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13% Derivation, DESOPADEC and Oil and Gas Host Communities

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DESOPADEC

By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi

A cursory look at the oil and gas host communities in Delta State reveals an area tensed up with a lot of issues, intrigues and hiccups. Their anger in the present moment, going by media reports, is precipitated by the alleged opaque manner the former governor of the state, Ifeanyi Okowa, managed the 13% oil derivation fund that accrued to the state.

Correspondingly, it will not be characterized as hasty to conclude that there is presently in Delta State no agency or commission that is troubled as the Delta State Oil Producing Area Development Commission (DESOPADEC), an agency created by the enabling Act in Delta State to secure 50% of the 13% oil derivation fund accruing to the Delta State government and the received sum used for rehabilitation and development of oil-producing areas of the state as well as carry out other development projects as may be determined from time to time.

Supporting the above assertions is a recent statement by Edwin Clark, convener of the Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), where he alleged that Ifeanyi Okowa misappropriated the state’s derivation fund amounting to N1.760 trillion.

Pa Edwin’s bombshell was followed in quick succession by a protest staged in Abuja by representatives of the Delta State oil and gas host communities, calling on the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) to investigate the immediate past Governor for allegedly misappropriating over N1 trillion oil derivation fund belonging to the state during his tenure.

While the coastal dwellers, in their statement, insisted that the former governor unlawfully diverted the aforementioned sum, the former Governor’s men are at work, thwarting every attempt to rubbish the reputation of their former boss.

For instance, the immediate-past Commissioner for Information in Delta State, Ehiedu Charles Aniagwu, recently told the world that all the money Okowa’s administration got from Federation Account Allocation Committee, including derivation for the whole period in office amounted to N2.1 trillion and therefore described as wild goose chase HOSTCOM’s narrative on N1 trillion.

But in all this, what this piece observed could be safely categorized into three parts; first, Senator Okowa’s led government brought to the oil and gas host communities flashes of streets/internal roads.

Beyond this acknowledgement, there also exists in the state a deeply neglected coastal area which doubles as oil and gas host communities where poverty, disease and illiteracy walked their creeks, rivers and estuaries and, as a resultant effect, forced many children out of school, not because of their unwillingness to learn, but occasioned by non-availability/provision of schools in the area by the government. These are verifiable facts!

A movement by boat from Egbema Kingdom in Warri North Local Government Council to Gbaramatu Kingdom in Warri South, from Ogulaha Kingdom in Burutu Local Government to Kabowe in Patani Local Government Area, down to Bomadi Local Government Local Councils, among others, reveals a seemingly similar experience.  They are all oil and gas-bearing kingdoms and communities and play host to major crude oil platforms operated by International Oil Companies (IOCs) but they have nothing to show for it.

Secondly, without going into a critical analysis of claims by Okowa that DESOPADEC got what was due to it according to the law establishing it, this piece believes that such declaration on DESOPADEC receiving a total of N208 billion in the eight years of his administration, as its rightful statutory funds appear inaccurate and, therefore, cannot hold water when faced with embarrassing arguments.

DESOPADEC, as noted in the first paragraph, is to secure 50% of the 13% oil derivation fund accruing to the Delta State government. With this in mind, is the former Governor saying that it was only N416 billion that accrued as 13% derivation to the state in the past 8 years, which summed DESOPADEC’s statutory 50% to N208 billion? Again, instead of giving a cumulative amount received from the Federation Account Allocation Committee, what stops the former Governor and his supporters from specifying the exact amount received as a 13% derivation?

While answer(s) to the above questions raised is awaited, the third and most dramatic point is DESOPADEC-specific.  The non-satisfactory development of the area within this period under review, in my view, remains an emblematic sign that the affairs of the coastal areas of the state were handed over to a bunch of politicians masquerading as leaders but lacking public leadership acumen and orientation. To use the words of a public affairs commentator, they were people that ‘spend more time with wines than with books’.

Aside from turning the coastal part of the state into an endangered species via human capital neglect and infrastructural abandonment, these ‘leaders’, in turn, neglected community relations and communication.  And because of this non-participatory leadership style and engagement,  each time communities ask for bread, the agency makes ‘stones’ available and when the communities ask for fish, DESOPADEC provides a ‘snake’.

This piece will highlight two recent separate but related examples to support the above claims.

In October 2022, it was in the news that in the face of grave developmental challenges confronting the coastal dwellers in the state crying for attention, DESOPADEC leadership, against all known logic, opted for the donation of 50 grass-cutting machines to the people of Okerenkoko community in Gbaramatu Kingdom, Warri South-Local Government Area of Delta state. Presenting the machines, the DESOPADEC commissioner noted that the donation of grass-cutting machines to the community was statutorily captured in the commission’s 2021 budget, adding that the project was principally influenced by him”.

Those who are not conversant with the Okerenkoko community and may be tempted to believe that the donation was a right step taken in the right direction may see nothing wrong with the donation. But for someone that is familiar with the aforementioned community, the decision to donate these machines qualifies as a misguided priority.

In fact, there is everything wrong with the development. For instance, there is evidence which points to the fact that the community was neither consulted nor carried along before the decision was made. In the opinion of this piece, the grass-cutting machine donation failed the NEEDS assessment stipulations.

The words of the youth leader from the community support this assertion.

Reacting to the development, the youth leader who spoke on behalf of the community, among other things, said, “We heard about the ongoing skill acquisition. We are appealing to the Commissioner to at least create some avenue for those skill acquisitions for our ladies, for the youth in this community so that they can go out there and learn skills to back themselves, put themselves in order.”

From the above comment, one thing stands out: if given the opportunity, these knowledge-hungry youths in the community, who will provide the future leadership needs of the country, would have opted for skill acquisition. Instead of grass-cutting machines, the youths in the community would have preferred access to good schools where they would learn and compete with their peers across the globe. They were not just asking for more; rather, they asked for something new, different and more beneficial to their future.

Similarly, in November 2022, barely one month after, It was again reported that DESOPADEC leadership invited the Local Government Chairmen of Burutu, Bomadi, Patani and Warri South West Local Government Areas of the state, to a shop in Warri City, Delta State, where it handed over relief materials purchased for the victims of the flood that ravaged almost all the communities/villages in the aforementioned local government councils.

The items distributed to the affected local governments were bags of garri, bags of rice, bags of onions, bags of beans, noodles, vegetable oil, palm oil, toiletries, and foams, among others.

While the donation to flood victims is understandable, commendable and appreciated, some questions immediately come to mind as to why DESOPADEC management decided to be compassionate by proxy. What prevented DESOPADEC management from visiting the real victims of the flood to empathize with them personally? Is DESOPADEC management unaware that, in the applied sense of the word, the real empathy lies more in the visit and emotional consolation of the flood victims than the so-called relief material sent through a proxy? What will it cost DESOPADEC to pay a visit to these villages/communities in creeks?

What is the distance from Warri to Patani, Burutu and Bomadi that DESOPADEC management cannot send a delegation? How will DESPODEC management ensure/ascertain that the relief materials get to the targeted beneficiaries without getting lost in transit or misdirected? If DESOPADEC management cannot visit the creeks in this crisis period, what time will be more/most suitable to visit these people?

Even as this ugly leadership situation ‘blossoms’ in the coastal communities of Delta State, the truth remains that if we look hard enough at the moment, we shall, as a people, discover that the challenge confronting the region is not too difficult to grasp. Rather, the challenge flourishes because agencies such as DESOPADEC and their administrators have routinely become reputed for taking decisions that breed poverty.

For me, While DESOPADEC’s new leadership must commit to mind the above admonition, this piece holds the opinion that to sustainably solve the problem of the coastal dwellers in the state, a compelling point the state government must not fail to remember is the present call by stakeholders on DESOPADEC management to emulate the Chevron Nigeria Limited template in community engagement. A template that deals directly with the host community and an approach the communities claimed has worked perfectly in the area of infrastructural provision.

On his part, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State should, within this period, execute the oil and gas host communities’ legacy projects that will stand the test of time. It will not be out of place if a bridge is constructed to link and open these oil-bearing communities.

Utomi Jerome-Mario is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy) at Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), a Lagos-based Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO). He can be reached via [email protected]/08032725374

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2027: The Unabating Insecurity and the US Directive to Embassy, is History About to Repeat Itself?

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Christie Obiaruko Ndukwe

By Obiaruko Christie Ndukwe

‎We can’t be acting like nothing is happening. The US orders its Embassy Staff and family in the US to leave Nigeria immediately based on security concerns.

‎Same yesterday, President Donald J. Trump posted on his Truth Social that Nigeria was behind the fake news on his comments on Iran.

‎Some people believe it was the same way the Obama Government came against President Goodluck Jonathan before he lost out in the election that removed him from Aso Rock. They say it’s about the same thing for President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

‎But I wonder if the real voting is done by external forces or the Nigerian electorate. Or could it be that the external influence swings the voting pattern?

‎In the middle of escalating security issues, the opposition is gaining more prominence in the media, occasioned by the ‘controversial’ action of the INEC Chairman in delisting the names of the leaders of ADC, the new ‘organised’ opposition party.

‎But the Federal Government seems undeterred by the flurry of crises, viewing it as an era that will soon fizzle out. Those on the side of the Tinubu Government believe that the President is smarter than Jonathan and would navigate the crisis as well as Trump’s perceived opposition.

‎Recall that in the heat of the CPC designation and the allegations of a Christian Genocide by the POTUS, the FG was able to send a delegation led by the NSA, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, to interface with the US Government and some level of calm was restored.

‎With the renewed call by the US Government for its people to leave Nigeria, with 23 states classified as “dangerous”, where does this place the government?

‎Can Tinubu manoeuvre what many say is history about to repeat itself, especially with the renewed call for Jonathan to throw his hat into the ring?

‎Let’s wait and see how it goes.

Chief Christie Obiaruko Ndukwe is a Public Affairs Analyst, Investigative Journalist and the National President of Citizens Quest for Truth Initiative

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Dangote at 69: The Man Building Africa’s Industrial Backbone

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Dangote Steel Business

By Abiodun Alade

As Aliko Dangote turns 69, his story demands to be read not as a biography of wealth, but as a case study in Africa’s unfinished industrial argument.

For decades, the continent has lived with a structural contradiction. It exports raw materials and imports finished goods. It produces crude oil but imports refined fuel. It grows cotton but imports textiles. It produces cocoa but imports chocolate. It harvests timber yet imports something as basic as toothpicks. This imbalance has not merely defined Africa’s trade patterns; it has shaped its vulnerability.

Dangote’s career can be viewed as a sustained attempt to break that cycle.

What began as a trading enterprise has evolved into one of the most ambitious industrial platforms ever built on African soil. Cement, fertiliser, petrochemicals and now oil refining are not random ventures. They are deliberate interventions in sectors where Africa has historically ceded value to others.

This is what many entrepreneurs overlook. Not the opportunity to trade, but treading the harder, riskier path of building production capacity where none exists.

Recent analyses, including those from global business commentators, have framed Dangote’s model as a “billion-dollar path” hidden in plain sight: solving structural inefficiencies at scale rather than chasing fragmented market gains. It is a strategy that requires patience, capital and an unusual tolerance for long gestation periods.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the $20 billion Dangote Petroleum Refinery in Nigeria, a project that signals a shift not just for one country, but for an entire continent. With Africa importing the majority of its refined petroleum products, the refinery represents an attempt to anchor energy security within the continent.

Its timing is not incidental.

The global energy market has become increasingly volatile, particularly during geopolitical disruptions such as the recent crises in the Middle East. For African economies, which rely heavily on imported refined fuel, such shocks translate immediately into inflation, currency pressure, fiscal strain and higher poverty.

In those moments, domestic capacity ceases to be a matter of convenience and becomes one of sovereignty.

Dangote Petroleum refinery has already begun to play that role. By supplying refined products at scale, it reduces Africa’s exposure to external supply shocks and dampens the transmission of global price volatility into local economies. It is, in effect, a buffer against instability in a world where supply chains are no longer predictable. The refinery is not infrastructure. It is insurance against global instability.

But the ambition does not end there.

Dangote has articulated a vision to grow his business empire to $100 billion in value by 2030. This is not simply a statement of scale. It is a signal of intent to build globally competitive African industrial capacity.

When realised, such a platform would place an African conglomerate in a category historically dominated by firms from China, the United States and India—economies that have long leveraged industrial champions to drive national development.

The implications for Africa are significant.

Industrial scale matters. It lowers costs, improves competitiveness and attracts ecosystems of suppliers, logistics networks and skilled labour. Dangote’s cement operations across more than ten African countries have already demonstrated this multiplier effect, reducing import dependence while stabilising prices in local markets.

The same logic now extends to fertiliser, where Africa’s largest urea complex is helping to address agricultural productivity, and to refining, where fuel supply stability underpins virtually every sector of the economy.

Yet perhaps the most interesting shift in Dangote’s trajectory is philosophical.

In recent years, Dangote’s interventions have moved beyond industry into social infrastructure. A N1 trillion education commitment aimed at supporting over a million Nigerian students suggests an understanding that industrialisation without human capital is incomplete.

Factories can produce goods. Only education produces capability.

This dual focus—on both production and people—mirrors the development pathways of countries that successfully transitioned from low-income to industrial economies. In South Korea, for instance, industrial expansion was matched by aggressive investment in education and skills. The result was not just growth, but transformation.

Africa’s challenge has been the absence of such an alignment.

Dangote’s model, while privately driven, gestures toward that possibility: an ecosystem where energy, manufacturing and human capital evolve together.

Still, there are limits to what just one industrialist can achieve.

No matter how large, private capital cannot substitute for coherent policy, regulatory clarity and institutional strength. Industrialisation at scale requires coordination between state and market, not tension between them. This remains Africa’s unresolved question.

Beyond scale and industry, Aliko Dangote’s journey is anchored in faith—a belief that success is not merely achieved, but granted by God, and that wealth is a trust, not an end. His philanthropy reflects that conviction: that prosperity must serve a higher purpose. History suggests that, by divine providence, such figures appear sparingly—once in a generation—reminding societies that impact, at its highest level, is both economic and spiritual.

Dangote’s career offers both inspiration and caution. It shows that African industrialisation is possible, that scale can be achieved and that global competitiveness is within reach. But it also highlights how much of that progress still depends on singular vision rather than systemic design.

At 69, Dangote stands at a pivotal moment, not just personally, but historically.

He has built assets that did not previously exist. He has challenged economic assumptions that persisted for decades. And he has demonstrated that Africa can do more than export potential; it can manufacture reality. But the deeper test lies ahead.

Whether Africa transforms these isolated successes into a broader industrial awakening will determine whether Dangote’s legacy is remembered as exceptional—or foundational.

In a fragmented global economy, where supply chains are shifting and nations are turning inward, Africa has a unique opportunity to redefine its place.

Africa must now make a deliberate choice. For too long, its development path has been shaped by external prescriptions that prioritise consumption over production, imports over industry and short-term stability over long-term capacity. International institutions often speak the language of efficiency, yet the outcome has too frequently been a continent positioned as a market rather than a manufacturer—a destination for surplus goods rather than a source of value creation. This model has delivered dependency, not resilience. Industrialisation is not optional; it is the foundation of economic sovereignty. Africa cannot outsource its future. It must build it—by refining what it produces, manufacturing what it consumes and resisting the quiet drift towards becoming a permanent dumping ground in the global economy.

At 69, Aliko Dangote stands not at the end of a journey, but on the cusp of a larger question.  His factories, refineries and investments are more than monuments of capital; they are proof that Africa can build, can produce and can compete. But no single individual can carry a continent across the threshold of industrialisation. The deeper test lies beyond him.

Whether Africa chooses to scale this vision or retreat into the familiar comfort of imports will define the decades ahead. Dangote has shown what is possible when ambition meets execution. The question now is whether others—governments, institutions, and investors—will match that courage with corresponding action.

History is rarely shaped by what is imagined. It is shaped by what is built.

Abiodun, a communications specialist, writes from Lagos

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Why Creativity is the New Infrastructure for Challenging the Social Order

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Professor Myriam Sidíbe

By Professor Myriam Sidíbe

Awards season this year was a celebration of Black creativity and cinema. Sinners directed by Ryan Coogler, garnered a historic 16 nominations, ultimately winning four Oscars. This is a film critics said would never land, which narrates an episode of Black history that had previously been diminished and, at some points, erased.

Watching the celebration of this film, following a legacy of storytelling dominated by the global north and leading to protests like #OscarsSoWhite, I felt a shift. A movement, growing louder each day and nowhere more evident than on the African continent. Here, an energetic youth—representing one-quarter of the world’s population—are using creativity to renegotiate their relationship with the rest of the world and challenge the social norms affecting their communities.

The Academy Awards held last month saw African cinema represented in the International Feature Film category by entries including South Africa’s The Heart Is a Muscle, Morocco’s Calle Málaga, Egypt’s Happy Birthday, Senegal’s Demba, and Tunisia’s The Voice of Hind Rajab.

Despite its subject matter, Wanuri Kahiu’s Rafiki, broke the silence and secrecy around LGBTQ love stories. In Kenya, where same sex relationships are illegal and loudly abhorred, Rafiki played to sold-out cinemas in the country’s capital, Nairobi, showing an appetite for home-grown creative content that challenges the status quo.

This was well exemplified at this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos when alcoholic beverages firm, AB InBev convened a group of creative changemakers and unlikely allies from the private sector to explore new ways to collaborate and apply creativity to issues of social justice and the environment.

In South Africa, AB inBev promotes moderation and addresses alcohol-related gender-based violence by partnering with filmmakers to create content depicting positive behaviours around alcohol. This strategy is revolutionising the way brands create social value and serve society.

For brands, the African creative economy represents a significant opportunity. By 2030, 10 per cent of global creative goods are predicted to come from Africa. By 2050, one in four people globally will be African, and one in three of the world’s youth will be from the continent.

Valued at over USD4 trillion globally (with significant growth in Africa), these industries—spanning music, film, fashion, and digital arts—offer vital opportunities for youth, surpassing traditional sectors in youth engagement.

Already, cultural and creative industries employ more 19–29-year-olds than any other sector globally. This collection of allies in Davos understood that “business as usual” is not enough to succeed in Africa; it must be on terms set by young African creatives with societal and economic benefits.

The key question for brands is: how do we work together to harness and support this potential? The answer is simple. Brands need courage to invest in possibilities where others see risk; wisdom to partner with those others overlook; and finally, tenacity – to match an African youth that is not waiting but forging its own path.

As the energy of the creative sector continues to gain momentum, I am left wondering: which brands will be smart enough to get involved in our movement, and who has what it takes to thrive in this new world?

Professor Sidíbe, who lives in Nairobi, is the Chief Mission Officer of Brands on a Mission and Author of Brands on a Mission: How to Achieve Social Impact and Business Growth Through Purpose.

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