Feature/OPED
Kogi and Bayelsa 2019 Governorship Elections: Foretelling the Outcome
By Omoshola Deji
Democracy is earning the power to govern through free, fair and credible elections. Nigeria is a democratic state, but the leadership recruitment process is largely undemocratic. Material and financial inducements determine victory, the security agencies are political, and the umpire lacks the capacity and will to conduct credible polls. Public sovereignty is departing the ballot for court as the 2019 general elections produced about a thousand petitions.
Subjecting almost every electoral victory to judicial confirmation is making voting lose its essence. Like every human, judges are prone to errors as much as they have preference. Hence, their verdicts can’t always be a true reflection of the peoples will. Several mandates have been mistakenly or deliberately upturned. Parties and candidates must strive to end their contests at the polls, instead of the court.
Nigerians hope for this as the people of Kogi and Bayelsa state elect governor on 16 November, 2019. Over 40 parties fielded candidates, but the contest is a two-horse race between the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). APC’s David Lyon is slugging it out with PDP’s Duoye Diri in Bayelsa state. In Kogi, PDP’s Musa Wada and SDP’s Natasha Akpoti are challenging incumbent Governor Yahaya Bello of the APC. On the sideline, PDP’s Dino Melaye is facing APC’s Smart Adeyemi in the Kogi-West senatorial rerun. This piece foretells the outcome of the elections.

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Bayelsa State
Bayelsa is a riverine, less populated state of about 2.5 million persons, eight local governments, and 923,182 registered voters. Unfavorable judicial pronouncements have practically make winning an unattainable height for APC in Bayelsa state. The party’s deputy governorship candidate, Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo, was disqualified on November 12 for providing false information in his nomination form. On November 14, the court invalidated David Lyon’s candidacy on account that the governorship primary that produced him was improperly conducted. APC miraculously got a stay of execution at the Court of Appeal few hours after Justice Jane Inyang of Bayelsa High Court gave the ruling.
Is Nigeria’s legal system so flexible that appellants can get a stay of execution the same day judgment is delivered? Did the trial judge err by granting reliefs not sought by Heineken Lokpobiri, the plaintiff who originally prayed to be declared candidate?
In any case, APC is back on the ballot and the poll won’t be a walkover for PDP. The former made an impressive performance in the last general elections and may increase the beat. From scoring a meagre 5,000 votes in the 2015 presidential poll, APC garnered over 118,000 votes in 2019. While one may argue that the party got more votes because a Bayelsa indigene wasn’t on the ballot, as in 2015, the progression is a testament that APC is making waves in Bayelsa.
Ethno-regional balance of power would earn PDP votes. The party’s primary generated resentment, but drastic measures were taken to address the impasse. Diri and the immediate past speaker of the state assembly, Tony Isenah hails from Kolokuma Opokuma. Agitations were rife that the region cannot produce governor and speaker, while Southern Ijaw, the second largest voting population, held no key position. To calm frayed nerves, Governor Seriake Dickson and other PDP leaders forced Isenah out for Monday Obolo. The move has brightened PDP’s chance in Southern Ijaw, the APC candidate’s homeland.
A major setback for the PDP is intra-party crisis. Governor Dickson backed Duoye Diri, against the wish of ex-president Goodluck Jonathan and other bigwigs. Diri’s candidature was actualized through the Restoration Group, the dominant PDP faction in the state controlled by Dickson. Diri pulled 561 votes, while Jonathan’s preferred candidate, Timi Alaibe, scored 365 votes in the primary. Efforts to make Dickson concede the deputy governorship ticket to Alaibe’s faction failed. This made several PDP stalwarts decamp to APC and other parties. Gabriel Jonah, the incumbent deputy governor’s younger brother led the Otita Force group out of the PDP to APC. Some of the defectors have returned and PDP also won some APC decampees.
Recurring conflict of interest broke the cordial relationship between Dickson and his godfather, Jonathan. The latter wants to keep calling the shot, but the former feels he has come of age. Dickson is having his way as the party structure is firmly under his control. Many allege the Jonathans are working against PDP’s victory. Ex-first lady Patience reportedly attend an APC rally and the husband visited President Buhari within the same period. Politics is an interest driven game; hence, it is not impossible, but most unlikely that Jonathan would support APC. This is premised on the manner the party has disparaged him since he lost power in 2015.
Every governor wants to install a successor and Dickson is no exemption. He is striving to enthrone Diri to protect himself from probe and prosecution. Bayelsa’s development is incommensurable with the federal allocation and internal revenue Dickson has accrued. His government spent mammoth funds on less impactful schemes. For instance, the Bayelsa International Cargo Airport was constructed at a prodigious rate, while the population is lacking basic amenities.
Ex-governor Timipre Sylva’s appointment as Minister of State for Petroleum has energized APC in Bayelsa. Sylva hopes to raise his political clout by capturing the state. Poised to bring honey out of the rock, Sylva will use federal might and fund for APC, but the party will not sail through. The 2019 Ameachi-Rivers scenario would most-likely occur. Sylva would predictably incapacitate PDP bigwigs, flood the state with armed officers, and do all legally and illegally possible to enthrone APC. Yet the party would lose. PDP is more formidable despite the intra-party crisis and shortcomings of the Dickson administration. Duoye Diri (PDP) would win the election.

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Kogi State
‘Your Excellency’ is a title Nigerian elites admire, and do all possible to acquire. Struggle for the coveted position of governor has made Kogi the violence capital of Nigeria lately. The 2019 governorship poll will go down in history as the fiercest in the state. Yahaya Bello (APC) and Musa Wada (PDP) are not aiming for second and Natasha Akpoti (SDP) is waxing strong. They are campaigning aggressively, spewing unfulfillable promises, and going all out to win the heart of the 1,646,350 registered voters.
Kogi APC had a good outing in the 2019 general election. The party won two of the state’s three senatorial seats, and seven out of the nine House of Representative seats. While this is a pointer that APC is on course for victory, it may lose the governorship election for fielding an unpopular candidate. Bello’s track record shows he’s not deserving of governorship or any other position. He is bereft of ideas, non-tolerant, arrogant, and violent. His address during campaigns are basically hate speeches and threats, rather than a presentation of his scorecard and manifesto.
Another minus for Bello is his style of governance. He ruled Kogi like a conquered territory. His mindset is too shallow to accommodate opposite views and criticisms. You either agree with him or be hounded. He has, at different times, been embroiled in conflict with the labor union, university staffs, and the state’s Chief Judge. Bello also has issues with his former deputy, Elder Simon Achuba. He withheld Achuba’s allowances and honoraria, and influenced his unconstitutional removal from office.
A major impediment to Bello’s re-election is the non-payment of salaries in the civil service, salary-dependent state. Bello has no tenable excuse for owing as he accrued over N300 billion internally generated revenue and federal allocation within 38 months of his administration. Yet workers were unpaid and no landmark project has been commissioned. The state is enmeshed in poverty, unemployment, insecurity and underdevelopment.
Sadly, the funds that should have been used to better Kogites lot would be apparently used for vote-buying. Federal government has aided the practice by releasing N10 billion project-executed repayment fund to Bello three days to the election. It’s upsetting Buhari’s anti-corruption centered government released the fund at a time it would most certainly be used for election purposes.
Vote-buying shouldn’t be aiding poor performing politicians to victory, but most Nigerians are descendants of Esau, the biblical character who sold his birthright for a plate of porridge. Pecuniary gain makes many praise-sing and reelect failed governments. Kogi people won’t act different. Many would vote the poor performing governor after receiving peanuts. Vote-buying is not a one-party affair. PDP also induce voters and will do so again in Kogi.
Ethnic politics reigns supreme in Kogi. The population often deliver bulk votes to their tribesmen, irrespective of party. Igala tribe has numerical advantage and principally determines who carry the day. In 1999, Abubakar Audu won the governorship election under the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party, defeating PDP which had better structures at the time. Igala people are domiciled in Kogi East and constitutes over half of the state’s voting population. PDP’s Wada and the APC deputy governorship candidate, Edwin Onoja are Igala natives.
If ethnic voting occurs, Wada would win as Bello hails from the less populated Ebira tribe. Onoja’s influence won’t earn APC majority vote; Igala people would rather be first than play second fiddle. Moreover, Wada’s allies are conversant with the tactics of winning elections in Kogi state, especially Igala land. The PDP candidate is the brother of ex-governor Idris Wada and in-law of ex-governor Ibrahim Idris.
Bello is hoping to harvest Ebira votes in Kogi Central, but Akpoti is a pain. The budding politician’s fan base is increasing outstandingly. Her supporters are largely women, a crucial and influential arm of the voting population. Akpoti knows she can’t win, but wants to split Bello’s vote in Kogi Central, not minding who her action benefits. Having her way would propel PDP to victory and Bello’s army of thugs won’t watch that happen. They allegedly set her campaign office ablaze and have been harassing her routinely. This misstep is earning Akpoti the popularity she might have joined the race for. It would also earn her sympathy votes, which may be inadequate to make her win, but sufficient to make Bello lose. In case Bello gets injured in Kogi Central (which is most unlikely), he will hope on recovering at Kogi West.
Kogi West Senatorial Rerun
One man’s misfortune is often another’s stroke of luck. Dino Melaye’s trouble turned to blessing for Wada when he needs it most. The former’s senatorial mandate was nullified and rerun is holding alongside the governorship election. Melaye who had initially distanced himself from Wada’s campaign, having lost out in the primary, backtracked upon realizing him and Wada must either rise or fall together.
Melaye is facing arch-rival Smart Adeyemi of the APC in an epic rerun. In the nullified February 2019 election, Melaye defeated Adeyemi in six out of the seven local governments constituting Kogi West. He won despite being hounded by the state and federal government, and under a party in opposition at both levels of government.
Melaye is in tune with the masses than Adeyemi and other APC bigwigs in Kogi West. James Faleke’s reconciliation with Bello will not help APC much in the district. Faleke is late Abubakar Audu’s running mate in the 2015 governorship poll. He’s been inactive in the state since he lost the party’s mandate to Bello after Audu’s demise. Bello came second in the party primary.
Faleke is currently a federal lawmaker representing Lagos. He and Adeyemi’s political strength does not match Melaye’s in Kogi West. Melaye has over 100 projects to his credit; a contribution neither Adeyemi, Faleke nor Bello has made to the district. Call it uncivilized, Melaye’s politicking is admired by his people. His comical utterances and songs has won him the hearts of the population who sees other politicians as arrogant and inaccessible.
Melaye is a grassroots politician and popular in Kogi West. He stands a chance as none of the major opposition candidates in the governorship election hails from Kogi West. Based on the prominence of ethnic voting in the state, Melaye would lose if a strong opposition governorship candidate like Bello hails from Kogi West. Favored by these odds, Melaye (PDP) would defeat Adeyemi (APC) in the senatorial rerun election. In the same vein, for governorship, Musa Wada of the PDP would garner more votes than Yahaya Bello of the APC in Kogi West.

Governorship Election Outcome
Bello’s underperformance, mis-governance, dwindling admiration, and the odd-against ethnic voting permutation would deter his win. PDP’s Wada would get bulk ethnic votes in Kogi East. Melaye’s senatorial rerun coincidence would earn Wada majority vote in Kogi West. Natasha Akpoti would split Bello’s bulk vote in Kogi Central. The lowest of Wada’s vote would come from the district, while highest would come from Kogi East.
In a free, fair and credible contest, PDP’s Musa Wada would defeat APC’s Yahaya Bello. But the election is not going to be free; not going to be fair; and not going to be credible. Thugs would disperse voters and smash ballot boxes in Wada’s stronghold. The security agencies won’t arrest disruptors, and would be grossly partisan. Above all, the Independent National Electoral Commission would be ‘remote controlled’ by the ‘powers that be’. Several votes would be cancelled and the election would be declared inconclusive.
Virtually all the election winning indicators point to Wada’s emergence, but the pundit foresees Kogi 2019 governorship election ending with a rerun, and if it does, APC’s Yahaya Bello would ultimately be declared winner.
Note: Foretelling the outcome of an election doesn’t mean the writer has access to one sacred information or the election winning strategy of any candidate. Assessing candidates’ fortes and flaws to foretell election results is a common practice in developed nations. This doesn’t mean the pundits are demeaning the electoral process or influencing election results. Bayelsans and Kogites have already decided who they would vote for, and nothing – not this prediction – can easily change their mind.
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are purely of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the position of Business Post Nigeria on the subject matter.
Feature/OPED
Before Oil Hits $150: A Warning Nigeria Cannot Ignore
By Isah Kamisu Madachi
As of April 30, 2026, the crude price is said to have reached $125 in the global market. The all-time high price per barrel was recorded in 2008, when it surged to $147. It is obvious that the price is heading in that direction or even towards what experts have predicted — crude reaching a new all-time high of $150 in the near future if crude passages remain closed in the Middle East, which would ultimately come with several disproportionate challenges for businesses and households.
In Nigeria, what began as a mild adjustment in the price of gasoline and other refined crude products has not stopped anywhere until it reached N1,400 per litre of petrol at filling stations. When the price was surging, experts in energy, economics, marketing, business and other relevant fields tried to come up with explanations for how Nigeria, despite housing the largest petrochemicals refinery in Africa and being one of the largest oil-exporting countries on the continent, would continue to absorb this shock.
Despite our advantages, Nigeria recorded the world’s second-highest surge in petrol prices following the escalating geopolitical tension in the Middle East. In Africa, Nigeria has the highest spike, with many sources citing it at 39.5% and above. Even non-oil-producing countries in Africa, and countries that do not refine a drop of oil, did not experience this surge. Also, African countries like South Africa at 1%, Morocco at 2.1%, and Tanzania at 2.7% experienced far smaller increases that are nowhere near Nigeria’s.
To put it in context, South Korea, Japan, and China are among the foremost dependents on the Strait of Hormuz, whose closure escalated the crude price, but none of these countries has recorded even a 20% increase in their petrol prices. Nigeria does not import its crude through the Strait of Hormuz. Yet, as an oil-exporting nation, we have suffered some of the sharpest petrol price increases in Africa.
What went wrong in Nigeria to warrant this surge is not the primary focus of this piece. What lies ahead is. As a result of the increase in petrol prices, Nigerians have been disproportionately affected. Life has become unbearably difficult, with sharp increases in transportation costs, rising food prices, and higher costs of goods and services. Even charging points that used to collect N150 for charging a phone or battery now charge N300 or more.
As it stands, the gap between the current crude price and the predicted new all-time high is about $25. This means that if the passages continue to remain closed, we are not far from another historic price peak. It is even said that reopening the passages may not immediately stabilise prices, as crude tankers would still take time to reach their destinations.
What this means for Nigeria is another sharp increase in refined petroleum product prices, which could trigger another wave of stagflation. Already struggling, Nigerians do not deserve this. They are only just adapting to the post-subsidy era, yet are being hit again by another round of global geopolitical tensions. Many are already in deep energy poverty, with businesses struggling due to unstable electricity supply.
Therefore, as crude oil prices hover above $125 per barrel and threaten to reach the predicted $150 if disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz persist, Nigeria must act decisively to shield its citizens. The Dangote Refinery exists. Nigeria refines oil. What the federal government owes Nigerians at this point is a deliberate policy decision to make that the refinery serve domestic needs first, with pricing that does not mirror whatever is happening in the global market. That is not complicated; other oil-producing countries do exactly this.
The NMDPRA has the authority to act on this. The question is whether there is a political will to act before another price wave hits and Nigerians are once again left to absorb what their counterparts elsewhere never have to.
Sub-national governments also have something to do. Commercial motorcyclists and small business owners are the people who feel every petrol price increase the hardest and the fastest. Pushing CNG and LPG adoption among this group beyond the FCT and Lagos, with genuine support, would cushion a significant part of the next shock. Expanding solar access in underserved communities would do the same. A shop owner running on solar is not at the mercy of the next diesel price spike.
These solutions are quite feasible. Nigeria has attempted versions of them before. Where we often seem to get it wrong is in execution, and Nigeria has to treat this with the same urgency and seriousness as given to elections, for the well-being of its citizens. The only thing that has never matched the problem is the seriousness of the response.
Isah Kamisu Madachi is a policy analyst and development practitioner. He writes via [email protected]
Feature/OPED
A Simple Guide to Obtaining Pension Clearance Certificate in Nigeria
By Gbolahan Oluyemi
In 2025, the National Pension Commission (PenCom) directed all Licensed Pension Fund Operators (LPFOs) to demand a Pension Clearance Certificate (PCC) from service providers before engaging their services. This new policy typically affects various types of entities, including small and medium-scale enterprises, most of which are not usually compliance-driven. Following this directive, the PCC has become an essential compliance document for both large, medium and small-scale firms. This article provides a guide on what a PCC is, why it matters, and how it can be obtained.
What is a Pension Clearance Certificate (PCC)?
A Pension Clearance Certificate (PCC) is an official document issued by PenCom confirming that an organisation has complied with the provisions of the Pension Reform Act. It is an annual document that must be renewed every year at no cost. The yearly renewal is intended to ensure that organisations treat compliance as a continuous activity rather than a one-off act.
Why is a PCC Important?
The PCC is important because it demonstrates that an organisation is compliant with the provisions of the Pension Reform Act, especially as it relates to employee pension contributions under Section 4 (1) of the Pension Reform Act and subscription to group life insurance under Section 4 (5) of the Pension Reform Act. It is also required for certain transactions, such as government contracts and engagements with compliance-sensitive partners. In essence, a PCC assures investors, partners, and clients that your business is properly structured and compliant with regulatory requirements.
Who Needs a Pension Clearance Certificate?
Under Nigerian law, companies with three or more employees are required to participate in the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS). If your organisation employs at least three staff members and provides or intends to provide services to Licensed Pension Fund Operators (LPFOs) or other regulated entities, you are expected to obtain a PCC annually.
How Do I Obtain a PCC?
PenCom issues the PCC electronically and at no cost through its web portal: https://pcc.pencom.gov.ng/. Please note that Applicants who are just beginning compliance and remitting employees’ pensions are required to first obtain an employer code from a Pension Fund Administrator (PFA). This code is necessary to initiate the PCC application on the PenCom portal.
Upon logging into the portal, you will be required to complete your company profile by providing your date of incorporation, contact details, and website (if applicable), as well as uploading your CAC documents.
Next, you will upload an Excel schedule (using the template provided on the website) containing your employee list. After this, you will be required to upload Excel sheets detailing pension contributions. You will also need to upload your organisation’s group life insurance documentation and payment instrument.
Finally, you will review your application and submit it for further processing by PenCom. Before commencing an application, ensure you have the following:
- Certificate of Incorporation (CAC documents)
- Group Life Insurance Policy for employees
- Evidence of Pension Fund Administrator (PFA) registration for employees
- Three years’ proof of monthly pension remittances, including penalties for any defaults (where applicable). For companies less than three years old, provide proof of remittances from the date of incorporation
- A valid Tax Identification Number (TIN)
- An employee schedule showing staff details and contributions (usually in Excel format) Templates are available on the PenCom portal
Also note that for the portal to accept employee details and remittance records, employees must have completed their data capture with their respective Pension Fund Administrator and updated their records to reflect their current employer.
Conclusion
Obtaining a Pension Clearance Certificate in Nigeria may seem technical at first, but once proper processes are established, it becomes routine. The key is consistency in remittance, maintenance of accurate records and prioritisation of compliance in overall operations.
For many Nigerian businesses, the PCC is more than a regulatory requirement; it is a mark of credibility. In a competitive environment, that credibility can make all the difference.
Gbolahan Oluyemi is a Legal Practitioner and currently leads Olives and Candles – Legal Practitioners. For further information, enquiries, or clarification, please contact Gbolahan via: [email protected] or [email protected]
Feature/OPED
David Ogbueli and the Emerging Framework for Value-Driven Global Leadership
By Blaise Udunze
Milestones often invite reflection. Birthdays, especially, offer a pause to measure time not merely in years lived, but in lives shaped and systems influenced. This is especially true for David Ogbueli, who is celebrating his birthday. But instead of focusing on how old he is getting, it is more interesting to think about the impact he has had, not just building visible success, but the quiet, persistent architecture of transformation that his ministry has helped construct across continents.
Come to think of it, that in an era obsessed with visibility, metrics, and viral impact, Ogbueli’s work represents something different and distinguishing, slower, deeper, and far more enduring. Yes, multitude within and outside the country who know him either closely or from a distance definitely can attest that it is common with him, as this happens to be the kind of influence that rarely trends but steadily alters the trajectory of individuals, institutions, and nations.
To understand the global footprint of his work, one must first confront a fundamental shift he embodies, which emphatically is the redefinition of ministry itself. Through Dominion City International, founded from humble beginnings as a campus fellowship in 1991 at the University of Nigeria and later formalised in 1995 in Enugu, Ogbueli has built what is now a vast global movement. With over 2,000 chapters spanning Africa, Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and the Americas, alongside regional offices in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Nigeria, Dominion City has evolved into far more than a church network, into a leadership engine with an ambitious ongoing vision across Nigeria and beyond.
What distinguishes this expansion is not just its scale, but its philosophy. Beyond running a church, Dominion City was never designed merely to gather people; it was built to raise leaders who transform society. One emerging fact today is that the philosophy has shaped a generation of professionals, entrepreneurs, public servants, and ministers who carry its influence into boardrooms, government institutions, and grassroots communities across the world.
At the heart of this ecosystem is a deliberate investment in human capital development. Verifiably, through platforms like the Dominion Leadership Institute, which has produced over 30,000 graduates globally, Ogbueli has undeniably and consistently built a leadership pipeline that addresses one of Africa’s most persistent challenges. These prevailing challenges are the deficit of capable, values-driven leadership. At this point, this narrative definitely contradicts societal beliefs that his curriculum must be confined to spiritual formation; rather, it will interest society to know that his agenda integrates systems thinking, governance, productivity, and ethical leadership, equipping participants to function effectively in complex environments.
This emphasis on leadership extends into a broader scope and platforms. One of them is the Global Leadership Forum, and it would be of interest that it is not just designed for spiritual pursuit, but it is a mentorship and training hub designed to enhance performance and productivity across sectors, including business, politics, ministry, and enterprise. It reflects Ogbueli’s conviction that transformation must be holistic, that transcendence and cutting across every sphere of human endeavour.
Yet leadership, in his framework, is incomplete without economic empowerment. Across his ministry network, initiatives have been structured to move individuals from dependency to productivity. This is evident in large-scale interventions such as a N1 billion entrepreneurship support fund introduced to equip participants with the resources, skills, and networks required to succeed in business and career pursuits. At leadership retreats and empowerment programs, thousands are trained in areas ranging from agriculture and food security to innovation, healthcare, and global enterprise.
Beyond structured programs, his personal actions reinforce this philosophy. has sparked widespread reactions following a remarkable act of generosity during a recent church service
From distributing financial support to individuals in need during church services to empowering teams within the ministry with significant financial gifts, as one recent such act sparked widespread reactions following a remarkable benevolence, gifting about 35 choristers N1 million each during a recent church service. With several other instances of generosity in the past, Ogbueli consistently underscores a critical principle that reveals that while immediate relief matters, sustainable change comes from enabling people to create value. In the course of one such intervention, which captures this ethos succinctly, he said that giving alone is not enough; people must be equipped to build.
With the right mindset, this approach aligns with a broader development truth that clearly states nations do not rise on charity, but on the strength of productive citizens. By embedding this mindset within a faith-based structure, Ogbueli is redefining how development can be pursued at scale.
Equally significant is his ability to mobilise faith as a development asset. It is an irony that in many parts of Africa and the global South, religious institutions remain among the most trusted social structures. Yet, their potential as vehicles for development often remains underutilised. Ogbueli’s model challenges that limitation by positioning the church as a hub for leadership incubation, economic activation, and social accountability.
Through initiatives like the Golden Heart Foundation, he has extended this vision into the nonprofit space. One of the good feats is that the foundation’s flagship program, the National Youth Summit, attracts over 50,000 participants annually from across Africa, focusing on leadership education, value reorientation and entrepreneurial development. These interventions target young people, especially a demographic that represents both Africa’s greatest asset and its most urgent responsibility.
His influence also extends into collaborative networks such as the Global Missions Network, which usher in developmental change, thereby bringing together leaders with a shared mandate of expanding the reach of the Gospel while driving national transformation. One important aspect of Ogbueli’s strategic drive for change is that through such alliances, his ideas are not confined to a single organisation but are disseminated across a broader ecosystem of leaders and institutions.
Beyond ministry and nonprofit initiatives, Ogbueli’s engagement with development takes on an institutional and structural dimension. This is driven through ventures like Huram Development, which is involved in large-scale projects including auditoriums, estates, and universities. Noteworthy also is that he is contributing to physical infrastructure that supports long-term growth. Similarly, Priesthood Institute is equipping ministry professionals with the competence and capacity required for modern-day leadership, while Shalom World ensures the distribution of knowledge resources through books and media.
Also, one significant dimension of Ogbueli’s influence lies in his intellectual contributions, which portray him as a prolific author with nearly a hundred published titles spanning leadership, personal development, spirituality, and nation-building. His more recent works include Pillars of King Solomon’s Wisdom & Wealth, Jewish Secrets, and The Laws of Proper Speech. Meanwhile, this reflects his continued effort to distil timeless principles into practical frameworks for contemporary living and reinforce his broader mission of transforming minds as a pathway to transforming societies.
Ogbueli is the host of the TV and Radio Program Expand Your World, which runs on TV and radio stations across Nigeria, extending his influence to seven continents, reinforcing his role not just as a pastor but as a global thought leader in transformation and leadership.
Importantly, Ogbueli’s credibility is not confined to religious circles only. Being a management and public policy consultant, an alumnus of institutions such as the Harvard Business School, Lagos Business School, and National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, he operates at the intersection of spirituality and strategy. It must be established that his engagements with governments, corporate organisations, and policy platforms reflect a rare ability to translate faith-based principles into actionable frameworks for development.
Unbeknownst to many, perhaps the most enduring feature of his model is its emphasis on multiplication. Rather than building a personality-driven movement, Ogbueli has focused on raising leaders who can replicate systems independently. This distributed approach ensures that his influence is not limited by geography or personal presence. It also guarantees continuity, a critical factor in sustainable development.
Of course, the challenge of measuring such an impact remains. Unlike infrastructure projects or economic indices, which are factors on which the government’s progress is reliant, the outcomes of leadership development and mindset transformation are not immediately quantifiable but have a greater impact. They unfold over time, often expressed in stories rather than statistics used for evaluation, a thriving business birthed from a training program, a principled leader emerging in public service, a community mobilised for collective progress.
Yes, in most cases, these outcomes may be difficult to measure, but they are foundational to nation-building and transformation beyond boundaries.
One important aspect the world must clearly know is that Pastor David Ogbueli’s contribution lies not merely in what he has built, but in what he has set in motion, which is transgenerational. This tells that his work challenges conventional development paradigms by emphasising that lasting change begins with people, their values, their thinking and their capacity to build systems that endure.
One of Ogbueli’s outstanding influences, beneath the surface, even in a world grappling with complex challenges, from economic instability to leadership crises, is such that his model offers a compelling reminder that transformation is not only engineered through policies and capital but through the deliberate cultivation of human potential.
His legacy is rapidly unfolding. But already, it is evident that the structures he has built, across ministry, leadership development, youth empowerment, and enterprise, are quietly shaping a future that extends far beyond the pulpit.
And perhaps that is the most powerful kind of transformation, the kind that is not always seen, but is deeply felt, widely spread, and ultimately, enduring.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
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