveness will depend on how quickly governments adapt to the new two-speed global environment.
World
Aduna, Comviva to Accelerate Network APIs Monetization
By Modupe Gbadeyanka
A strategic partnership designed to accelerate worldwide enterprise adoption and monetisation of Network APIs has been entered into between Comviva and the global aggregator of standardised network APIs, Aduna.
The adoption would be done through Comviva’s flagship SaaS-based platform for programmable communications and network intelligence, NGAGE.ai.
The partnership combines Comviva’s NGAGE.ai platform and enterprise onboarding expertise with Aduna’s global operator consortium.
This unified approach provides enterprises with secure, scalable access to network intelligence while enabling telcos to monetise network capabilities efficiently.
The collaboration is further strengthened by Comviva’s proven leadership in the global digital payments and digital lending ecosystem— sectors that will be among the biggest adopters of Network APIs.
The NGAGE.ai platform is already active across 40+ countries, integrated with 100+ operators, and processing over 250 billion transactions annually for more than 7,000 enterprise customers. With its extensive global deployment, NGAGE.ai is positioned as one of the most scalable and trusted platforms for API-led network intelligence adoption.
“As enterprises accelerate their shift toward real-time, intelligence-driven operations, Network APIs will become foundational to digital transformation. With NGAGE.ai and Aduna’s global ecosystem, we are creating a unified and scalable pathway for enterprises to adopt programmable communications at speed and at scale.
“This partnership strengthens our commitment to helping telcos monetise network intelligence while enabling enterprises to build differentiated, secure, and future-ready digital experiences,” the chief executive of Comviva, Mr Rajesh Chandiramani, stated.
Also, the chief executive of Aduna, Mr Anthony Bartolo, noted that, “The next wave of enterprise innovation will be powered by seamless access to network intelligence.
“By integrating Comviva’s NGAGE.ai platform with Aduna’s global federation of operators, we are enabling enterprises to innovate consistently across markets with standardised, high-performance Network APIs.
“This collaboration enhances the value chain for operators and gives enterprises the confidence and agility needed to launch new services, reduce fraud, and deliver more trustworthy customer experiences worldwide.”
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